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Numerous studies suggest a relationship between women's political representation and improved environmental outcomes. Yet, the contexts in which this holds and the mechanisms through which it comes to be remain understudied. This study proposes that women's impact on political commitments to environmentalism and policy outcomes are moderated by states' corruption levels. Although women tend to be more environmental, left-leaning, and risk-averse than men, environments of high-corruption restrain, tokenize, and marginalize women representatives, thereby limiting the impact they may have on environmental governance. Time-series cross-sectional analyses of 58 democracies across 15 years show women's representation is correlated with better environmental outputs and outcomes, but only when corruption levels are low. These findings help broaden our understanding of the relationship between representation and environmental politics and suggest that the interaction of both integrity and inclusivity in governments holds a key to fighting climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties around the world have made widely publicized efforts to improve women's representation in elected office. While many have investigated these efforts by focusing on gender dynamics during candidate recruitment and selection, party support for women after they are nominated remains somewhat under-analysed. We begin addressing this gap by asking if central party bodies provide women candidates with additional financial support during general election campaigns. Our study leverages population data capturing intraparty financial transfers within three major parties during the 2008 and 2011 Canadian federal elections (n =1845). The results demonstrate that parties, regardless of ideology, can and do support women candidates with additional campaign funds. However, support from the centre is not always consistent across time or competitive contexts. We conclude that if political parties are sincere in wanting to reduce representational inequities, then consistently providing women candidates with additional financial support is another way of doing so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Speechmaking is a vital resource for legislators and holds particular importance for women lawmakers, who frequently constitute a numerical minority and face constraints on their political influence. We argue that formal and informal institutions, district characteristics, and issue priorities shape women's speech participation. Analyzing twenty-eight years of speeches from Chile's Chamber of Deputies, we first show that women's speeches constitute a small share of all speeches, directly corresponding to their numeric representation. Proportionally, however, women are over/under-represented in speechmaking across different policy areas. After controlling for various factors correlating with gender, including committee assignments, tenure, and district characteristics, women's relative participation is similar to men's in most topics but exceeds men's in areas that disproportionately affect women's lives, reflecting their commitment to substantive representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While a growing body of work suggests that women representatives are less likely to be involved in corruption scandals, we know less about if changes in representation patterns also have implications for citizens' first-hand experiences with corruption in public service delivery. This study suggests that women elected representatives reduce street level bribery, in particular when the share of women increases in contexts where relatively few women are elected or when the absolute increase in women's representation is relatively large. Using newly collected data on the share of women in 128 regional level parliaments in 10 European countries and four rounds of the European Quality of Government Index (EQI) survey (2010–2021), our two-way fixed effects models show that on average, the proportion of women in regional parliaments is strongly associated with citizens' self-reported experiences of bribery across all countries and years. Furthermore, our difference-in-difference design shows that the level of bribery in public service provision dropped more sharply in regions that experienced a greater absolute or greater marginal increase in women's representation. Our results may be understood in light of women candidates placing priority on well-functioning and low corrupt public service provision and the important signals of inclusiveness, non-discrimination and decreased tolerance towards corruption that women's representation conveys to civil servants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the origins of women's social movements in the transit Armenian NGO network, which are closely linked to the emergence of modernity, where capitalism, statebuilding, urbanization and other factors created conditions for collective action. The results of women's civic initiatives are divided into direct results, such as changes in public policy, and indirect results, such as shifts in public opinion. The article draws attention to the fact that women's movements in Armenia are distinguished by the fact that they are future-oriented, ideologically driven and more inclusive than other civic initiatives. These new movements are often devoid of hierarchical structures, advocate for horizontal cooperation and are often marginalized by the media and public opinion. In this sense, the aim of this article is to analyze the resilience of women's movements in Armenia using the theory of civil society and political transformation of post-Soviet countries, focusing on the quality of political institutions and regimes, mobilizing social networks and protest cycles. The theoretical and practical position of this article reveals the peculiarities of the development and effective political adaptation of the women's community in the context of European integration of Armenian society. The main provisions of this article contribute to further research into the problems of women's political adaptation in a transitional economy, identifying the main directions for establishing gender equality as one of the priorities of public policy, as well as strengthening the political activism of women in Armenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do recent increases in women's representation around the world have implications for international relations? We argue that greater representation of women in legislatures increases the likelihood of human rights treaty ratification for two reasons. First, given their shared gendered experiences of exclusion and discrimination, women legislators will advocate on behalf of marginalized groups on an international scale as transnational surrogate representatives. Second, women legislators may be more inclined to prioritize the ratification of human rights treaties because these treaties align with their domestic policy preferences, which aim to support marginalized groups. We contend that, in countries where ratification depends upon legislative approval, legislatures are more likely to ratify human rights treaties as women's presence increases. Using an original dataset of 201 multilateral treaties, we find that countries become more likely to ratify human rights treaties as levels of women's legislative representation increase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although a large literature investigates cross-national differences in party mobilization, little is known about cross-national gender differences in electoral campaign contacts. Using the Comparative Study of Electoral System Module 4, which includes data from 2011 to 2016 and 32 countries, I find gendered patterns in reported contacts across different activities performed by campaigns. I test two potential explanation for these variations: electoral systems and women's political participation. First, I find that women's likelihood of reported contacts increases to a greater extent than men's when electoral systems provide incentives for campaigns to increase their contact rates, decreasing and even reversing gender gaps. Second, I find limited support regarding the impact of the percentage of women in legislatures on gender differences in reported electoral campaign contacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to develop a legal framework that enhances the regulation of women's representation in politics and elections in Indonesia, employing a normative-dogmatic juridical method. The study assesses relevant legal principles and regulations, including the 1945 Constitution and the Election Law, through both statutory and conceptual approaches. The findings indicate that certain provisions, particularly Article 8, paragraph (2) of PKPU Number 10 of 2023, may diminish women's representation below the established minimum threshold, which contradicts constitutional mandates and superior legal frameworks. These results underscore the critical need for reforming electoral regulations to align with principles of gender equality and justice. The theoretical implications of this research contribute to a deeper understanding of how legal structures impact women's political participation, while the practical implications highlight the urgent necessity for revising electoral policies to effectively enhance women's representation. Furthermore, this study paves the way for future research to comparatively analyze the effectiveness of different electoral regulation models in promoting women's representation across diverse political contexts.

