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Set against the backdrop of the 1857 uprising against British colonial rule in the Indian subcontinent, the article examines the impact of this tumultuous event on the Mughal era Bagh (garden). The uprising, while causing a sudden and unprecedented rupture in the subcontinent's political, cultural and urban landscape, also led to a form of disruptive innovation that displaced the well-established Bagh, a private space for leisure or veneration of the deceased, by a novel garden type, an English-style public park. More often than not, this new garden type emerged from remodelling the Bagh, to result in a Bagh-turned-Public Park. This innovative venture not only physically replaced the original Bagh but also changed the notion of leisure from the Mughal-to-the-metropole-inspired variant. Concurrently, this landscape endeavour served the agenda of empire to stamp British authority. To make its case, the city of Delhi, whose large corpus of Mughal- era Baghs underwent remodelling, is selected. As the epicentre of the uprising, Delhi was the recipient of the colonial regime's spatially tumultuous military and civic interventions to turn it into a tamed modern city, among whose new spatial icons was the English-style public park. Two gardens are examined to demonstrate the rupture and disruptive innovation, as colonial civic actors overlaid an English-style landscape on the Bagh. This seemingly innocuous landscape intervention was as disruptive and efficacious as its spatially violent military counterpart in transforming Delhi into a colonial modern city. The article concludes by taking stock of the Bagh-turned-Public Park in the present as a colonial legacy that continues to be an integral part of the leisure landscape of Indian cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the concepts of hope, despair and the radical imagination, driven by the following questions: Can we exist beyond the binaries of hope and despair, two key concepts that drive educational practices? What is the radical imagination and what are the conditions for it to be put to work in educational spaces? First, education is explored as a hyperobject that is owned, imagined and practiced collectively. The semiotic square is introduced as a heuristic tool to illustrate the limitations of the binary opposition between hope and despair, and allows for an exploration of what is possible when these binaries are being set aside. The radical imagination then, is described as a collective practice that is radical in the sense that alternative social forms can always be imagined once we acknowledge that every social form is the result of the collective imagination. Finally, the paper explores conceptual as well as practical ideas that underpin Education for Uprising which is understood as the emergence of micro-political, autonomous spaces of direct action where community, solidarity and self-organization are key principles. Education for Uprising allows us to radically reimagine how we view education and to actively engage in alternative world-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the threat posed by paramilitary groups on the state? This paper seeks to examine the role and impact of paramilitary forces on domestic politics and how their involvement results in political (in)stability. It examines how the interplay between the Rapid Support Forces, a paramilitary force in Sudan and the Sudan Armed Forces has resulted in a humanitarian crisis since the overthrow of Omar Al Bashir's government in 2019. The authors argue that the formation of paramilitary groups is aimed at protecting the government from internal and external threats, yet these paramilitary groups can shift or withdraw their loyalty to the political leadership. Such a shift the paper finds creates a high potential for confrontation between the paramilitary forces and regular forces leaving the citizens vulnerable to mass atrocities and war crimes. The paper begins by examining the origin, spread and activities of militia groups globally and at the regional level before examining the concept of paramilitary forces. The authors then look at Sudan’s historical and contemporary experiences with paramilitary groups before discussing the recent crisis between the regular forces and the paramilitary force in Sudan. They find that the preferential treatment of paramilitary forces influences their actions during a crisis.

