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The resurgence of famines is a topic of concern. This paper explains the recent trajectory using the framework of contending 'global war economies'. It characterises the unipolar neoliberal world order era (1986–2015) as the 'Pax Americana' war economy, focusing on the United States dollar's roles. These were the decades of the liberal imperium, the corporate food regime, and counterinsurgent coalitions, which generated structural vulnerability to food crises and reduced the actual incidence and lethality of famine. The paper characterises the subsequent period (2016 onwards) as the challenge of the BRICS club, focusing on its efforts to rewrite the global political economy's rules, proactively hedging among diversifying currency regimes. This entails a scramble to secure strategic commodities and infrastructure in subaltern countries, which is intensifying conflict and food insecurity, and revising international norms in favour of reasserting sovereign rights. The global political–economic contestation and, especially, the associated normative regression are permissive of political and military triggers of famine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The war in Ukraine was expected to result in severe consequences for the Russian economy, with international sanctions reversing three decades of integration into the global economy. Yet Russian economic performance has confounded those expectations and fueled the war effort, even as the formidable Russian military initially faltered. Russia's market core has provided flexibility, while trade with China and the Global South has replaced closed Western channels. But shifting much of the country's productive capacity into the military sector may prove unsustainable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the research is to discuss the strategies that companies in Ukraine can implement to maintain their resilience and simultaneously ensure their sustainability in an environment of protracted war. To achieve this objective, a qualitative methodology is employed that combines the hermeneutics of in-depth interviews with business leaders and case studies of two conflict-affected but truly resilient companies. This methodology allows the identification of best practices in crisis management, as well as the necessary adaptation policies in business models to face the growing economic and social challenges. The documentary sources consulted underline the importance of international cooperation, technological innovation, and the development of a favorable regulatory framework to foster business resilience and ensure operational continuity in a context of uncertainty and risk. It is concluded that resilience and strategic management are fundamental to ensure the economic and social security of Ukrainian companies in the context of war, but they are also universal principles that, for what they represent, can be useful to overcome crises of various kinds that threaten the survival of a company located in each time and space.

The article examines the problems of attracting foreign investment to the economy of Ukraine through insurance mechanisms in the conditions of the war economy and reveals the components of increasing the attractiveness of the investment market, including the active foreign policy of the country's leadership, which is manifested in the main political and economic events in Ukraine, active and multilateral support by the world leaders and countries of Ukraine's resistance to Russian aggression, the authority of the President of Ukraine on the world stage; reforming the Ukrainian judicial and tax system; active search for modern platforms and innovative tools for attracting foreign investment. The main negative and problematic factors affecting the process of attracting investments in the economic development of Ukraine are systematized, including the functioning of the economy in war conditions, the lack of guarantees at the state level, and the system of protection of foreign investments. The problem of attracting foreign investment in the conditions of war is a difficult task for any country. The military conflict creates a number of negative factors that can scare away foreign investors and disrupt the economic climate. Military conflict leads to instability in the political and economic spheres. Investors feel the risk of investing in a country where there are no clear prospects for further development and recovery. Foreign investors are concerned about the security of their investments and personnel. The risk can be related both to the immediate consequences of the military conflict and the subsequent instability after the end of the war. Military conflict usually results in the destruction of infrastructure, reduced industrial activity, and general economic dep ression, making the country less attractive to investors. Conditions of war may lead to violations of legal norms and a lack of effective legal protection for foreign investors. A military conflict can lead to a significant increase in defense spending, which can cause financial difficulties for the government and lead to inflation and other problems in the economy. To solve these problems and attract foreign investment in the conditions of war, the country must take measures to ensure stability, improve security, develop effective legal protection measures, and restore the economy. Implementation of such measures can help restore investor confidence and stimulate economic development [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines important aspects of the regional military confrontation, as well as the role and place of the media in the context of escalating hostilities. The paper examines the factors that influence the development, production and distribution of propaganda media products in the context of the transformation of economic, social and ideological relations in the regional information environment. The study identifies and analyses global trends in the development and management of local media. In addition, the budgetary expenditures of NATO countries and the size of their armed forces are compared with similar indicators of Ukraine, Russia, Israel and other countries that demonstrate different trends in military operations. The publication also assesses the capabilities of member states to diversify information and ideological confrontation, in particular at the border.