The issue of women in politics becomes important as Indonesia begins to reform political institutions or political processes due of democracy. The purpose of this study is to find out women’s representation in Banyumas Regency, Central Java, in relation to cultural and Islamic values. Islam and Penginyongan cultural values promote traditional gender roles, which may limit women’s participation in politics. However, these values also promote social harmony, community participation, and religious morality, which may encourage women’s participation. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s political system includes a quota system for women’s political representation to increase the number of women in parliament. Data in this research comes from the number of women represented in political positions and their role in representing women’s interests, the meaning of Islamic values and Banyumas’ Penginyongan cultural values. Methods of data collection use interviews, observation, and documents. Using sociological approach, this study concludes that according to David Easton’s theory of systems, the influence of Islam and Penginyongan cultural values on women’s political representation in Banyumas is complex and shaped by a range of factors that interact with each other. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for developing strategies to promote gender equality and women’s political empowerment in the region.

Gender equality in decision-making positions is crucial to achieving the goals of good governance, peace, democracy, and inclusive/sustainable development. The major aim of this research article is to investigate the representation trend of women in higher decision-making positions over the last thirty years, since 1991. The federal three organs of government (law formulating, law enforcing, and law interpreting bodies) were the focus of this research. This research is a mixed type of research that inculcates both qualitative and quantitative data types. Secondary data sources from relevant government institutions were mostly used. The data was analyzed through content analysis of documents and presented via descriptive data presenting techniques. The research findings reveal that although women’s representation in positions of decision-making has advanced considerably in recent years, the empirical data throughout the previous thirty years demonstrated the underrepresentation of women in higher leadership positions within the Ethiopian federal government. Furthermore, Women never held certain higher-level government leadership positions, such as the Prime Minister position, which seems to be forbidden for women. Women made up 23%, 19%, 19%, and 24% of the House of Peoples Representatives (HPR), the House of Federation (HoF), ministerial posts, and judicial bodies, respectively over the last three decades. Women are visibly underrepresented in the executive positions as compared to others. Thus, substantial policy and practical initiatives are needed to remove institutional, social, and economic barriers to boost women’s advanced visibility in senior leadership roles.

