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Copyright of Annals of Philosophy / Roczniki Filozoficzne is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Faculty of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En El Príncipe, las prescripciones políticas que Maquiavelo ofrece a sus lectores se presentan de manera predominante en la forma de reflexiones sobre ejemplos particulares. En este ensayo expongo tres interpretaciones distintas sobre Agatocles (las de Victoria Kahn, John McCormick y Erica Benner), quien figura en el libro como el principal ejemplo del príncipe criminal, apartado textualmente entonces del grupo de «hombres excelentes» que son llamados a imitar por los nuevos príncipes. A pesar de sus diferencias, estas diferentes lecturas muestran el modo en que la virtù del príncipe es para Maquiavelo inseparable de la capacidad para juzgar ejemplos y extraer la verdad de ellos.

The recent developments in conversational generative artificial intelligences pose ethical and pedagogical challenges while opening new educational opportunities. This article gathers ideas and models to identify useful reference points for the training of educators and teachers, promoting a human-centric mindset, ethical awareness, critical thinking, and creativity. AI education must be transversal, inclusive, and multidimensional, supporting self-direction and awareness of personal potential in a context of personal, professional, and social growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Per migliorare la competitività e la possibilità di entrare nel mercato del lavoro i giovani devono dimostrare di possedere competenze di sostenibilità, competenze del carattere, valori e virtù. Il contributo ha lo scopo di evidenziare come per realizzare l’idea di sviluppo sostenibile promosso dall'Agenda 2030, alcuni valori e virtù, alcune competenze per la sostenibilità del modello LIFECOMP (Sala et al., 2020) e alcune character skills, possano rappresentare, insieme, un patrimonio di risorse fondamentale. Le competenze non cognitive, possono rivelarsi determinanti per migliorare la competitività dei giovani e per costruire contesti più sostenibili, poiché lo sviluppo di tali competenze si deve proprio alla formazione delle disposizioni sociali e di alcuni valori e virtù che favoriscono la vita comunitaria, la formazione alle responsabilità comuni che consente di prevenire forme di devianza e di inciviltà (Chiosso et. al. 2021, p. 39), e promuove stili di vita etici, orientati all'inclusione e al progresso della società anche attraverso il lavoro.

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo argumenta que entre el conjunto de emociones del paisaje político que Maquiavelo pinta a sus lectores, el miedo no sólo es la más prominente, sino la más vinculada con la virtù, el concepto central de la política maquiaveliana. Partiendo del análisis de la concepción revolucionaria que tiene el escritor florentino sobre la virtù y siguiendo el trabajo de Pedullà, se presenta una clasificación bipartita de los usos del miedo en la obra de Maquiavelo: un uso virtuoso, conducente al éxito político, y otro que conduce a la ruina. A través de una selección de pasajes de El príncipe y los Discursos sobre la primera década de Tito Livio, se rastrean los principales ejemplos de esta ambivalencia y se muestra cómo la capacidad para inspirar y sentir esta emoción está ligada a varios de los consejos más importantes de la obra del florentino.

Examina-se as posições teórico-práticas de Maquiavel e sua contraposição à moralidade tradicional, a fim de entender como se estrutura a sua nova proposta ética. A novidade está pautada nas categorias políticas da conveniência e da aparência: admite-se recorrer a todos os meios necessários para atingir os fins estabelecidos, e para manter-se no poder, obter a honra e a glória, não importa aquilo que o Príncipe é, mas o que aparenta ser perante os súditos e aliados. Disto decorre a necessidade de um Príncipe com o pulso firme e que defenda, sem medir esforços, a integridade e o bem-estar seu povo. A moral do governante será dirigida pela situação política e não pelo ideal de governante universal, abstrato e perfeito. O poder político tem uma origem mundana, nasce da própria malignidade que é intrínseca à natureza humana, mas se constitui, ainda que de modo precário e transitório, como a única possibilidade de enfrentar o conflito. Enfim, cabe ao Príncipe a utilização de um conjunto de expedientes e técnicas capazes de assegurar a máxima eficácia na preservação do Estado e na conservação de sua suprema finalidade - ordem e harmonia.