As a result of the war between Russia and Ukraine started by the Russian Federation in February 2022, the member states of the European Union have started to develop strong defense industries that bring them substantial financial benefits. To help Ukraine with weapons and ammunition, on March 20, 2023, the European Union adopted a plan to use strategic reserves and help manufacturers (manufacturers) to open new production lines. All over the world the budgets for armaments have increased, the largest expenditures in the field of defense are borne mainly by the USA, China, Russia, India and other states. The EU committed in March 2023 to supply Ukraine with one million artillery shells in violation of Article 41(2) of the EU Treaty.

After the First World War, the exceptional regime that allowed State control of the economy and in particular the supply of essential goods was extended for a few years in Portugal. In a context of great difficulties, with frequent riots and robberies of stores and bakeries, successive governments oscillated between more trade liberalization or more State intervention. At the head of the General Commissariat of Supplies, recreated in 1920, Francisco Peres Trancoso gained the support of radical sectors for the determined way in which he promoted the seizure and requisition of food goods. Exonerated in a clash with large industrialists and traders and even with members of the Government, he continued to defend the "economic dictatorship". He became Minister of Finance in a short revolutionary government in 1921 and again held the position of General Commissioner of Supplies for one day in 1922, until he was dismissed for contradicting a law passed in Parliament that reduced the subsidy for "political bread". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aiming to discuss the place of women in working life in the late Ottoman Empire in the context of the thesis that the war "liberated women", the article evaluates the effects of the temporarily increased public visibility of women who replaces the gap created by men in the public sphere. The argument that the First World War increased the visibility of Muslim women in Ottoman society in the public and economic sphere is put up for discussion and the extent to which this situation has been sustained is examined. It is aimed to contribute to the writing of women's history by elaborating on whether women, as the showcase of modernization, experiences a real emancipation experience and the effects of this development on the women's movement that emerged before the war. The reasons why women who were employed as civil servants or laborers were dismissed from their jobs after the end of the First World War are also among the issues emphasized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the moment, the first phase of the military confrontation between Russia and Ukraine, which began in February 2022, is reaching its logical end: A certain front line has already been established and the economic state in which the countries are is becoming clearer. That is why the evaluation and forecasting of the military, economic and demographic impact of the war on other countries become relevant. This work examines what losses Russia received due to its actions. In the article, the authors examine the issue of the impact of the war in Ukraine on the Russian economy, as well as a retrospective forecast of the impact of Russia's military operations on its national economy. Attention is focused on military and demographic aspects, as well as on the results of the impact of various types of sanctions. The main method that was used in the work can be considered modelling; however, in addition to it, analysis, historical method, graphic and others were also used. The practical results of the analysis showed that the government of the Russian Federation announced the transition to a command mobilisation economy, and today its first consequences are already visible in the form of rising prices and devaluation of the national currency. In addition, it was shown that despite the large number of sanctions imposed on Russia, the country has not yet felt the full consequences. The issue of how the defence economy of the Russian Federation is developing, how the military budget of Russia has changed over the past 11 years, and how the war in Ukraine affected the demographic situation has been examined. In the section on the impact of the war on the economy of the Russian Federation, it is shown that modernised production and industries will suffer the most from such actions, which will lead to a powerful technological lag. The article brings new knowledge for understanding the current functioning of the Russian economy and in the near future, as well as for making assessments of the possible future course of the war. JEL: H56, N4, J11, R11 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Second World War, both Sweden and Romania tried to balance their economies despite pressure from the Great Powers. The progression of war made a closer collaboration between these two nations possible, increasing their trade. This article aims to follow the evolution of Swedish-Romanian economic relations between 1940–1944, identify successful businesses and highlight the challenges faced during this period. The main difficulties that impeded the Swedish-Romanian economic cooperation were Germany’s refusal to issue transit licenses, Romanian anarchic trade practices and the inefficiency of the clearing system. The most significant event would be the signing of the first trade treaty between Sweden and Romania on 5 May 1943.