As Beirut's thawra (Arabic for 'revolution') raged against the Lebanese government in 2019 and 2020, academic discourse (Lakrouf & Waine [2020]. When revolution reinvents public space in Beirut (O. Waine, Trans.). Metropolitics; Sinno [2020]. How people reclaimed public spaces in Beirut during the 2019 Lebanese uprising. The Journal of Public Space, 5(1), 193–218.; Fouani [2021]. What happened to the public spaces of the Arab world? From colonisation to revolution: The case of Lebanon. The Journal of Public Space, 6(1), 203–214) focused on the re-appropriation of the city's public spaces by demonstrators, especially as a model for a new, more inclusive social order and form of government. At the same time, visual artists attempted to tackle some of the complex social issues brought forth by the uprisings. My own work during that period focused on the physical sites of contestation, places within the city that, having previously been socially irrelevant, took on an exceptional significance during the thawra. Embracing notions of Debord's psychogeography (1958/1981), and incorporating debris from the protest sites, the results were highly stylized and subjective mappings of the Beirut uprisings. But as the regime's heavy-handed tactics and the pandemic's social restrictions slowly pushed the activists back into oblivion, any optimism for a new way of life began to fade, along with the graffitied slogans on the city walls. In the streets today, an old, familiar sense of placelessness has returned, sites of hope again relegated to abandon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Syrian uprising and subsequent civil war have been extensively studied with a predominant emphasis on sectarianism between the Sunni and Alawite sects. This narrow focus overlooks the profound influence of other religious and ethnic elements within Syrian society. This article aims to broaden the analytical lens by examining the position and attitudes of Christians in the Al‐Hasakah governorate regarding the Syrian uprising and opposition forces. The article addresses two key inquiries: first, the factors influencing Christians' position in Al‐Hasakah regarding the Syrian uprising, and second, the ramifications of these positions on intercommunal relationships in the region. The paper argues that the collective memory of fear experienced by Christians, manipulated by the Syrian regime, has contributed to the emergence of "sectarianism from below" and "sectarianism from above." The former reflects the construction of sectarian identities by Christians in response to discrimination and marginalization, while the latter pertains to influential institutions perpetuating sectarian identities and divisions. The findings highlight the complex interplay of factors shaping communal attitudes and relations during times of upheaval and conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article proposes theorising contemporary uprisings through an analytical lens that considers the discursiveness, spatiality and materiality of protests and protesters, and the ways in which bodies and affects are mobilised. It offers an in-depth analysis of the October 2019 uprising in Iraq, commonly known as Thawra Teshreen, exploring the infrastructural, structural and political dimensions that shaped protesters' lives and deaths. It shows that protesters put forward their own politics of life and death in the streets, mobilising as people and bodies as infrastructures, and negotiating a new social order that centers the marginalised. It situates protesters' trajectories and subjectivities in relation to the materiality and structures of the various forces of death that have shaped their experiences, and relates them to the military-oil-capitalist complex tied to postcolonial state-building and empire. The article suggests that in order to understand and theorise contemporary uprisings on a global scale, taking Iraq as a framework expands the theoretical and political imagination about global structures of power and their political, structural, and infrastructural deployment in the everyday, and in the experience of living and dying in the world today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines local response to the recruitment of Labour Corps in the Chin Hills during the First World War. It probes the tenability of colonial binary of dividing the local population into 'loyal' and 'rebel' groups. It argues that the so-called 'loyal' Zo (Chin) were rather coerced to join the Labour Corps through the influence of the Ukpi. On the other hand, those who resisted colonial wartime policy were not 'rebel' but warriors who fought a war within a war in order to free themselves from colonial bondage, albeit it was confined to a particular area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the threat posed by paramilitary groups on the state? This paper seeks to examine the role and impact of paramilitary forces on domestic politics and how their involvement results in political (in)stability. It examines how the interplay between the Rapid Support Forces, a paramilitary force in Sudan and the Sudan Armed Forces has resulted in a humanitarian crisis since the overthrow of Omar Al Bashir's government in 2019. The authors argue that the formation of paramilitary groups is aimed at protecting the government from internal and external threats, yet these paramilitary groups can shift or withdraw their loyalty to the political leadership. Such a shift the paper finds creates a high potential for confrontation between the paramilitary forces and regular forces leaving the citizens vulnerable to mass atrocities and war crimes. The paper begins by examining the origin, spread and activities of militia groups globally and at the regional level before examining the concept of paramilitary forces. The authors then look at Sudan's historical and contemporary experiences with paramilitary groups before discussing the recent crisis between the regular forces and the paramilitary force in Sudan. They find that the preferential treatment of paramilitary forces influences their actions during a crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spring Mau Than general offensive in the Central Southern Delta went through 3 attacks. In all three attacks, the army and people of the entire region attacked many important key locations in cities, towns, and townships, contributing to a significant loss of enemy forces, causing shocked situations for the controlled apparatus in most provinces, districts and communes, contributing to the overall victory of the entire region. The general offensive and uprising in the delta provinces of the Central Southern region has a number of unique characteristics that need to be studied to contribute to summarizing the theory and practice of the general offensive and uprising in the 1968 spring, that is the problem of force preparation and organization not ensuring a large scale general attack, combat plans are not consistent with local realities and lack of flexibility, and the work of launching and preparing the ideology for the masses is not good. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This dossier proposes to explore the uprising as a critical event provoking unprecedented processes of political subjectivation and opening the field of action and influence to subjects who had been kept on the margins of the construction of history. This introduction begins by describing the social uprising that occurred in Chile in 2019, the largest cycle of protests since the end of the Pinochet era. It then discusses the notions of critical event and political subjectivation and the methods followed with the research participants. Finally, drawing on the three essays, the introduction identifies four dimensions of the critical nature of this event and its entanglements with the production of political subjectivation, namely, time, oikos, police, and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how Syrians' activist trajectories have evolved in exile contexts of small Syrian communities and limited mobilization structures. Based on in-depth interviews with Syrians in Oslo, I argue that the specific features of integration narratives, lack of community structures, and presence of solidarity infrastructures have produced locally embedded forms of activism. The participants reorganized their experiences of the uprising and antiregime activism into identity-based activism and acts of supporting community members. The article contributes to the emerging literature on Syrian activism in exile, concluding with conceptual pointers on the study of activist trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the largest and most important uprisings in the 40s of the 18th ct. in the predominantly Albanian areas of Macedonia was the uprising led by Dervish Cara. The uprising started in Gostivar, with the city falling to the insurrectionaries in November 1843, followed by Tetova in early January, and Skopje in late February 1844. In the cities captured by the insurrectionaries, Ottoman officials were expelled. The insurrectionaries, under the leadership of Dervish Cara, advanced to Vranje in the spring of 1844. In Macedonian historiography, the primary source remains the book "The Uprising of Dervish Cara" by the historian Aleksandar Matkovski, which details the commencement, progression, and tragic end of the uprising and its leader. Some Albanian historians who have written about the Dervish Cara Uprising have attempted to attach to it a more political character. In Albanian historiography and textbooks in Albania and Kosovo, Dervish Cara's uprising is not accorded significant attention and importance, in contrast to the historians and textbooks in North Macedonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comprehensively highlights and analyzes the anti-Soviet uprisings in Azerbaijan during the occupation period (from April 1920 to February 1921), which broke out in many regions of the country. From the first days of the Soviet occupation, a dictatorial regime was established in the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic created by the Bolsheviks, and bloody repressions were carried out against the indigenous Azerbaijani population, especially the military, clergy, and intelligentsia. The Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR) national army was liquidated. The article shows that uprisings against the occupation erupted in several regions of the Republic. The Ganja and Garabakh uprisings were especially massive. All uprisings of 1920-1921 were anti-Soviet in nature. The rebels demanded the restoration of the former government, an end to the persecution of the Azerbaijanis, and the liberation of the territory of Azerbaijan from the atrocities of the Russian army and the Bolsheviks. The uprisings were led mainly by officers of the ADR army and Turkish officers who came to the aid of the Azerbaijanis, as well as by the representatives of the clergy and former statesmen. However, there was no single coordination center for the leadership of the uprisings. In addition, the forces of the local detachments and the Red Army were unequal. The XI Red Army brutally suppressed these uprisings and carried out punitive measures. The article reveals the activities of the Special Department of the XI Red Army and local Soviet punitive bodies to eliminate the Resistance Movement of the Azerbaijani people. Patriots were punished as bandits and counter-revolutionaries. And those people who suppressed the Resistance Movement were presented to the Azerbaijani people as its liberators and defenders for seventy Soviet years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Introduction. The paper attempts an insight into how institutions of public government developed in Manchu-Mongolian polities throughout the 1900s–1920s — and focuses on the geopolitically and strategically important Chinese region of Hulunbuir. Goals. The article aims to explore the transformation of power structures in Hulunbuir, reveal some internal contradictions and the split in bureaucratic circles that occurred under the influence of various political forces between 1908 and 1920.To facilitate this, the work shall examine the structure of the Manchu Eight Banner system in the region, analyze the new policies of Qing authorities in Hulunbuir, trace changes in the public government structure across the region in 1912–1915, follow how (and why) Hulunbuir lost its autonomy in 1920. Conclusion. As is shown, the hierarchical structure of Hulunbuir’s administrative powers — despite the attempts to change it undertaken by various political forces — did still retain the traditional features of the Manchu Eight Banner system by 1920. At the level of regional authorities, the shaping of policies was largely influenced by internal contradictions between various ethnic groups of Hulunbuir. However, even when it came to join Outer Mongolia in 1912–1915, authorities of Hulunbuir used each and every possibility to maintain independence in external and internal affairs, finances. The dramatic changes of 1917–1919 in the situation — in and around Hulunbuir — triggered that the decision-making apparatus preferred to abolish Hulunbuir’s autonomy and turn it into a mere periphery of the Republic of China.