While women are gaining ground in national parliaments worldwide, the number of female representatives varies greatly between political parties. Since parties themselves can reflect gender biases, they play a key role in shaping women’s representation. Building on the existing literature, this research note examines the interplay between electoral systems, national institutions, and party characteristics to understand these disparities. By analysing data from over 200 parties across 42 legislatures in 24 countries, our results shed light on factors influencing female representation in parliamentary parties and offer valuable insights for promoting gender parity in parliaments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Objectives: Teen birth rates remain a pressing public health issue in the United States, with significant long-term health risks for both mothers and children. Previous research has primarily focused on the impact of women in elected office on reproductive health outcomes, but less is known about the influence of women candidates. This study explores the relationship between the number of women candidates in county-level elections and county-level teen birth rates, highlighting the role of women candidates as visible role models and agents of potential policy change. Methods: We utilized a dataset covering county-level elections from 2010 to 2020, along with teen birth rate data from the CDC. We employed a multilevel model to analyze the relationship between the cumulative number of women candidates and teen birth rates, controlling for socioeconomic and health-related factors, such as insurance coverage and social vulnerability. Results: The findings indicate that as the number of women candidates increased, the estimated county-level teen birth rate declined. This effect was observed across different election years, with more substantial impacts in midterm and presidential elections. The analysis also confirmed that socioeconomic conditions, such as a lack of health insurance, contribute to higher teen birth rates. Conclusions: Women candidates, even when not elected, serve as important role models and influence reproductive health outcomes in their communities. Increasing the number of women candidates at the local level may be an effective strategy for reducing teen birth rates and improving public health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate gender disparities in politics through an exploration of the Italian political Twitterverse. Using network analysis and structural topic models on a novel dataset of Italian politicians' tweets (January 2020 - February 2022), we find that women are as well-connected to their political peers and as active as their male colleagues, and tweet on a wide range of topics emphasizing the sub-issues they care the most. These findings indicate that, as for women's positioning within the politicians' network, their activism and issue attention, Twitter seems to be a more favorable environment than more conventional arenas, where numeric under-representation, appointment to marginal positions, and gender gaps in issue attention are still detectable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite decades of research on women's representation, we still know surprisingly little about the extent to which public policy responds unequally to the preferences of women and men. This article exploits two comparable data sets, one for the United States and one for Norway, together containing measures of gender-disaggregated public opinion, as well as public policy outcomes, on 2,650 specific proposals asked about in survey polls between 1964 and 2014. The data reveal a substantial gap in policy responsiveness to men and women (in favor of men) in both countries. However, in Norway, the gender gap has virtually disappeared over time, a development that appears to be attributable to the increasing share of women in parliament. In the United States, the gap has remained remarkably stable over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are candidates from underrepresented demographics in politics held to a higher standard in candidate selection processes? We explore whether women, youths, and immigrants are required to demonstrate a greater commitment to the party line to be deemed suitable for office. Our focus is specifically on loyalty to the party line, a key selection criterion in most political systems. We analyze data from an original conjoint experiment involving 1,300 party selectors from six major political parties in Sweden, along with validated roll-call voting records and renomination data for all Swedish MPs elected between 2002 and 2022. Our findings suggest that Swedish party selectors do not demand greater loyalty from candidates belonging to political outgroups. On the contrary, equally loyal outgroup candidates are at least as appealing to party selectors as their ingroup counterparts, if not more so. This result contributes to debates on political representation and party politics and may also be of interest to practitioners focused on minority empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study discusses the Role of Women in Efforts to Increase Women's Representation in the City Council of Banjarmasin for the Period 2019-2024. The low participation of women in politics in Banjarmasin, especially their representation in the City Council, remains low. The aim of this research is to identify the roles of female council members in promoting women's representation in the City Council of Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan Province. The research design employed in this study is qualitative research method with data collection techniques through interviews and documentation. The collected data were processed using an inductive approach and analyzed through steps including data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. This study utilized the Role Theory by Biddle and Thomas as proposed by Sarwono (2015). The research findings from the four dimensions have been successfully implemented. There are supporting factors, such as internal factors like the lack of qualifications and quality among women, minimal support among women themselves, and a public preference leaning more towards men, which pose significant obstacles. External factors such as policies for empowering women, support from civil society organizations, the role of mass media, and societal awareness also play crucial roles. Efforts made include direct actions like empowering women, political education, and quotas or affirmative policies, which are seen as crucial steps to enhance women's representation in the Banjarmasin City DPRD (Regional People's Representative Council). Additionally, indirect efforts such as education and increasing gender awareness are considered important, focusing on changing societal views regarding women's roles in politics and government policy support. These measures aim to improve women's representation in the Banjarmasin City DPRD by altering societal perceptions of women's roles in politics and gaining government policy support. All of these are integral to creating an inclusive and equitable environment for political participation for all citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly investigations have greatly advanced our understanding of gender stereotypes as they pertain to leadership roles. However, an examination of citizens' evaluations of the personal and political characteristics of ministers using an experimental design is still lacking. In this article, we aim to determine whether individuals exhibit discrimination against women occupying the position of finance minister (FM), which presents an opportunity to assess the impact of stereotypes within one of the most 'masculine' cabinet portfolios. We implement a conjoint analysis in Spain to isolate the influence of appointees' attributes on their selection. The results suggest that women are preferred for this post. In contrast to established knowledge derived from legislative studies, being single benefits female ministers more than it does their male counterparts in obtaining the position of FM, as agentic attributes can hold more value in these positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While previous studies have examined the factors contributing to the appointment of women in government cabinets, few have investigated the role of political leaders in promoting women's cabinet representation. Drawing on political socialization theory, we argue that political leaders from economically disadvantaged backgrounds are more inclined to appoint female members to ministerial positions than their wealthier counterparts. This propensity stems from leaders' personal experiences