In 1937, the Japanese government accelerated the expansion of its military expenditure and began to impose controls on the economy to maintain the balance of international payments. The controls were developed through trial and error. The cotton spinning industry was one of the industries most deeply affected by these controls. Initially, the government simply reduced the allocation of foreign exchange for raw cotton imports. However, because this measure prevented the export of cotton products, especially to countries outside the yen bloc, a new scheme of control, the 'export–import link system', was adopted from the second half of 1938. This scheme was intentionally designed to give firms incentives to export to non‐yen bloc countries and to incorporate elements of market mechanisms into the system of economic controls. Analysing firm‐level data, we find that under the link system, firms with higher labour productivity (LP) tended to grow faster, as occurs under a market economy. This relationship was not observed during the early stage of the controls. This difference is reflected in the pattern of change in aggregate LP. Under the export–import link system, the positive reallocation effect was substantial, similar to a market economy, whereas it was almost zero under the early controls. These findings indicate that the design of controls matters for the performance of controlled economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the primary measures to improve state's economic policy in the field of concluding and executing defense contracts in wartime conditions. The purpose of the article is to determine promising directions for the coordination of contractual and organizational aspects of the wartime state economic policy in order to increase the production and supply of military and related products to the Defense Forces. It was established that the unlimited duration of the Russian-Ukrainian war requires the transfer of the economy to mobilization rails and the construction of a rational model of contractual relations between the state and business entities while ensuring the needs of national defense. Directions for revising the mechanisms of state contact of defense products are proposed, taking into account the experience of the USA and Great Britain during the Second World War regarding "cost-plus contracts" and "cost-plus-fixed-reward" contracts, which increase business interest in the accelerated production of weapons, ammunition and related goods. It was concluded that the transformation of the defense order system should involve a combination of contractual and organizational means of ensuring the fulfillment of the state defense order. This requires expanding the obligations of state customers to protect production and provide executors of state defense orders with underground storage facilities, centralized technology transfer, state assistance in purchasing raw materials, coordination of supply chains, elimination of customs barriers, certification and permits, creation of quality control infrastructure, etc. To implement these ideas, it is proposed to expand the provisions of the Economic Code of Ukraine regarding the organizational component of concluding contracts on state defense orders. It is substantiated that the decodification proposed by draft law No. 6013 "On the peculiarities of the regulation of business activity of certain types of legal entities and their associations in the transition period" directly contradicts the needs of implementing the state defense order, weakening the role of the state in the economy and provoking economic instability. It was determined that it is necessary to strengthen the ability of economic legislation to meet the needs of the military economy, including by returning to the institution of state tasks, which was excluded from the Civil Code of Ukraine in 2005 and which should be deemed mandatory for business entities all forms of ownership during martial law. After all, it is able to direct the state's economic policy during the war to increase the defense capability and the efficiency of the use of limited resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concerns regarding the analysis of the issue of war have been a constant throughout history. The Romanian Academy of Sciences, even in difficult conditions, during the Second World War, organized various scientific events in which distinguished personalities of the time presented their positions full of suggestions and teachings, some of which are still very relevant today, thus: strategic surprise, the technical side of war, wartime nutrition, wartime nervous diseases, war and peace education, the problem of propaganda, lessons from the conduct of war, etc.

The gradual process of planning and preparing for the mobilisation of national economy includes the set of measures that are taken in peacetime in order to capitalise on the entire economic potential of the country and subordinating it to the national defence effort, and is realised through drawing up and approving the Mobilisation Plan of the National Economy for Defence, sized for a period of one year and valid for four years. During the state of mobilisation, the implementation of this plan involves the implementation of the measures established by the Mobilisation Plan, adapted to the situation arising at a given moment, as well as some hypothetical measures that can support the achievement of the final goal. Thus, the possible militarisation of economic operators whose activity is directly related to the resources needed for defence is a subject of study that cannot be analysed outside of other specific procedures such as, for example, economic reconversion, requisitions of goods and the provision of services in the public interest, the mobilisation at work of persons with military obligations, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the