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The main objective of this paper is to analyze the relationship between women's football and lesbianism during the 1970s in Spain as well as the invisibility characteristics of this group of women in the context of the invisibility of women's football in this period and in the context of the political transition until 1982. In the repressive context of late Francoism and given the validity until 1978 of laws that expressly persecuted homosexuality, social, cultural, legal, and political pressure had a very important impact on lesbian women who participated in the incipient practice of football in Spain in the 1970s. Some of these players built gay social networks through sports clubs and later started clandestine meetings in bars and private celebrations. The period studied—between 1970 and 1982—coincided with the rebirth of women's football in Spain and the international emergence of this sport. The research has been based on the use of in-depth interview as a method and historiographical technique that has allowed us to obtain the life stories of nine lesbian or heterosexual women football players in different Spanish cities (who in general have lived and live in a private sexual identity) and two coaches linked to women's teams. These sources have been expanded and contrasted from others of a documentary nature (specialized press and bibliography) to reconstruct the context studied and contrast the reliability of the information collected. In conclusion, it has been established that, despite the low visibility of women's football and homosexuality, the legal pressure of the period and the opposition of the public authorities and institutions of the dictatorship, the field of football allowed these women to overcome some of the difficulties in the process of building their identity and discrimination based on sexual orientation. In turn, support networks—especially of teammates—private parties and atmosphere bars, were fundamental to the life experience of young lesbian athletes in the still repressive context of the end of the Franco dictatorship and the first years of the young democratic regime in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carl Schmitt is the most important anti-liberal political theorist of the European interwar period (1918-1939). His theories on the state of exception, dictatorship, and his criticism of parliamentary democracy are very well known. However, what remains unknown to this day is how his ideas had a remarkable influence on the ideologues of the Francoist state between 1939 and 1942. During these years, a debate developed among Francoist jurists about whether Francisco Franco was a "sovereign dictator," that is, a dictator legitimized by popular consent, or rather a new kind of "monarch" that emerged in the context of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). This paper aims to explain how two ideological factions formed in Francoist Spain. The "Decisionist Francoism" of Juan Beneyto Pérez, Francisco Elías de Tejada, and Luis Legaz Lacambra held that Franco emerged as a reaction to the process of "legalization" triggered by liberalism in Spain. The "Weberian Francoism" of Francisco Javier Conde held that Franco was a charismatic and traditional leader whose position emerged in response to the Civil War. I explain how three concepts of Schmitt's anti-iberalism inspired Francoist theorists: political theology, dictatorship, and the rejection of parliamentary democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the international reception of Spanish Informalism during the years of aperturismo, when this artistic trend was chosen to represent the Franco dictatorship at international art exhibitions and biennials. In contrast to the readings that study this phenomenon as a strategy of cultural diplomacy, the aim here is to pay attention to the local contexts where the Informalist avant-garde was exhibited, in order to analyse the ways in which the work of Spanish artists was re-signified when it came into contact with geographically situated curators, critics and audiences who had their own agency. Taking the example of the Federal Republic of Germany as a case study, this article examines a series of exhibitions that arose from private initiative in 1960, basing mostly on periodical and primary sources from the archives of the institutions that hosted the exhibitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The editorial flourishing of graphic narratives in Spain provided memoirs and fictionalisations of the civil war and the dictatorship at the core of the phenomenon. I analyse the transmission of paternal memories in the works of Miguel Ángel Gallardo and Francisco Gallardo (Un largo silencio, 1997) and Antonio Altarriba and Kim (El arte de volar, 2009). While both Gallardo and Altarriba collect and (re)produce their father's memories, I point out their distinct approaches that echo two different zeitgeists of representation. The spirit of the Spanish transition – the so-called 'Pact of Silence' – that prevails in Gallardo's patrilineal account, was revisited throughout a sort of Lacanian père-version in Altarriba's narrative. The latter perverts, in form and substance, the Transition as a patrilineal norm, constituting a transgression from the symbolic status quo, from the silence that actually prevails in both Gallardo's story and the transition itself, although without abandoning the patriarchal lineage and scope. I argue that while that patrilineal account is symbolic, celebratory and literal in Un largo silencio, such patrilineality unfolds as imaginary, inquisitive and literary in Altarriba's narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to outline the ideal that the Franco dictatorship pursued for the case of rural women and analyze its evolution during the almost forty years that the dictatorship lasted. For this purpose, we have analyzed the official curricula of the female agrarian training schools, where the women who were to be 'models' for the peasant women were trained. The press and reports from the Ministry of Agriculture and women's magazines of the time were consulted. We conclude that this specific education sought to turn them into housewives by erasing the traces of their peasant identity and that this process entailed the creation of a space that could be called 'home' and the assignment to them of specific tasks within it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "The Dangerous Abyss of Oblivion" written by Tyler Barbour and published in the Letral Magazine, presents a biographical and narrative essay about the life and poetic work of Gonzalo Martínez Sadoc. The author, José Jurado Morales, professor of Spanish Literature at the University of Cádiz, explores the political events of Spain in the last century, from the reign of Alfonso XIII to democracy, and reflects on the Democratic Memory of Spain. The essay highlights the importance of the republican memory and the reprisals of Francoism, and uses a wide variety of historical documents and Spanish poetry to illustrate the tragedies of exile and the struggle for justice and equality. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines how poetry subverted Francoist control over the written word in National-Catholic Spain. Despite the policing of culture by the regime's censors, poets were able to use their works to express their nonconformity with the social and political situation. Spanish poets working under the regime resorted to subtle techniques in order to articulate their dissent. This article explores the political possibilities of one such technique: parody. It evaluates the limitations of parodic discourse as a form of political critique and offers an appraisal of the value of this literary form in the specific context of Francoist Spain. Offering a close reading of a work of parodic poetry by Ángel González, the article analyses how parody is used to appropriate and subvert Francoist National-Catholic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Civil War and the postwar period were key events that marked the existence of millions of people. In this article, we collect the life experience of two of them, as an example of what those millions experienced. The Buitrago, Victoriano and Amor, were two CNT militants who fought for their ideals and who, with the defeat of 1939, wanted to be erased. The objective is the reconstruction and analysis of two life stories crossed by the civil war and Franco’s detention centers as a sample of the succession of events experienced by thousands of people who fought in the Republican rearguard in those years.

This study explores the multifaceted roles of women during the Spanish Civil War, examining the diverse perspectives delineated in academic literature. Leveraging scholarly articles sourced from Web of Science and Scopus spanning from 2013 to 2022, we analyse temporal trends, author demographics, scholarly impact, journal prominence, and thematic content. Our investigation culminates in the classification of contributions into six overarching themes: humanitarian aid and healthcare, biographical narratives, communication dynamics, experiences of exile and refugee communities, women’s mobilisation and ideological engagement, and the harrowing realities of repression and violence inflicted upon women. Furthermore, our findings reveal that research predominantly originates from Spain and is disseminated through Spanish-language journals. However, there exists a notable interconnection with the United States, evidenced by the participation of prominent North American authors and publication in non-Spanish journals. This research offers insights into the multifaceted roles of women during the Spanish Civil War and their academic representation.

Unlike in neighbouring countries, Spanish radio stations were subject to a severe censorship regime for most of the twentieth century. After the end of the civil war (1939), General Franco's regime issued regulations to control the press and radio. In the case of newspapers, the Press Act (1966) eased this surveillance, but such relief did not apply to radio broadcasting. However, in the second half of Franco's dictatorship, some local stations and, especially, a nation-wide radio station (Cadena SER) tried to bypass restrictions set by the authorities. This article covers different initiatives, paying special attention to those developed by Cadena SER, which played a decisive role in liberalising information. To this end, journalists who played a key role in this transition were interviewed. As a result of this research, it has been observed that, despite the threats, disobedience was a constant from the 1960s onwards. Such disobedience was not always aimed at fighting the regime during this time of social change, but also responded to the broadcasters' commercial strategies. It has also been found that certain authorities facilitated these activities through their personal influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article's objective is to analyse the birth and development of the People with Physical Disabilities Movement in late Francoist Spain and the democratic transition. To that end, this work is based on qualitative research, based on 12 in-depth interviews, carried out with people with innate or acquired physical disabilities, from different regions of Spain, and born between 1938 and 1960. The participants selected for this work have been especially involved in the People with Physical Disabilities Movement in Spain since the sixties and seventies until today, from a total of 26 informants sources. These testimonies, always used anonymously, will be completed with reference works on the issues discussed, as well as other primary sources. This article analyses the birth of the Movement of People with Physical Disabilities in Spain during the late Francoism and the transition to democracy, from the 1960s to the early 1980s. This article delves into the life stories of 26 individuals with physical disabilities born between 1938 and 1960. Together with other social movements, people with physical disabilities were able to coordinate themselves in the late Francoism in order to create a new social movement to improve their living conditions. By giving voice to its protagonists and their experiences, the research seeks to understand more profoundly the basis and the -development of the Movement of People with Physical Disabilities in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of the history of education from a gender perspective in rural environments is a new line of research. The aim of this study is to analyse the role of the family context and educational policies in the continuity and transformation of female education in rural areas during Franco's Spain. Information was collected through 29 interviews with women between the ages of 45 and 95. The results obtained reveal that both elements played a fundamental role: in the first stage of Franco's dictatorship (1939-1959), female education was conditioned by (i) the lack of family awareness which resulted in high rates of female absenteeism, (ii) the patriarchal system and educational policies linked to National-Catholicism which promoted a new model of femineity linked to the home. It was from the 1960s onwards that the first generation of rural