This study explores the doctrine of the epinoiai through which Origen offers a specific approach of doctrinal exegesis to the knowledge of the mediation and revelation of Christ through its many aspects. Origen's hermeneutical procedure allows him to proceed in the elucidation while maintaining the unity of the hypostasis of the Logos, and at the same time explaining through the multiple titles taken from Sacred Scripture, the different aspects that express the saving action that the Saviour operates from time to time in the soul of every believer. Then again, for Origen the epinoiai are closely connected with the virtues that have their source in Christ and manifest him to the Christian as a prototype. The dual aspect of the Christological epinoiai offers an overview of the theological value of Origen's Christology which constitutes the foundation of the Christian life and finds correlation in the moral and spiritual spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is devoted to the problem of material enrichment in the framework of Republican political theory. The aim of the work is to determine how the private desire for wealth correlates with the republican public virtues and affects the corruptio of the republic. The fact is that the desire for enrichment is the realization of a private self-interest. At the same time, the key republican virtue for the classical period — virtu — also assumes the presence of a private interest. In this regard, the author provides a theoretical justification for the permissibility of the desire for enrichment within the framework of republicanism.The research methods are comparative, historical methods, as well as the methodology of the Cambridge school. Within the framework of the analysis of the texts of the Republican tradition, the author comes to the following results.The corruptio of the republic takes place in cases where citizens are willing to compromise with the centralized political power of the state, giving up republican freedom for the sake of security and wealth. The most striking manifestation of this compromise is the transfer to the state of the function of distributing material goods in society. Wealth itself, in accordance with the classic Republican critique of statism, becomes dangerous when it replaces virtue, or becomes the price for which a person is willing to sell his freedom.At the same time, the most dangerous form of such a deal can be called a compromise, in which republican institutions continue to function formally, but political participation in society is replaced by police state control. Corruption of morals, therefore, occurs when people are willing to give up personal freedom for the sake of material well-being and convenience. However, at the same time, there is an amazing ideological substitution, according to which the political sphere begins to be called the state apparatus, which as such suppresses politics. This is the moment at which the corruptio of the republic takes place.As a result of the study, the author concludes that an effective compromise between a deviation from republican principles and private welfare is impossible. However, the desire to enrich itself can even be useful for the republic.

Bu çalışmada, Fransız düşünür Louis Althusser’in ölümünden sonra yayımlanan Karşılaşma Maddeciliğinin Yer Altı Akımı ve Machiavelli ve Biz başlıklı metinlerinden yola çıkarak, içerisinde bulunduğumuz konjonktürde radikal bir siyasetin olanakları üzerine düşünmeyi deneyeceğiz. Söz konusu eserlerin, Althusser’in felsefi arayışı boyunca, politik pratiğin koşulları üzerine düşünme çabasında, yeni ve beklenmedik bir pozisyona karşılık geldiğini önereceğimiz bu makalede, sadece Althusser üzerine değil ama aynı zamanda Althusser ile birlikte ve yer yer de ona rağmen düşünerek, bu pozisyonun bir “karşılaşma politikasına” doğru nasıl geliştirilebileceğinin yollarını arayacağız. Sol siyasetin etkisini yitirmesine paralel biçimde dünyanın değişik yerlerinde otoriter lider ve rejimlerin yükselişe geçtiği, neo-liberalizmin yıkıcılığına küresel pandeminin yarattığı felaketin eklemlenerek kesif bir belirsizlik yarattığı bu konjonktürde, Althusser’in bu yeni pozisyonunun düzen dışı radikal bir siyaseti yeniden düşünebilmek için barındırdığı olanakları irdeleyeceğiz. Bu yolla, Althusser’i güncelliğini yitirmemiş bir felsefi figür olarak yeniden düşünme fırsatı da yakalamış olacağız.

Copyright of XVIIe Siècle is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of XVIIe Siècle is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Critical Hermeneutics: Biannual Journal of Philosophy is the property of Universita degli Studi di Cagliari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Critical Hermeneutics: Biannual Journal of Philosophy is the property of Universita degli Studi di Cagliari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Other Modernities / Altre Modernita / Otras Modernidades / Autres Modernités is the property of Altre Modernita and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Lo scopo di questo articolo è analizzare la nozione di consumatore responsabile. Si sosterrà che, in generale, quando si parla di consumatore responsabile, la responsabilità a cui ci si riferisce rappresenta un caso di virtù, consistente nel prendere seriamente, nel corso della condotta descrivibile come consumo, un dovere morale, e sarà esaminata la connessione di questa responsabilità con l’informazione e l’educazione del consumatore.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo explicar de modo, após o advento do Estado moderno, o cargo público constitui o modo como os indivíduos civis, que não possuíam ascendência nobre, tiveram acesso aos centros de poder e puderam participar da vida política de determinado contexto social. Outrossim, o artigo em pauta tenta demonstrar que o cargo público apresenta um embasamento filosófico nos conceitos de virtù de Maquiavel e vontade universal livre de Hegel. Com efeito, o estudo em pauta procura discutir as semelhanças teórico-metodológicas entre os autores selecionados. Por fim, o artigo apresenta a ênfase na liberdade e no bem público os grandes objetivos de Hegel e Maquiavel que aproximam suas propostas filosóficas e que podem validar a ideia de que o agir político não é privilégio exclusivo de um determinado segmento social, mas uma qualidade presente em qualquer ser humano cujo objetivo seja fomentar e preservar a liberdade.