The subject of the study is the analysis of economic development (agrarian relations) in Central Ukraine in the 80s of the XIX century – the first quarter of 1922. The problematic nature of the article is stipulated by the insufficient attention of specialists to the economic history of this region. The publication deals with the socio-economic sphere of regional history. Methodology. The study is based on the use of interdisciplinary methodological optics: economics, history, geography, and law. The purpose of the article is to analyse the approaches to solving the agrarian issue in Central Ukraine in the post-reform period and during the liberation struggle of 1917-1922. The article focuses on various aspects of socio-economic development in the late XIX century – the first quarter of the XX century. Conclusions. In the 80s and 90s of the XIX century, significant economic experiments took place in Central Ukraine aimed at solving the agrarian issue and meeting the economic needs of the peasantry. They were initiated by both representatives of the authorities – zemstvo officials – and public figures, such as M. Levytskyi. These attempts were partially successful economically: the peasantry of Kherson, Yekaterinoslav, Kyiv, and Poltava provinces had larger land holdings than in other areas, and were more entrepreneurial, as evidenced by their support for the cooperative movement. The second part of the article deals with the analysis of socio-economic relations during the liberation struggle of 1917-1922. The analysis of this struggle suggests that the peasantry of Central Ukraine was the driving force behind various insurgent movements. There were several major uprisings on socio-economic grounds in these areas, which were caused by the Ukrainian peasantry's rejection of the economic experiments of the Russian occupiers: the Bolsheviks and their opponents, the White Guards. The interests of the Ukrainian peasantry were partially satisfied by the introduction of a new economic policy in 1921, which contributed to the gradual decline of the insurgency.

This article explores the meaning and significance of the political in the October 2019 uprising in Iraq, commonly called Thawra Teshreen, through the lens of gender, space, and emancipation. It looks at the spatiality of the protests, considering both discursive and material dimensions and centering the experience of the gendered body. At the same time, it breaks with binary lenses of agency and resistance and with preconceived and universalist notions of rights and claims to representation. It proposes instead a situational understanding of power and subjectivation. The article analyzes the gendered and sexual dimensions of Thawra Teshreen and explores its discursive, material, and imaginary space production through the massive corporeal presence of protesters in the streets and their cybermobilization. It shows that protesters have put forward their own politics of life and death in mobilizing against the political, structural, and infrastructural forces of death that shape their experiences. It argues that women's participation constitutes an emancipated subjectivation that goes beyond the identitarian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2019 uprising in Chile was the outcome of an erosion of political arrangements and the politicization of popular unrest that developed over three decades. Two explanations for it—the political mobilization of the groups that emerged from the neoliberal reforms (the "new people" approach) and the mismatch between institutions and society (the "decoupling" approach)—can be reconciled by emphasizing the connections between elite and popular politics. Analyzing the long-standing relationship between power, legitimacy, and political institutions provides a framework for understanding this and other events of massive unrest. El levantamiento de 2019 en Chile resultó de una erosión de los acuerdos políticos y la politización del malestar popular desarrollado a lo largo de tres décadas. Podemos reconciliar dos de las explicaciones al respecto—la movilización política de los grupos surgidos de las reformas neoliberales (el enfoque de la "gente nueva") y el desajuste entre las instituciones y la sociedad (el enfoque de "desacoplamiento")—si enfatizamos las conexiones entre la élite y la política popular. El análisis de la relación de larga data entre el poder, la legitimidad y las instituciones políticas nos proporciona un marco posible para entender este y otros eventos de disturbios masivos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology is the property of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The current historiographical situation in