female students was born. They finished primary school and went on to Secondary Education thanks to school homes, challenge baccalaureate exams, technical colleges for women, and, above all, the influence of their families, especially their mothers, who encouraged them to study and to leave behind old female role models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the fall of 1965, Carmen Laforet made a three-month trip to the United States at the invitation of the U.S. government. Her impressions of the country were portrayed in Paralelo 35, which was intended to be an "objective account of adventures and encounters." Despite the claim of objectivity, these travel chronicles do not hide the writer's admiration for the freedoms and rights enjoyed by American society, thus contrasting with Spain under Franco, the frame of reference from and for which Laforet writes. This essay identifies several rhetorical tools that allow us to read in Paralelo 35 the author's emerging critical perspective through the tension between the portrait of the United States as an example of progress and democracy versus the lack of freedom in Spain. Connecting with scholars who recognize in Laforet's work elements of dissidence with Francoism, I propose that Paralelo 35 reflects the search for narrative formulas that would allow to convey a critical message while securing publication in an editorial world strictly controlled by censorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Tropelías: Revista de Teoría de la Literatura y Literatura Comparada is the property of Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Mass tourism in Spain became one of the most prosperous economic sectors in the mid-twentieth century, collaborating in the process of convergence with Europe, using the seductive power of the media, especially the cinema. A quantitative and (to a lesser extent) qualitative analysis methodology was followed. After reviewing the academic literature, the records of the National Film Library were consulted, selecting 87 films of tourist content and of national production, during the period of operation of the Ministry of Information and Tourism (1951-1977). The results have made it possible to identify the tourist segments, the cinematographic genres, the type of tourists, national or foreign, as well as the heritage elements and the services present in the tourist product of the time, visualizing the scenarios where the plots of the films are developed. The cinematography allows showing the elements that constitute the economic tourism model of Franco’s Spain, focused on towns on the Mediterranean coast, especially on the Costa del Sol. The research translates the antecedents of tourism marketing, using cinema as a means of communication that recognizes the economic transformation of Spanish society and the new image of Spain to be projected abroad.

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Among the autobiographies of Spanish-language publishers, Carlos Barral’s project undoubtedly stands out, consisting of three volumes plus an autofiction, which he published between 1975 and 1988, precisely when his power as a publisher had expired. The set of these four texts is not only essential for understanding the socio-literary strategies of an entire period of Spanish, European and Latin American literature. In addition, it builds a complex and exceptional image of the publisher over time, in which can be detected the decision-making process, the importance of symbolic and economic capital, and the effect of the different literary and political struggles. In short, the repertoire of successes and failures, of alliances and enmities, of criticisms and self-criticisms that distinguish the position of the editor from that of other literary activity agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Spanish Civil War, around 15,000 women were deployed as nurses or auxiliaries in the military health service of the Francoist army. Many of them worked behind the firing lines and came close to the combat and destruction. When the war drew to an end, these frontline nurses were demobilized and sent home to hearth and family. For some of them, returning home was a relief; for others, it meant the end to a professional career and meaningful vocation outside family control. Some of them used the tumultuous 'post-war' months to raise their voices, demanding the same treatment as male veterans. They wanted the same privileges these men enjoyed, such as free university access or ex-combatant status. Rallying together in support of such interests, they transcended several social borders, like Francoist ideas of complementary gender roles, concepts of nurses being acquiescent angels at sickbeds, and values of unconditional subordination and obedience. By pushing marriage into the future, they further violated Francoist expectations of a woman's 'proper' biographical trajectory. In all these endeavours to gain a place at the table of Francoist Spain, they found support from their male colleagues and superiors. Drawing from sources of the Francoist military health service, this paper argues that their petitions echoed the elitist and gendered views concerning the making of the victor's society. These perspectives reflected the intricate integration processes within the heterogeneous support base from which the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco drew his legitimacy and backing both during and after the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among a number of jurists and military officers, Julián Marías joined thirty-nine senators designated by the King to participate in the formulation of the 1978 Constitution. In his public interventions, collected in La España real, Marías makes the case for the monarchy: the King was to produce the nation he represented and resolve political fragmentation as the head of that nation. At stake was a particular understanding of national representation subservient to neo-liberal modernization, foreshadowing the aesthetic-representational character of the political to secure legitimacy through symbolism and charismatic mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Volver and Live Flesh present the contradictions inherent in celebrating assertive motherhood through the 'costumbrista' tradition that Almodóvar has adapted and adopted throughout his career. Nostalgic yearning for a 'return' to the mother(land) is filtered in these films through a view of women projected through casting, costume, as well as the segregation of cinematic space. This results in a projection of exteriors as the masculine domain and assigning women largely to interiors, as in melodrama. Howe [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Scripta is the property of Scripta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research deals with the editorial positioning of 15 Spanish and Portuguese newspapers and magazines on Marcelo Caetano's official visit to Spain in 1970. The editorials and opinion articles are analysed using a quantitative, qualitative and comparative methodology. We identify different ideological orientations. The paper concludes that the official newspapers and some moderate ones were triumphalist in the opinions expressed; few opinions distanced themselves from the official political slogans; and the opposition press oscillated between keeping silent and expressing reservations about both regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aimed to analyse the social representations of the Spanish Civil War and the dictatorship among young people from different autonomous communities in Spain. A free-association exercise elicited by the words 'Civil War' and 'Francoism' was completed by 477 university students of the Basque Country, Catalonia, Galicia and Madrid. Participants were also asked about their national identity and ideological orientation. Lexical analysis was used to analyse their responses, and the results revealed that there is no shared narrative among participants. The results show that most of the discourses constructed for these times go hand in hand with the discourses of the current political parties in Spain, which seek to satisfy the basic needs of the groups and justify their decisions and goals. However, the intergenerational voice also appears in the results showing alternatives to the political and hegemonic narratives of the state. This has significant implications for future research and memory policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to contribute to research on the international relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and Spain after World War II, when the Franco dictatorship experienced a process of rehabilitation. In order to gain a better understanding of this phenomenon, we need to complement existing studies on the history of diplomatic relations with approaches to the sphere of cultural imaginaries. This article, intended as a particular case study, analyzes the resignification of Francoism in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) via the heritage and tourist narratives associated with one historical figure shared by both nations: Charles V. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper focuses on something not previously addressed by the literature, labour inspection in Spain in the first decades of the Franco dictatorship. Despite the Franco dictatorship's fascist-style approach of regulatory interventionism, this research shows a relapse into an abstentionist conception of labour inspection that led to worker vulnerability. The study has not only found, as was already known, normative similarities with the contemporaneous Italian and German dictatorships, but also similar (although more severe) limitations to the functioning of the inspection service. The slight improvement registered from 1947 onwards and the effort to achieve a limited equivalence with Western democracies also failed to notably improve working conditions, occupational safety and worker protection. The Labour Inspectorate suffered from understaffing and a lack of resources up to the very end of the dictatorship, something which the incipient democracy then inherited. These human and material resource shortages continue to be a problem and are currently debated in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

General Franco's dictatorship maintained a relationship with the genocidal process promoted by Nazi Germany during the Second World War (1939-1945) that has been the object of political and historiographical discussion. While Franco's detractors denounced his open complicity with the Holocaust pursuant his anti-Semitic impulses, his supporters praised the assistance he provided on humanitarian grounds to the Jewish population persecuted during the Holocaust. Accurate and diachronic analysis of Franco's own ideas and of his regime's conduct during the six-year conflict presents a more complex image that precludes unequivocal subscription to one or other of these positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Salvador de Madariaga stands as a prominent representative of Spanish liberalism in the past century, excelling in intellectual, diplomatic, and political spheres. Despite his international recognition, his relative lack of recognition in Spain is attributed to his opposition to Franco's regime, his limited academic presence, and the complexity of classifying his multilingual contributions. Madariaga, characterized as a "Quixote in politics," played roles as an anti-Franco activist, a Europeanist, and an Atlanticist, embodying a utopian Spain. This analysis focuses on recent historiographical interpreta- tions, shedding light on Madariaga's evolution during the Transition, the concept of "liberal" in Spain, highlighting substantial contributions, and pointing out pending questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets out to decipher some of the keys to the relationship between citizens and the new Francoist state in a territory of apparent unconditional adherence, like it was Valladolid. Following the German Alltagsgeschichte, hunger, the high cost of living and the political situation, influenced people's search for their own space outside the official discourse. The effective repression and the network of social support existing in a territory considered "afecto", did not invalidate the existence of a wide range of nuances in the attitudes of the so-called "ordinary people". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article studies the life story of Aurora Nieto Funcia, a woman who joined Opus Dei in 1945, in early years of Franco’s dictatorship in Spain. Her existence is interesting for three reasons, all of them related to the historical context in which she lived. The first is her personal and family situation: she studied to be a teacher and had to work to support her family financially, she managed a farm in Zamora and taught in an institution. Secondly, because she was a Catholic woman, very common in her time, and at the same time closely linked to Catholic Action, where she held positions of responsibility, who discovered and became convinced of the message transmitted to her by José María Escrivá, founder of Opus Dei. And the third, is the way in which Nieto Funcia understood what Opus Dei was and how she discovered that she too was called to this way.

