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We relate relationship satisfaction and thoughts about leaving a romantic relationship to a couple's relative and absolute resources and check for context-dependency of those associations. Our theoretical point of departure is that the more resources women have compared to their spouses, the higher their intra-household bargaining power to negotiate themselves out of unpleasant tasks, particularly in gender-egalitarian and very income equal and unequal societies. In traditional societies (which score low on the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM)), the inflexible role of men within the household presumably prevents women from bargaining a better position, which in turn negatively affects relationship quality. Income equality (low GINI coefficient) may be a prerequisite for women's bargaining position, where more inequality (mid-GINI) may be detrimental for it. Nevertheless, extreme income inequality (high GINI) may again be favorable for women's relationship power. Using country fixed effects models on data from the Generations and Gender Surveys (GGS), we compare men and women who are in a couple (formed after 1995) for eight European countries. We find that absolute resources matter more than relative resources, at least for relationship satisfaction: Higher educated couples are more satisfied with their relationships, which could suggest lower stress levels in those couples (in more traditional contexts). Second, we observe GINI context-dependency of the association between relative education and relationship satisfaction for women and relative education and exit thoughts for men, although opposite to what we expected. Perhaps reference group theory or gender display theory can explain these unexpected results. Finally, we find that women have more break-up plans in societies with a lower score on GEM. This last result is consistent with the notion that bargaining only works in egalitarian contexts.

Veel onderzoek naar de economische gevolgen van echtscheiding heeft uitgewezen dat de meerderheid van de vrouwen een sterke inkomensdaling meemaakt na de breuk (bijvoorbeeld Duncan & Hoffman, 1985; Jenkins, 2008; Smock, 1993). De grootte van de inkomensdaling verschilt echter sterk van vrouw tot vrouw en er zijn zelfs vrouwen die er na de scheiding1 financieel op vooruit gaan (Jenkins, 2008). Hoe kunnen we deze hetereogeniteit verklaren?

Vrouw & recht De beweging, de mensen, de issues Margreet de Boer en Marjan Wijers (red.) Vrouw des huizes Een cultuurgeschiedenis van de Hollandse huisvrouw Els Kloek Het werken waard Het arbeidsaanbod van laagopgeleide vrouwen vanuit een economisch en sociologisch perspectief Kostwinners en verliezers De consequenties van individualisering van inkomensvorming voor de economische positie van vrouwen (1950-1990). Een sociologische analyse Mireille Hellendoorn

High housing density has been considered a stressor that is detrimental to couples' relationships. However, empirical research on this topic has been mixed, which might be due to the fact that not all couples respond to density in the same way. We contribute to the literature by not only considering separation as a potential reaction to density but also moving to a new place. Moreover, we combine insights from different theoretical models to explain how couples react differently to an overcrowded home, depending upon their resources. For our analyses, we use the German Family Panel PAIRFAM (10 waves, 2008/09 to 2017/18) with a sample of N = 4180 couples, of which 484 experience a move and 488 a separation. Applying competing risk models, we find that vulnerable groups such as the poor and the low-educated are significantly more likely than others to separate when in a dense home rather than to stay in the same dwelling.

High housing density has been considered a stressor that is detrimental to couples' relationships. However, empirical research on this topic has been mixed, which might be due to the fact that not all couples respond to density in the same way. We contribute to the literature by not only considering separation as a potential reaction to density but also moving to a new place. Moreover, we combine insights from different theoretical models to explain how couples react differently to an overcrowded home, depending upon their resources. For our analyses, we use the German Family Panel PAIRFAM (10 waves, 2008/09 to 2017/18) with a sample of N = 4180 couples, of which 484 experience a move and 488 a separation. Applying competing risk models, we find that vulnerable groups such as the poor and the low-educated are significantly more likely than others to separate when in a dense home rather than to stay in the same dwelling.