the study of the events of September 1923 in Bulgaria determined the purpose of the study, which is to analyze the publications of the September events on the pages of Soviet provincial newspapers, which reflected the official position of the authorities, who tried to form a certain image of what was happening in Bulgaria. We analyzed newspaper materials, mostly from provincial Soviet newspapers from 1923. We considered not only informational materials, editorials, but also the authors’ analytical articles and reprints from central newspapers, most often Pravda and Izvestiya. Tsankov’s assumption of power on 12 June 1923 and his repressive policy toward peasant revolts and communists placed news from Bulgaria among the most topical, along with reports from Poland and, of course, Germany. The newspapers were forced to admit that the Bulgarian Communists were not ready for an uprising, although as early as August 1923 it had been decided to prepare an armed uprising in the next 2-3 years. With some delay the Soviet newspapers began to write about the success of the uprising, defining these events as a civil war and even a revolution. The defeat that followed the uprising was explained by the Bulgarian and Soviet Communists in a completely biased way. The leaders of the uprising, Kolarov and Dimitrov, saw the cause in the betrayal of one of the members of the Sofia Revolutionary Committee. Others looked for these causes in insufficient organization and lack of weapons. All this is evidence not only of a superficial assessment of events, but also of a wishful thinking. The optimism reflected in the publications about the fate of the proletarian revolution in Bulgaria in the future also testifies to this.

In the present study, by employing Inference to the Best Explanation (IBE), attempts are made to formulate and defend a theory that can explain rationally and justifiably the uprising of Imam alHusain (AS). The suggested theory is formulated as follows: from the beginning of his movement, Imam Husain (AS) chose to participate in war and seek martyrdom consciously and voluntarily, not as his aim, but as major means to his ends and used other means such as trying for government formation, negotiation with his enemies, and peacekeeping as the minor means to facilitate the major ones. In this study, we try to illustrate that the suggested theory, in comparison to its rivals, can explain some historical events rationally. Such events include Imam Husain's move to Kufa despite facing significant disagreement and backlash from many people, his uprise against Yazīd's government but not Mu'āwiya's, his effort to maintain his move to Kufa despite having no chance to form a government, along with his move toward Kufa despite knowing that the vast majority of people in Kufa are unfaithful and will renege on their promise to fight against Bani Umayyah. The conclusion of the study is that belief in the truth of the suggested theory is rational and justified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses official and Indigenous views of the Khanty and Forest Nenets uprising against the Soviets, known as the Kazym War (1931-1934). The rebellion is well documented in archival sources and covered by scholarly research, popular essays, and novels. Almost a century after the uprising, Indigenous narratives about the uprising are still circulating in local communities. Specifically, this paper addresses selected episodes of the Kazym War reflected both in official and Indigenous narratives. I focus on the analysis of diverse modes of narrating hybrid knowledge produced in a contact zone, and the mythic imagination of shamans shaping narratives about the uprising. Here, I argue that perceptions of Indigenous history sometimes adopt and reproduce the dominant discourse about the uprising, but link to the official story predominantly by rejecting it and establishing autonomous discussions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In addition to the libertarian and constitutionalist ideas that spread rapidly after the French Revolution of 1789, the modern nationalist ideas affected people in many parts of the world, especially in Europe, and paved the way for rebellions, particularly in empires with diverse beliefs and ethnic identities. One of these multinational states was the Ottoman Empire. Especially since the first quarter of the 19th century, it had to face separatist movements in the Balkans, which had been under its sovereignty. Albania was the last Balkan state to gain independence in 1912 as a result of separatist movements. In the process towards independence, the rebellious movements that started, especially among the Catholic Albanians (Malisors/Malissori), affected the Muslim Albanians as well, due to discomfort with the practices of the Ottoman State administration, and led to the declaration of independence. Contrary to high number of studies on the rebellion, there are few studies on how the rebellion was perceived in different regions of the Ottoman state. The aim of this study is to briefly explain the reasons for the Malisör uprising in Albania, then to examine its effects in Trabzon, an Ottoman province quite far from the region. It will explore the emotions and ideas that emerged against the rebellion in the province and the reactions that ensued. Additionally, this study aims to provide an example of the attitudes of the people towards an issue that threatens the future and integrity of the State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1970s, neoliberalism has not spared Tunisia's subordinate integration into the global capitalist system. This process strengthened a dominant ruling class, closely connected to international capital interests, while leading to growing social polarization and rising socio-economic inequalities. Faced by popular resistance, authoritarianism, with the support of imperialist powers, became the needed political response to consolidate the neoliberal project. Beyond some democratic achievements, the 2011 uprising has failed to undo the development model at work. The imperialist powers, with the complicity of the ruling classes, were able to hijack the movement and direct it towards what I call an orderly transition, whose strategies entailed the use of financial aid and military assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The edition titled ‘Federal Security Service Archives: Mongolia Documented, 1922–1936’ contains a Note by Advisor to the MPR Economic Council E. Stulov on [His] Journey to Arkhangai Aimag. The document is of certain interest primarily from a perspective of the current economic and political situation in the country. Advisor E. Stulov was staying in Tsetserleg, the capital of Arkhangai Aimag, from 1 to 10 June 1932, and compiled the Note on 25 June of the same year to be marked top secret. The author mentions the main objective of the journey was to ‘investigate essentials and causes of the uprising’ in the aimag. Personal files of Evgeny A. Stulov are housed at the Russian State Archive of the Economy (Collection of the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Trade as of the Year 1925). The Note can be viewed as an extended report on events to have taken place not only in Arkhangai but also in other provinces, and be structured as follows: 1) causes and essentials of the 1932 uprising, 2) economic reasons of the uprising, 3) work of the party organization in the aimag and wider — that of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party nationwide. Goals. The article attempts an analysis of Stulov’s journey to Arkhangai Aimag and examines reasons — political and economic ones — of the uprising and related riots both in Arkhangai and across the bulk of the country. Materials. The paper examines archival documents, published sources, and academic literature. Results and conclusions. E. Stulov’s Note reveals reasons of social unrests across various Mongolian estates. The journey is sure to have been crucial to that the Soviet Government undertook prompt measures to tackle the dramatic events. The unrests had begun in April 1932, and already in May the Mongolian question was being discussed at a meeting of the Politburo (VKP(b) Central Committee), which dispatched a letter to Ulaanbaatar containing proposals aimed at eliminating errors and miscounts afforded. This is why in June the Advisor to the MPR Economic Council was missioned to the country for detailed insights, and the officer’s journey note did reveal actual reasons of what had happened.

The Temsamane massif is part of the external Rif of Morocco and is distinguished by more intense deformations, linked to its topographical, lithological and structural characteristics. Many natural hazard phenomena, and therefore damage and loss of resources and people, are present. The detailed work on these activities remains much localized using traditional techniques. The analysis using differential interferometry techniques of Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) images (DINSAR) made it possible to determine the instability and vulnerability to subsidence risks from two images from the Sentinel satellite of two different years (2018 and 2022). The results obtained show the presence of some areas of subsidence in the urban sector, the continuation of shrinkage and slight uplift in the relief areas, and generally instability in rural areas.