of economic hardship, which foster their interest in improving political equality among social groups and reducing gender disparities by appointing more female ministers. Analyzing an original dataset encompassing leaders' family backgrounds across 155 countries between 1966 and 2015, we find that leaders who have experienced economic hardship significantly increase the proportion of female ministers in executive cabinets. This finding holds across various model specifications and effectively addresses endogeneity concerns. Our research highlights the crucial role of political leaders in shaping gender politics based on their economic backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional Ecological Knowledge has historically been appropriated by White settler societies across the globe. It has an important role to play in environmental decision-making, particularly in climate policy. Due to past colonization and continued neo-colonial pressures, Indigenous women's Traditional Ecological Knowledge has an even less prominent position in environmental policies. Traditional Ecological Knowledge can help build local expertise, formulate research questions, and provide insights into community adaptation and monitoring. We explore the case of Canadian environmental policy, arguing that although Canadian rhetoric seems to consider Traditional Ecological Knowledge, both women's and otherwise, it rarely does so. When included, it is only done in a superficial manner within legal requirements. We suggest that the lack of attention paid to Indigenous women's Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Canadian environmental decision-making (1) ignores the disproportionate impacts that Indigenous women experience because of climate change, (2) perpetuates gender blindness, and (3) does not recognize the key insights that women's Traditional Ecological Knowledge can offer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study applies a discourse analysis framework to explore the portrayal of women in Maysloon Hadi's novel (The Black Eyes) (2011), using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Norman Fairclough's tri-dimensional model (1989) as the analytical foundation. It investigates the roles and challenges women face in the novel. While there is growing interest in the portrayal of women in literature, Iraqi literature--especially from the perspective of Iraqi women writers remains underexplored. Hadi's *The Black Eyes* provides a unique case to examine this intersection. Despite the novel's rich narrative, which offers insight into Iraqi women's lives, there is a lack of comprehensive CDA to understand how its language constructs and communicates the multifaceted roles, challenges, and images of women. The research fills this gap by analyzing specific passages from the novel using Fairclough's model. The findings reveal a nuanced portrayal of women and underscore the value of CDA in analyzing such works. Further research is recommended to apply CDA to other Iraqi literary texts for broader insights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party politics is an affective economy in which the generation and accumulation of positive sentiments achieve electoral success. In Dehradun, North India, party workers undertake activities to build and maintain affective relationships with voters, and to generate political momentum at election time. Both party symbol and labor are required for electoral success, yet the relationship between them is unequal. Examining party politics as a system of production (of affects) and relationships (between labor and sign) reveals the exploitation of party workers through the appropriation of their labor, and the denial of the means to achieve political ambitions independently. These processes are gendered. Women provide much of the political labor on which parties rely, yet are less likely to receive political opportunity in return. The problem of women's political underrepresentation is hence not on account of their exclusion from party politics, but due to their adverse incorporation into an affective economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates legislators' willingness to talk about gender and women during policy making discussions, asking whether it is conditional on their sex or partisanship in environments where party discipline does not constrain their speech. The Canadian Senate offers a case of a legislature with low or absent party discipline. A quantitative content analysis of nearly 1,000 Senate committee meetings confirms that sex is a primary indicator of legislators' inclination to talk about gender and women. Moreover, women senators who sit on committees with a critical mass of women members (30% or greater) are more likely to talk about gender and women, making the case for the importance of women's descriptive representation. Partisanship and independence had no significant effect on senators' propensity to discuss women. The findings suggest that partisanship does not constrain legislators' representation of women in environments with low party discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2021 Scottish Parliament election delivered the most diverse range of MSPs in Holyrood's history, including a record number of women. We situate the 2021 election within its wider context, evaluating dynamics of party feminisation over time. Drawing on original candidate data and analysis of party manifestos across the main Scottish parties, we assess parties' substantive appeals to women voters; the integration of different groups of women as candidates, MSPs and leaders; and the adoption and implementation of gender quotas. We find evidence of descriptive and substantive party feminisation in Scotland over time—including increases in both the amount and diversity of party manifesto pledges directed at women voters; improvements in the number and diversity of women selected and elected; and the increasing diffusion of, and inter-party competition over, gender quota measures. Yet we also find that progress has been uneven across parties and that some groups of women continue to be descriptively and substantively under-represented in Scottish politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Election supervisors are part of the election organizers in Indonesia, regulated by Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning general elections. The regulation on women's representation in the Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu) is contained in Article 92, paragraph 11, as much as 30% of women's representation. This research uses a qualitative approach using archival studies on various elections and affirmative regulations. The findings in this study are the results of women's quotas spread across 514 regencies/cities. Male representatives numbered 1633 (85%) and women 274 (14%) out of 1907 commissioner seats contested. This study opens further discussion for the Indonesian government to amend the election law regarding women's representation in Bawaslu, as a regulatory sanction is required if the quota is not fulfilled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the origins of women’s social movements in the transit Armenian NGO network, which are closely linked to the emergence of modernity, where capitalism, state-building, urbanization and other factors created conditions for collective action. The results of women's civic initiatives are divided into direct results, such as changes in public policy, and indirect results, such as shifts in public opinion. The article draws attention to the fact that women's movements in Armenia are distinguished by the fact that they are future-oriented, ideologically driven and more inclusive than other civic initiatives. These new movements are often devoid of hierarchical structures, advocate for horizontal cooperation and are often marginalized by the media and public opinion. In this sense, the aim of this article is to analyze the resilience of women's movements in Armenia using the theory of civil society and political transformation of post-Soviet countries, focusing on the quality of political institutions and regimes, mobilizing social networks and protest cycles. The theoretical and practical position of this article reveals the peculiarities of the development and effective political adaptation of the women's community in the context of European integration of Armenian society. The main provisions of this article contribute to further research into the problems of women’s political adaptation in a transitional economy, identifying the main directions for establishing gender equality as one of the priorities of public policy, as well as strengthening the political activism of women in Armenia.