University of Latvia. History / Latvijas Universitātes Žurnāls. Vēsture is the property of University of Latvia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, agriculture has been the mainstay of the Ukrainian economy. All-out invasion by the Russian Army in early 2022 rendered many territories inaccessible, disrupted trade – and life itself – and prompted a search for solutions and new opportunities. We propose some ways of solving current problems by innovation that could increase the efficiency of the agricultural sector, even during a war. Among these, paradoxically, are both intensification of agriculture and land sparing. But none of these will completely offset the impact of war: we need to use other (not only innovative) methods of enterprise protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The result of the military, political and economic activity of the Huns in Europe was the depopulation of vast areas, massive ethnic changes, and the destruction of many previous political organisms. The question arises as to why they were so successful. They had knowledge and skills that were alien to the European civilization of that time but perfectly known among the nomadic population of Central Asia and China. Therefore, their activity can be seen as a confrontation of different cultural models. In this sense, it was a clash of civilizations – almost in a sense proposed by S. Huntington. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study critically explores Israel’s permanent war economy, examining its core principles and strategic impacts. It analyzes how the war economy is integral to Israel’s settler-colonial structures and functions, fulfilling various ideological, geopolitical, and financial goals through a sustained conflict footing, rather than being a transient occurrence. To this end, the study identifies and analyzes four key dynamics underpinning Israel’s war economy: First, acute societal militarism serves as an economic growth engine, nurturing skilled military capital and advanced technologies that feed the war economy system. Second, the role of American patronage is examined as a key enabler of the Israeli war economy. In the absence of a traditional colonial metropole, the United States functions as an imperial sponsor, providing extensive military aid, technological transfers, financial assistance, and diplomatic backing–without which Israel’s military posture would be inconceivable. Third, the article investigates Israel’s exploitation of the occupied Palestinian territories as a laboratory for testing, optimizing and marketing military systems’ performance to international clients. Fourth, examines how Israel’s arms export multiplies revenues for the Israeli war economy while also providing diplomatic leverage to advance Israel’s geopolitical agendas and foreign policy objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sheds light on why there was, and why Nazi Germany pursued, only comparatively little economic cooperation between the two most important axis partners, Italy and Germany, during the Second World War. In particular, the article looks more closely at the two countries' cooperation in terms of raw materials, crucial to the war economy: why did Germany not deliver more raw materials to Italy and why did an underutilized Italian industry not export more manufactures to the Reich? Based on comparisons with other axis partners and occupied nations, the article argues that this was primarily the case because Italy could resist German economic pressure and, in contrast to many other countries in wartime Europe, maintained its sovereignty. Unlike Italy, these other countries readily (if not always voluntarily) financed larger bilateral German balance of payments deficits at favourable conditions and could not prevent Germany from implementing and monitoring a rigid raw material regime in their factories. Under these circumstances, greater economic cooperation with Italy seemed too costly to German officials and economic experts. Ironically, economic cooperation between the two Axis partners was so limited precisely because they were allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Mediterranean Knowledge is the property of International Centre for Studies & Research (ICSR) Mediterranean Knowledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Belgi Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkuaz International Journal of Socio-Economic Strategic Research / Turkuaz Uluslararası Sosyo-Ekonomik Stratejik Araştırmalar Dergisi is the property of Turkuaz Uluslararasi Sosyo-Ekonomik Stratejik Arastirmalar Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines Soviet paper reuse as an ideological, economic daily practice, implemented through the advanced, but hitherto undescribed Soiuzutil'waste collecting system by the early 1930s as the reverse side of Stalinist industrialization. It argues that Soiuzutil'waste paper handling attempted to form a new socialist collective by reworking old print while cultivating citizens as classless scrap-collectors, for the sake of an (ir)rational resource optimization. While World War II intensified recycling efforts among the Allied and Axis powers, invasion and evacuation damaged Soviet waste collection to a point where no return of paper into a centralized system was possible. War forced printers and consumers to retreat to local self-supply networks, as paper remained a crucial, yet scarce resource. By analyzing technical-educational literature and correspondence of the reutilization offices, the article demonstrates the changing attitudes in the Stalinist war economy, the industries, and the population towards mobilizing and saving paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1917–18, the new republican governments of Russia, Germany, and Austria nationalized