Objective/Context: This paper aims to analyze the vast, varied and lasting presence of the little-known revolutionary rhetoric exploited by Francisco Franco throughout the dictatorship in Spain. To this end, this rhetoric is connected with the different contexts in which it was used and with the terminology employed in those same years by thinkers or politicians linked above all to the Falange. Methodology: As this article is interested in the public discourse of Franco's regime, it has examined in detail and qualitatively the content of Franco's public speeches. For this purpose, we have resorted to the official compilations made under Franco's regime and, because of their selective and incomplete nature, also to newspaper sources. Thus, more than a history of intellectual or political ideas, this work is linked to their public and pragmatic dimension and delves into the complex practical functioning of ideologies. Originality: With few exceptions, Franco's rhetoric has not been studied in detail, and even less in the revolutionary rhetoric. The originality of this study lies in the fact that it is the first specific and analytical approach, although not quantitative, to Franco's revolutionary rhetoric. For example, it explains its unknown survival until the 1960s and even the 1970s, so that it outlived the so-called defalangization of Francoism. Conclusions: Franco's revolutionary rhetoric was characterized by great flexibility and imprecision. It underwent many changes over the years and coexisted with other central discursive frameworks, such as the Cruzada's. It was a crucial factor in the discursive legitimization of Francoism, especially in its initial years. Compared to the Cruzada, with which it complemented, it stood out for its elasticity and pretended transversality. In addition, it was connected with a legitimacy of exercise, not of origin, which was, in fact, more easily connected with the present and the future.

The following interviews were conducted during the field work of my doctoral thesis, funded by the University of Reading. Interviews were conducted face to face in the summer of 2019 in Bizkaia. Both interviewees were over 90 years old when interviewed and lived through the state repression suffered under Franco's regime following their childhood exile. The fear that they endured remained latent. These excerpts are parts of interviews relating to their personal experience of childhood exile in the context of the Spanish Civil War. When the war intensified on the northern front with the bombing of the civilian population (specifically the bombings of Otxandio in July 1936 and Gernika in April 1937), the Basque Government of the Second Spanish Republic organized the so-called 'expediciones infantiles' ('childhood expeditions') for the evacuation of children. These first-person testimonies show how these children lived their experience of exile as refugees and their subsequent integration into Franco's Spain, a hostile space for them, as the evacuated children were considered traitors, 'los hijos de los rojos' ('the children of Reds'). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the themes, techniques, and aesthetics of some of the student films that the Spanish filmmaker Cecilia Bartolomé made at the Escuela Oficial de Cinematografía (Official Film School, EOC) during the 1960s, framing them within the cinematographic currents and the cultural expressions of feminism in the national and international sphere of the time. Through historical analysis, archival research, and interviews, the above-mentioned aspects will be related to the filmmaker's vicissitudes with censorship, examining how they marked her formative years and the beginning of her professional career until the mid-1970s, when the feature film project intended to launch her professionally was curtailed. Ultimately, I seek to explore the way in which Bartolomé experimented with narrative techniques and cinematographic language while articulating a feminist film discourse that incurred the censors' wrath, making it impossible for her to work until the coming of democracy in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Papeles del CEIC is the property of Centro de Estudios sobra la Identidad Colectiva, Facultas de Ciencias Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)