O cerne do artigo é investigar o comportamento do príncipe no público e no privado, na obra do renascentista italiano Maquiavel: O Príncipe; obra de 1513. Para tanto, é necessário entender o que Maquiavel entendia por política e suas distinções com o conceito de política antiga e também a distinção entre virtù e fortuna, conceitos chave que devem ser esclarecidos para melhor compreensão do tema proposto. A prudência torna-se o conceito principal que norteará o texto nessa busca. Tomando a prudência como chave hermenêutica, poderemos pensar os pressupostos que garantem um bom comportamento do príncipe, tanto no público como no privado.

A adequação dinâmica dos bons exemplos, conformando-os às necessidades impostas pelas circunstâncias, insere Maquiavel nos variados usos da imitatio antiga e renascentista. A imitação deve reavivar as práticas civis e as atitudes de Virtù, fornecendo ânimo para a realização das ações políticas e das práticas pedagógicas, conforme a atuação como secretário de Florença e seus escritos políticos, históricos e literários salientam. Desse modo, ao revisar a noção de imitatio, especificamente na antiguidade e na renascença, contextualizam-se os argumentos de Maquiavel sobre a possibilidade dos humanos alcançarem a Virtù pela imitação das ações adequadas nos Discorsi, no Príncipe, nas Histórias Florentinas e na Arte da Guerra. Ao propor investigações e análises do passado que produzam utilidade e deleite, realçando o sabor das ações humanas, os escritos Maquiavelianos realçam a impossibilidade de uma definição pré-determinada sobre quais opções devam ser usadas (ambiguidade) e sustentam a possibilidade de duas perspectivas, aparentemente antagônicas, serem escolhidas simultaneamente (ambivalência).

In the encyclical Fratres omnes, the theme of brotherhood is developed by Pope Francis, referring to philosophical theses: some of these are explicit, others remain more hidden. The most important is that of the relationship, understood as a cure and as a limit: every human being develops his own identity by living in relationship with others. Only by accepting one’s limit, the conditions are created for the recognition of the other man and for the construction of a society based on the feeling of brotherhood. The article highlights some critical issues in the encyclical regarding the concept of «dream» and that of «contract» and identifies in Fratres omnes the seed of a poetics of brotherhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ethos (0860-8024) is the property of John Paul II Institute, Faculty of Philosophy, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Constitutional History / Giornale di Storia Costituzionale is the property of Giornale di Storia Costituzionale (Journal of Constitutional History) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article seeks to discuss the concept of corruption present in Machiavelli’s Discourse on the First Decade of Titus Livius (Discorsi). The problem that surrounds us is: is there any “disease” that is harmful to the life cycle of a republican body politic? The hypothesis with which we work places political corruption as the principal illness of a republic, whose damage becomes irreparable when its citizens lose their civic customs. We will describe the concept of corruption with which Machiavelli works; we will analyze its genesis and some of its civic and institutional repercussions on the Roman republic; we will map the notion and inequality developed by Florentine interpreters, among them: Pocock (2008), Skinner (1996), Bignotto (1991), Ménissier (2013), Sparling (2014) and Maher (2017). The present discussion will focus on the reading of chapters 16, 17, 18 and 55 of book I of the Discorsi. We will see that the civic and institutional sickness of that political body degenerated its virtù, which brought serious obstacles to the exercise of freedom.

In this article we consider the perspective that Piccolomini adopts in works with characters, interlocutors or recipients women, in order to propose a new interpretation that can overcome the vexata quaestio phylogeny / misogyny, already deepened by critics, and to try to dispel doubts about the true nature of these writings. Through the analysis of La Raffaella and Oratione in lode delle donne, a distancing of the Stordito from rigid ideological positions emerges to use the ironic and playful perspective of the "upside down world", in which elements such as the overturning of vices take shape of women by virtue of social conventionality, stereotypes and the real world through the playful code. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La novella finale del Decameron presenta il caso di Griselda, pastora di umili origini che, presa in sposa dal marchese di Saluzzo Gualtieri, subisce da questi una lunga serie di vessazioni che vorrebbero saggiare le virtù della donna. Le prove di Gualtieri sono costruite attraverso una complessa e imponente macchinazione di cui la menzogna è l'ingrediente fondamentale. Se appare ovvio che Griselda sia allegoria della virtù, meno scontato è che il discorso sulla virtù sia costruito da Boccaccio in maniera originale e inaspettata. Analizzando la novella e i suoi echi aristotelici, tomistici, biblici, appare alla fine chiaro che la virtù di Griselda è la mansuetudine, una forma di resistenza attiva alla violenza bestiale del marito, non priva di coraggio e sottigliezza. L'articolo si prefigge di ricostruire il personaggio Griselda come discorso sulla virtù generato dalla dialettica menzogna-verità.