their former court property. A monarchic-turned-national heritage of prestigious opera and dramatic theatres weighed heavily on national and regional budgets, prompting first attempts to create centralized forms of theatre governance. In a second wave of theatre reorganization in the mid-1930s, the Soviet government created 'union theatres' under a Committee for Arts Affairs; the German and Austrian theatres underwent the Nazi Gleichschaltung (1933–35 and 1938); and France, a 'democratic outlier', opted for nationalizing the Opéra and Opéra-Comique under the Réunion des théâtres lyriques nationaux. These conglomerates have so far been little studied as historically specific forms of theatre management, particularly from a comparative, trans-regime perspective. What balance can be struck between economic, political, and 'artistic' costs and benefits? How does 'Baumol's law' of decreasing theatre profitability apply to these very different politico-economic systems, as well as to war economies? Dictatorships reveal an economic seduction power, while this essay argues for confirming a long-term 'great European convergence' of state-centred theatre management, internal structure, and accountability, both in peace and war. Here, the stated goals and short-term contingencies yielded to trends originating from the logic of theatre production itself, and the compromises that the state, theatre professionals, and the public accepted in exchange for the capital of prestige. Alexander Golovlev (PhD, European University Institute in Florence, 2017) is a senior research fellow at the HSE Institute for Advanced Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies at the University of Moscow. His recent publications include, for New Theatre Quarterly, 'Theatre Policies of Soviet Stalinism and Italian Fascism Compared, 1920–1940s' (2019), and 'Balancing the Books and Staging Operas under Duress: Bolshoi Theatre Management, Wartime Economy, and State Sponsorship in 1941–1945', Russian History XLVII, No. 4 (2020). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study aims to analyze the performance indicators of some macroeconomic variables in Yemen as a standard analytical study for the period (2011 - 2019), where the study used the descriptive approach and standard analysis through the use of the E-Views program. The brutal aggression by the Saudi-Emirati-American coalition on Yemen since March 26 / 2015 and until now, where the study showed many results, the most prominent of which is that the Yemeni economy was suffering from fragility in its economic structure due to poor management and the spread of corruption and its diversity in many forms The study showed that the multiplicity of crises and regional and local wars, starting with the Gulf War, then the war of consolidation of unity, then the six wars in Saada, and the events of the Arab Spring in the year 2011 had a negative impact on the Yemeni economy, as shown by the indicators of economic variables such as the exchange rate, the trade balance deficit and the general budget deficit. The state that it was in decline because of the war and the siege. The result of the standard analysis showed that the inflation rate had a negative impact on real GDP and was statistically and morally significant. Whenever the inflation rate increased by 1%, this led to a decrease in real GDP by 265272.663101 riyals. The study also presented some proposed policies to improve the performance of macroeconomic variables. The study recommended the importance of economic and political stability in Yemen in order to improve the performance of macroeconomic indicators and the need to strive hard towards ending the division in the central monetary institutions, as this division directly serves the politics of the countries of aggression and does not have the slightest benefit on the Yemeni economy, whether in the governorates under the control of the countries of aggression Or the northern provinces liberated from it. And work to improve the means of revenue collection while rationing expenditures in line with the deteriorating economic situation imposed by the countries of aggression through the unjust siege on our country by land, sea and air, in light of Arab and international silence on these barbaric practices. By supporting and encouraging agricultural production, especially those governorates that have a comparative advantage in the agricultural production achieved in the governorates of Al-Jawf, Al-Hodeidah, Hadramout and others to reach selfsufficiency in wheat from this strategic commodity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

War economics is a concept used to describe the economic policies of countries as a whole during the war periods. Countries with war economy are dealing with problems such as high inflation, production decline, black market, and unfair distribution of income. Turkey II. He did not participate in World War II and remained neutral. Despite this, he had to apply war economy because he had to be constantly ready for war. II. While the increase in military spending, the needs of the army and the contraction of imports negatively affected the economic structure during the World War II, as a result of the participation of the male workforce into the war, women's and children's labor was insufficient and production decreased. In this period, financing of additional military expenditures, decreasing production and contracting import problems, black market, unfair income distribution, inflation and food problems were problems. As a result of these problems, new taxes and regulation of existing taxes were considered. In this context, the property tax, land crop tax and in-kind tax were introduced. War economy in the study, II. World War II will focus on the process of taxation understanding of the socio-economic structure in Turkey during the war.