Gender equality in decision-making positions is crucial to achieving the goals of good governance, peace, democracy, and inclusive/sustainable development. The major aim of this research article is to investigate the representation trend of women in higher decision-making positions over the last thirty years, since 1991. The federal three organs of government (law formulating, law enforcing, and law interpreting bodies) were the focus of this research. This research is a mixed type of research that inculcates both qualitative and quantitative data types. Secondary data sources from relevant government institutions were mostly used. The data was analyzed through content analysis of documents and presented via descriptive data presenting techniques. The research findings reveal that although women’s representation in positions of decision-making has advanced considerably in recent years, the empirical data throughout the previous thirty years demonstrated the underrepresentation of women in higher leadership positions within the Ethiopian federal government. Furthermore, Women never held certain higher-level government leadership positions, such as the Prime Minister position, which seems to be forbidden for women. Women made up 23%, 19%, 19%, and 24% of the House of Peoples Representatives (HPR), the House of Federation (HoF), ministerial posts, and judicial bodies, respectively over the last three decades. Women are visibly underrepresented in the executive positions as compared to others. Thus, substantial policy and practical initiatives are needed to remove institutional, social, and economic barriers to boost women’s advanced visibility in senior leadership roles.

In contemporary American cinema, the representation of women remains disproportionately limited despite significant social movements advocating for diversity and equality. This study examines the depiction of women in top-grossing films of 2018, contrasting those directed by men with those directed by women, to understand the influence of gender dynamics on cinematic portrayal. Analyzing the top five highest-grossing live-action movies directed by each gender, this research utilizes critical mass and critical actor theories to evaluate the impact of female filmmakers on the representation of women both on and off-screen. Findings reveal that films directed by women feature higher percentages of female characters and crew members in key roles, yet face substantial budgetary and box office disparities compared to their male-directed counterparts. Despite some progress, the film industry continues to exhibit systemic biases, necessitating further structural changes to achieve genuine gender equality in cinematic storytelling. This study underscores the need for increased opportunities and resources for female filmmakers to foster a more inclusive and diverse cinematic landscape.

Women constitute half of the population in Kosovo, thus representing half of the voters in elections. Given the high importance of women’s representation in local governance, Kosovo has approved relevant legislation to guarantee gender equality at this level. The purpose of this study is to critically analyse Kosovo’s legislation on women’s political participation rights in the country’s municipalities. The analysis of Kosovo legislation on gender equality, international standards, and statistical data on women’s representation in local governance in Kosovo proves that women are underrepresented in municipal-level politics, with an average of 14.5% during the last twenty-three years, much lower than the gender quota in Kosovo and the world average of 36%. This is due to the non-harmonisation of the electoral quota with the gender quota (50%), the non-implementation of Kosovo Law on Gender Equality, traditions, prejudice against women, and the reluctance of women to assume governing positions.

The Indonesian government's 30% Affirmative Action Policy addresses gender inequalities by bolstering women's representation in strategic positions. This research investigated the policy's effectiveness in achieving this goal and uncovered constraints hindering women's active participation in politics. Grounded in both gender equality and affectivity theories, the study pinpoints key issues of gender imbalance and investigates the policy's impact on organizational dynamics within the political sphere. A qualitative analysis, informed by a comprehensive literature review, suggested that the implementation of the 30% Affirmative Action Policy since the reform era has demonstrably contributed to an increase in female representation within the political sphere. However, the policy's effectiveness remains contingent upon addressing various challenges, including the persistent underrepresentation of women across both legislative and executive positions, where the 30% target has yet to be consistently achieved. Key influential factors in the implementation of this policy include the roles of the government, political parties, and society. Nevertheless, the policy is crucial in reshaping social norms regarding gender roles in politics. Overall, this article provided a comprehensive overview of the effectiveness of the 30% Affirmative Action Policy in achieving optimal gender representation in Indonesia. Policy implications and recommendations for enhancing the sustainability and effectiveness of this policy were also discussed to advance women's participation in various social and professional aspects of life in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aimed to analyze and describe the discrimination faced by women in politics and general elections. The research method used was a literature review of scientific papers, books, newspapers, and other reading materials relevant to the research. The data collected was examined and reviewed. The study used the theories of Anne Philips and Nadezhda Svedova regarding women's political representation. The results and conclusions of this paper found that women's political representation is still deficient, caused by several factors such as patriarchal and masculine culture, dynasty politics that prioritize kinship, recruitment systems that are not women-friendly and financial limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the influence of district-level party system dynamics on the list placement of women candidates. As local district competitive realities change, the strategic considerations for party leaders regarding the selection of non-mainstream political candidate profiles vary in important ways. We measure these dynamics with a set of novel variables that better capture variation in competition from district to district: individual party magnitude, district dominance and district contagion. Turkey's lower level of party system nationalisation between 2002 and 2018 offers a useful case for such an investigation, and results reveal both the significance and pattern of influence on women candidates for all three