This article takes into consideration virtue, a crucial point in Gianvincenzo Gravina’s thought; in fact, it is no accident that this theme is dealt with by the most meaningful works written by the Calabrian author. According to Gravina, virtue not only does it regard religious themes, which would be natural, but also matters that at first could seem to be distant from his field of action, such as for example, poetry and literature. In conformity with the concept of verisimilitude, Gravina emphasizes the fact that a good poet is not expected to represent virtue based on an abstract ideal of perfection, but virtue in keeping with reality. An example of such a view is in the work the Tragedie cinque written by Gravina, in which characters from the Greek and Roman world represent on the stage the four cardinal virtues. By pointing out this theme, this article aims, inevitably, at some meaningful comparisons, like the one between Gravina and Montesquieu, and, above all, the one between Gravina and Vico who, relatively to this subject, can be taken as emblematic authors of the Southern Italian culture of the first Eighteenth Century.

Many scholars believe that the treatise on the virtue of prudence, in St. Thomas Aquinas' Summa Theologica is among the most complete. The moral theological treatment would reach its apex here as this virtue is above all the others. Starting from the Thomist notion of gnome, this article proposes to highlight some aspects of that discernment that pope Francis frequently indicates as the task and style of the Church today in order to help man to face the dramatic issues that assail him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In The Mandrake, Machiavelli uses the form of a comedic play to point at a way of establishing a constitution suitable for people who put their personal interest before the common good. In this paper we first present the play’s characters as champions of an age that is radically deprived of sense and purpose. In Ligurio’s plan to win over the beautiful but married Lucretia, we recover the guidelines for the peaceful creation of a new constitution within the shadows of the old political system which, debilitated and weak, offers no resistance. Finally, in this seemingly frivolous play, we uncover a pathway to a hidden revolution, accomplished by the statesman’s bravado and his advisor’s cunning. We conclude that in The Mandrake Machiavelli sketches up the scenario which never got sufficient attention in his other works: how to establish a good constitution within a corrupt republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This overview presents the significant Biblical (Old and New Testament), patristic, and disciplinary references or sources. It enlightens a new theory on the presence and meaning of the concept on virtues within the early (up to the 5th century) ecclesiastical doctrine and discipline which essentially differed from the characteristic of Stoicism because the Biblical bases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution deals with the description of the cause of beatification and canonization of Saint John Paul II. From the request of the crowds chants of "Santo subito!" (Saint now!) to the end of the process, all the stages of the canonical process are described. Commencing with the diocesan and the "Roman" studies and the analyses on the virtues of the pope, on his magisterium and on the range of his pronouncements which took place, there were also checks made on the miraculous facts attributed to him. The text is written by the postulator of the Cause and this circumstance makes it clear that the content of this contribution is offered by those who have followed every step of the procedure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Montesquieu.it is the property of Montesquieu.it and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artigo busca discutir o conceito de corrupção presente no Discursos sobre a primeira década de Tito Lívio (Discorsi) de Maquiavel. A problemática que nos norteia é: existe alguma “doença” nociva ao ciclo de vida de um corpo político republicano? A hipótese com a qual trabalhamos coloca a corrupção política como a principal enfermidade de uma república, cujos danos tornam-se irreparáveis quando seus cidadãos perdem seus costumes cívicos. Descreveremos o conceito de corrupção com o qual Maquiavel trabalha; analisaremos sua gênese e algumas de suas repercussões cívicas e institucionais à república romana; mapearemos a noção de corrupção e desigualdade desenvolvida pelos intérpretes, dentre eles: Pocock (2008), Skinner (1996), Bignotto (1991), Ménissier (2013), Sparling (2014) e Maher (2017). A presente discussão terá como foco a leitura dos capítulos 16, 17, 18 e 55 do livro I do Discorsi. Veremos que o adoecimento cívico e institucional daquele corpo político degenerou sua virtù, o que trouxe sérios obstáculos ao exercício da liberdade.