The subject of the research is the study of global economic growth during the war in Ukraine, the analysis of the war economy and the postwar economic development in Ukraine. Methodology. The study used general scientific methods, in particular: theoretical generalization; methods of positive and normative analysis and statistical analysis. The aim of the work is the process of studying the world economic growth during the war in Ukraine, the analysis of the war economy and the postwar economic development in Ukraine. The conclusion of the study. The forecast for global economic growth during the war in Ukraine assumes that the rate in developed economies will reach a 38-year high of 5.7 percent, while price growth in developed and developing countries will accelerate to 8.7 percent, the fastest decline since the global financial crisis of 2008. The acceleration is projected to decline by 2.5 percent and 6.5 percent, respectively, starting in 2023. Global socioeconomic development will depend on the most significant factors: energy and food contributed to rising inflation in 2021, when oil and gas supplies were constrained after several years of restrained investment and geopolitical uncertainty; rising food prices will affect every country in the world as extreme weather has reduced crop yields and rising oil and gas prices have increased fertilizer costs; factory closures, port restrictions, ship congestion, container shortages and staff shortages will continue to disrupt some sectors; labor shortages, especially in high-contact industries, are driving up wages, although inflation has caused them to fall. It has been researched that according to estimates of national and other international expert institutions, the reduction of Ukraine's GDP in 2022 will be 35%. The analysis showed that in April 2022, regions where significant hostilities are taking place or part of the territory is under occupation account for almost 20 percent of Ukraine's GDP, in particular: Kharkiv – 6.11 percent, Donetsk – 4.89 percent, Zaporizhzhia – 3.96 percent, Mykolaiv – 2.29 percent, Luhansk – 1.02 percent, Kherson – 1.62 percent. It is established that during the three months of the war in Ukraine there was a deep decline in economic activity, and the introduction of a number of tax changes to mitigate the shock in the economy led to a significant reduction in tax revenues. The directions of post-war economic growth for Ukraine are suggested.

Copyright of Omran for Social Sciences is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines the parallel consequences of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the food shortage in connection with the disintegration of the Habsburg Empire and the rise of the Social Democrats.It also presents and compares both State and Social Democratics Parties’ reactions in the two different parts of the Empire, the Austrian and the Hungarian. The following questions are at the center: why was the Austrian Social Democratic Party able to increase social base and gain significant political positions in the last phase of the war and why did not it all happen to its Hungarian equivalent? The detailed exploration of these reasons will show through which causes Austrian Social Democracy managed to stop a dictatorship drift in 1918-19, while the Hungarian Left did not.

This paper focuses on Soviet practices and debates on money during the 1918–1921 period. In the first part, we briefly present the Bolshevik policy and discussions on eliminating money as a means of payments and calculation. In the second part, we outline in details A. Chayanov's model of in-kind accounting by making some comparisons with O. Neurath's proposals for an economy in kind. The latter had a decisive influence on Soviet Russia. Finally, we conclude with some reflections on the role of these models for ecological economics, modern efficiency measuring and monetary theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focusses on nitrogenous fertilisers in Germany and how they were distributed from the First World War into the 1930s. Since the availability of the fertilisers kept changing at a fast pace in the period under discussion here, the focus lies on policies concerning the production of nitrogen and the markets for nitrogenous fertilisers. The paper discusses the impact of the development of a (nearly) entirely new domestic nitrogen industry during the First World War on the market for nitrogenous fertilisers during the war and interwar period, up until the foundation of an international nitrogen cartel in 1930. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our article explores the economic activities of households operating in Yemen’s protracted conflict. We examine the growth and maturation of what we call the ‘Functional Economy’ in Yemen, in which Yemenis engage in economic transactions away from standard regulatory bodies through agreements of ‘how to do business’ with a range of authorities that are not internationally recognised. We distinguish this from ‘black markets’ and ‘illicit’ economic behaviours because most of the transactions would take place in a controlled environment in normal times or under peacetime governance, but the civil war has displaced them. In Yemen, the functional economy has come to serve Yemeni households providing essential goods and income, and for some activities, such as currency exchange, are preferred to any official regulated markets. On the other hand, alternatively regulated markets may be less functional as they also present opportunities for rent-seeking and, more importantly, can reinforce the political and economic bonds between Yemenis and non-recognised authorities, weakening the internationally recognised central state. Further, such activity has an impact on the potential for peaceful resolution of the conflict. The paper proposes that the ‘good’ of such activity, and hence the extent to which it is ‘functional’, should be judged by whether it provides access to essential goods and income, and whether it helps promote peaceful resolution. This evaluation framework enables better international policy responses to the economic situation that arises in protracted conflict. We use household surveys, focus group discussions, and key informant interviews to explore these developments from several angles.