strategic variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of women in governance is evaluated as a means of strengthening democratic resilience in Indonesia. This study aims to analyze the democratic resilience in DKI Jakarta by examining the representation of women in the legislative body of the DPRD Provincial DKI Jakarta. The research employs a qualitative approach with a literature review and case studies of women representatives in the DPRD DKI Jakarta. The findings indicate that the involvement of women in politics in DPRD DKI Jakarta in 2009, 2014, and 2019 was still not in line with Article 65 paragraph 1 of Law No. 12 of 2003 on Elections, which stipulates that election candidates for the DPR, DPRD Provincial, and DPRD District/City Councils must ensure that at least 30% of candidates are women. In 2009, out of 94 seats, only 22 seats (23.40%) were filled by women, while the rest were filled by men. In 2014, the number of women's seats slightly decreased to 19 seats (17.92%), and in 2019, there was an increase to 23 seats (21.70%). The lack of representation of women in political seats can cause concerns about the democratic resilience that Indonesia possesses. When women's involvement in the political decision-making process is low, it indicates an imbalance in political representation and reduces the plurality of voices in the process of policy making. This imbalance has the potential to threaten the fundamental principles of democracy that have been established in Indonesia. One of the primary principles of democracy is inclusive and participatory representation, where all citizens have equal opportunities to participate in political processes and decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an innovative analysis of audio recordings of plenary speeches, Dietrich, Hayes, and O'Brien (2019) find that women in the U.S. House of Representatives speak with greater emotional intensity about women than other issues. With vocal pitch as a new measure of personal issue commitment, the finding suggests that women legislators' efforts to work on behalf of women result from intrinsic motivation. I ask whether the same is true in an alternative parliamentary setting, the German Bundestag, where personal preferences play a very different role due to strict party discipline. The answer is yes. Analyzing audio and text data from more than 30,000 speeches in the Bundestag between 2011 and 2020, I find that women in the Bundestag address women more frequently and with greater emotional intensity than men. The results suggest that women legislators are more emotionally invested in women-related issues than men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study looks at Khyber Pakhtunkhwa's (KPK) low rate of female political participation, with a particular emphasis on District Dir. The goal of the research is to identify the institutional, sociocultural, and economic impediments that limit women's participation in politics in this area. Women in District Dir still have major obstacles that prevent them from being fully empowered and involved in politics, even in the face of numerous laws and programs intended to advance gender equality and increase female political engagement. This study used a mixed-methods approach to collect data on political involvement rates and perceptions, combining quantitative surveys with qualitative interviews with local women, community leaders, and political activists. The study examines the main barriers to women's active participation in politics, including cultural norms, a lack of education, economic dependence, and inadequate representation in local governing systems. According to preliminary research, socioeconomic limitations and strongly ingrained patriarchal traditions are the main obstacles preventing women from participating in politics in District Dir. In addition, there are obvious gaps in the community and family's support, as well as restricted access to resources and chances for political training. These results imply that in order to improve women's political engagement, systemic problems and cultural beliefs that limit women's roles in politics must be addressed. This study gives policy recommendations targeted at increasing women's political participation and advances knowledge of gender-based differences in political participation in Pakistan. This study gives policy recommendations targeted at improving women's participation in political processes and advances knowledge of gender-based differences in political participation in Pakistan. In District Dir and other similar contexts across KPK, the study promotes focused educational programs, community awareness campaigns, and changes in local governance to foster a more welcoming political atmosphere for women. The research intends to promote efforts toward attaining gender parity in political representation and establishing a more fair political landscape in Pakistan by exposing these important concerns and offering workable solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how gender role expectations and gender stereotypes affect a woman's decision to run for office in East Asian countries by using the World Values Survey and our original survey of MPs in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan. Our analysis confirms that female MPs in all three countries are less likely to propose their own candidacy and the private sphere appears to count more for female MPs than for male MPs iii their decision to run for office. Moreover, this article indicates that Japan appears to have the most strongly gendered division between public and private roles. Korea presents itself as a polarized society, as voters are sharply divided on their acceptance of women's leadership. In contrast, Taiwan has the lowest level of gender stereotyping. We argue that the active role of political parties can compensate for the negative impact of gender norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines various references given to women in True Love East Africa and The Parents Magazine and emergent ideological constructs. It presents results of a study whose one of its objective was to identify and analyse the ideological constructs brought out by references for women in the discourses of the two magazines and what these references revealed about the Kenyan women. The study investigated the portrayal of women in the two magazines, employing a mixed-methods approach that combined qualitative and quantitative analyses. Utilizing thematic content analysis and critical discourse analysis (CDA), the research explored how these magazines constructed and negotiated identities for millennial mothers and independent women within a rapidly evolving socio-cultural context. By analyzing the references, the study revealed a significant shift in narratives, showcasing women not as passive subjects but as active participants in societal change. Key themes identified include the emergence of the "millennial mom" ideology, which celebrates women's economic participation and challenges traditional gender roles, highlighting their professional achievements and contributions beyond domestic spheres. The findings underscore a transformation in the depiction of women, reflecting broader societal trends prioritizing gender equality and women's empowerment. Discourses surrounding single motherhood, professional success, and resilience in the face of societal expectations emerged, illustrating how these narratives challenge entrenched patriarchal norms. The study emphasizes the critical role of media in shaping perceptions of gender, calling for advocacy to amplify diverse and empowering narratives. It recommends policy development that supports equitable representation in media, urging further longitudinal studies to track the evolution of these representations. By highlighting the intersection of media, gender, and societal transformation, this research contributes to the understanding of women's roles in contemporary Kenyan society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Gender equality in decision-making positions is crucial to achieving the goals of good governance, peace, democracy, and inclusive/sustainable development. The major aim of this research article is to investigate the representation trend of women in higher decision-making positions over the last thirty years, since 1991. The federal three organs of government (law formulating, law enforcing, and law interpreting bodies) were the focus of this research. This research is a mixed type of research that inculcates both qualitative and quantitative data types. Secondary data sources from relevant government institutions were mostly used. The data was analyzed through content analysis of documents and presented via descriptive data presenting techniques. The research findings reveal that although women’s representation in positions of decision-making has advanced considerably in recent years, the empirical data throughout the previous thirty years demonstrated the underrepresentation of women in higher leadership positions within the Ethiopian federal government. Furthermore, Women never held certain higher-level government leadership positions, such as the Prime Minister position, which seems to be forbidden for women. Women made up 23%, 19%, 19%, and 24% of the House of Peoples Representatives (HPR), the House of Federation (HoF), ministerial posts, and judicial bodies, respectively over the last three decades. Women are visibly underrepresented in the executive positions as compared to others. Thus, substantial policy and practical initiatives are needed to remove institutional, social, and economic barriers to boost women’s advanced visibility in senior leadership roles.

The belief in meritocracy – that advancement is based solely on individual capabilities and hard work – remains ingrained in organizations despite evidence that it is a flawed concept perpetuatings gender and other social inequalities. Critical streams of research have highlighted the ideological character of meritocracy discourse, its entrenched nature and acceptance as 'common-sense'. Less is known about how this 'meritocracy myth' is maintained, that is, how this hegemonic discourse retains its potency in day-to-day talk in organizations. We argue that leaders, given their active discursive roles and opportunities to establish and control discourses, play an important but underexamined role in the reproduction and legitimization of this seemingly progressive yet ultimately destructive discourse. We conduct a critical discourse analysis (CDA) drawing on qualitative interviews with leaders in higher education institutions in the United Kingdom focusing on their talk about women's recruitment and progression in academic roles. We identify three discursive interventions through which leaders routinely maintain and reinforce and on occasion challenge the existing system of meritocracy: invisibilizing gender inequality through gender-neutrality; denying constraints through individualization ; and problematizing meritocracy to uphold or challenge the status quo. We argue that by uncovering the means through which meritocracy discourse retains its resilience, our paper offers the opportunity to scrutinize and challenge these discursive underpinnings that uphold the 'meritocracy myth'. We suggest that it is possible to re-imagine what might be considered 'merit worthy' in universities, recognizing and centring structural gender and other social inequalities to create more equal institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An expanding body of scholarly work posits that war, particularly intrastate war, disrupts established power arrangements and social institutions, providing avenues for women to enhance their political influence through reforms in political structures and participation in peace-building processes. Webster, Chen, and Beardsley (2019) systematically explore the nexus between war and women's political empowerment, demonstrating associations between both interstate and intrastate conflicts and advancements in women's political empowerment. Extending their analysis, this study investigates the influence of intrastate conflicts on women's representation in legislative bodies. However, nuanced findings emerge from this analysis. There is no supporting evidence that the occurrence of warfare leads to an increase in women's legislative representation. Ongoing internal conflicts exhibit a negative impact on the progression of women's political representation. Conversely, the termination of civil wars, particularly without their prompt resumption, correlates with a higher likelihood of adopting gender quotas, thereby enhancing women's legislative representation. Furthermore, the correlation between the termination of civil wars and women's legislative representation appears specific to the context of sub-Saharan Africa. No conclusive evidence supports this relationship as a global phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over time, the issue of women's political participation, and in particular the issue of women's representation in the legislature, has become increasingly important. This issue indicates the level of political development of countries and ensuring equality between men and women in terms of the right to self-determination. The question addressed in this article is how and by what measures can women's political participation and their attainment of the right to representation or the so-called right to be elected be promoted in Iran? Accordingly, in this research, in a descriptive and analytical manner, we have studied the issue in different legal systems and the solutions presented in them and then the status of women's representation in different periods of the legislature before and after the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The results of the research show that the establishment of a positive discrimination policy in favor of women will be the beginning of paving the way for improving their level of political activity. In addition, choosing an appropriate electoral system for women to enter parliament, the number of seats reserved, and the measures taken by political parties around the world can be useful ways to increase this participation, as has been used and effective in many countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research addresses a critical gap in the literature by establishing a direct correlation between particle pollution from fine particulates (PM2.5) and women's political participation. It offers a nuanced understanding of gender dynamics in governance and their impact on environmental outcomes. Focusing on 27 European Union (EU) countries from 2013 to 2021, econometric techniques unveil common trends, underscoring cross-sectional dependence. This study reveals distinct gender behaviors in combating pollution, with women in parliaments and regional assemblies notably contributing to pollutant reduction. However, the negative impact of women's engagement in politics on PM2.5 intensifies the lower part of the representation hierarchy. Policymakers are urged to create conditions fostering women's political participation, advocating for gender quotas to address underrepresentation. The research emphasizes the interconnectedness of gender, politics, and environmental issues, urging heightened awareness among policymakers. Limitations include a confined scope and duration, requiring cross-validation beyond the EU. Future research pathways involve exploring the intricate connections between gender, politics, and environmental initiatives, seeking thresholds for impactful women's representation. In contributing to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), this study aligns with SDG 5 (gender equality), SDG 3 (good health and well-being), SDG 7 (affordable and clean energy), SDG 11 (sustainable cities and communities), SDG 16 (peace, justice, and strong institutions), and SDG 17 (partnerships for the goals). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do female legislators have different policy preferences than male legislators? Despite a large body of literature from liberal democracies and recent studies of electoral authoritarian regimes, this topic has received little attention in the context of single-party regimes. Based on quasi-experimental methods and regression models, we analyze original data from 38,383 proposals introduced during China's 12th National People's Congress and test the effect of gender on policies concerning conventionally selected feminine issues and "political stance," issues that are unique to single-party regimes. The analysis confirms the effect of gender on policy preference across several feminine issues. However, the effect of gender is null on issues concerning political stance. Our findings suggest that while single-party regimes allow gender differences to emerge among legislators on issues that are not politically important, they tend to discourage such differences on politically prominent issues. This study advances the literature on both gender politics and authoritarian politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women-specific political bodies provide a space for women-focused deliberation, gender analysis of policy, and women's access to the decision-making process. Women's councils are designed to act as decentralized mechanisms with the goal of increasing women's representation in terms of diversity, inclusion, and responsiveness in the local governance of Turkey. The article, based on in-depth interview data, scrutinizes the capacities and limitations of women's councils to enhance women's representation in the case of women's councils of Ankara, Turkey. It has been found that the financial ties of women's councils to the municipalities, the male-dominated partisan character of political parties, and the gendered elite networks at the local level offer few alternatives for women "standing for, speaking for, and acting for" in these councils. These implicitly and explicitly harm the core rationale of women's councils to make women and their diverse demands a visible part of the institutional identity in the local governance. Rather, such a structure serves to further reproduce the masculine nature of local politics. This article contributes to the literature on women's representation and local politics by using empirical data from Turkey to assess whether alternative, women-only structures facilitate women's representation and the conditions under which they can act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender equality in decision-making positions is crucial to achieving the goals of good governance, peace, democracy, and inclusive/sustainable development. The major aim of this research article is to investigate the representation trend of women in higher decision-making positions over the last thirty years, since 1991. The federal three organs of government (law formulating, law enforcing, and law interpreting bodies) were the focus of this research. This research is a mixed type of research that inculcates both qualitative and quantitative data types. Secondary data sources from relevant government institutions were mostly used. The data was analyzed through content analysis of documents and presented via descriptive data presenting techniques. The research findings reveal that although women’s representation in positions of decision-making has advanced considerably in recent years, the empirical data throughout the previous thirty years demonstrated the underrepresentation of women in higher leadership positions within the Ethiopian federal government. Furthermore, Women never held certain higher-level government leadership positions, such as the Prime Minister position, which seems to be forbidden for women. Women made up 23%, 19%, 19%, and 24% of the House of Peoples Representatives (HPR), the House of Federation (HoF), ministerial posts, and judicial bodies, respectively over the last three decades. Women are visibly underrepresented in the executive positions as compared to others. Thus, substantial policy and practical initiatives are needed to remove institutional, social, and economic barriers to boost women’s advanced visibility in senior leadership roles.

The essay highlights how corporeality in the characters of Mandragora and Clizia is the form that Machiavellian realism takes in theatrical works. All the characters relate to a corporeal reality that determines their thoughts and actions, and that acts as a revealer of their cynicism or of their actual love. Conversely, the non-corporeality of Clizia, never present on stage, allows us to highlight her total reduction to an object disputed among four men; while for the elderly protagonist, the mockery suffered on his own body makes him aware of the absurdity of the conquest of his just post-adolescent pupil.