Choosing a subject on the uprising of 1888 reflected in the modern press at that time, an important moment according both to its magnitude and deep social, economic and political results, derived from my concern on immersing in the time atmosphere through the sources, namely through the mean of some autochtone and foreign publications in this case. This scientific approach aimed to analyze every moment of the event, the different political orientation of the publications contributing to improving the researcher's perception and gradating his conclusions. In order to cover as large as possible the subject, I selected the different points of view from the papers to present the importance they gave to one or other of the subjects in the economy of the field, reflecting the ratio the contemporaries had given to them, as we might note on the elements that had contributed to tension the rural environment and to that uprising. My attention was kept by the compassion the main part of the journalists manifested with concern with the peasants'situation, and also their perseverance in trying to identify the liberal or conservative politicians to have been responsible with the situation; I did not omitted to mention the conspiracy theories which called the foreign agents for the main factors in triggering the revolt. The papers at the time payed attention also to the authorities involvement in re-normalizing the situation, their measures being an opportunity to sensibilize the readers both with detalied and moving descriptions of the excesive soldiers'gestures and the victims'pains. There were also journalists to resonate with the politicians'reason according to which the re-establishing of previous order was indispensable to implemnt the reforms that would have solutionate the rural space, where a large amount of people, in a country with 80% rural inhabitants, confronted with lack or insuficiency of land, their main means of survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Taking Egypt as a case study, this article examines the relationship between social media and Habermas' public sphere and public space in less democratic settings. Using a survey of Tahrir Square protesters and process tracing to examine 18 years of social media use, the article proposes a theoretical model highlighting the role of social media in carving out an eventful public sphere, despite the lack of public space to promote communicative action in authoritarian settings. Unlike the process described by Habermas, which takes place in democratic societies, the narratives presented in this study reveal a different pattern of communication which centers around an event through which larger issues are discussed within a defiant space. This happens through initiating conversation and drawing attention to the event, engaging counterpublics, establishing links of affinity, and possibly, calling for action. Factors influencing the success of an eventful public sphere under state control include the nature of the event, its effect on the publics, the public's affinity to the event, potential social or cultural resistance, the amount of risk involved, and the potential scope of participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on the 2019 Algerian uprising that led to Bouteflika's removal, this article explores how broad and mass-based convergences of various social and political opposition actors can produce an existential threat to autocracies. It develops a dynamic understanding that analyses the behaviour of political groups, social classes, and state actors. To do so, it points to the hegemonic contraction of the ruling coalition, the outbreak of a long series of protests in the pre-2019 period, and the gradual emergence of a cross-class and cross-ideological convergence in the course of the uprising. The article not only contributes to debates about authoritarian regimes and mobilizations, but also demonstrates how the scholarship might develop more nuanced accounts by combining insights from the structuralist approach and microfoundational studies. To analyse the uprising in Algeria, it relies on secondary sources and press analysis, taking into account three leading Algerian newspapers and two well-known websites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since protest movements had swept the Middle East and North Africa regions in early 2011, new politics have emerged, creating unimagined spaces, ways of existence and knowing the world, and more importantly, new subcultures of othering. This article critically examines revolutionary subcultures of non-comradeship, figurations of 'non-authentic revolutionaries' and ways of revolutionary othering by focusing on the term ' Ramadyeen ' as a reference coined by Syrian revolutionaries to describe individuals whose politics are 'not revolutionary enough'. Written from the positionality of a scholar-activist who participated in the protest movement, this text employs anti-sectarian feminist politics to reflect on how ' Ramadyeen ' was mobilized to erase and decrease voices of nuances and criticism of dominant revolutionary demands, specifically around humanitarian intervention, militarization and sanctions against Syria. Therefore, this article locates ' Ramadayeen ' as a keyword of counter-cultures targeting 'un-revolutionary' people and political positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does experiencing a mass uprising during one's formative years shape attitudes toward post-uprising institutions? Existing research on cohorts has not examined settings of ongoing statelessness. We focus on Palestinians who witnessed the First Intifada and subsequent Israeli-Palestinian negotiations during their youth-to-adulthood transition. Analyzing a pooled sample of surveys conducted between 1996 and 2000, we observe that men from this cohort – using a youth-based definition of one's formative years – evaluated the Palestinian police more negatively than did other men, ceteris paribus. We test two, potential explanations. We find support for the proposition that men from this cohort held distinctive views about coercion and resistance that shaped their evaluations. We conclude that experiencing mass mobilization and transition during one's formative years can influence attitudes, but additional work is needed to test for their long-term endurance. Further, a younger operationalization of one's impressionable years may be salient in settings of insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tells the inside story of a spontaneous uprising in the Ecuadorian Amazon in 2017, in which mestizo, Afro-descendant and Indigenous workers and communities confronted the combined forces of a multinational oil company and a militarized state. The paper documents a rapidly evolving battle that achieved a remarkable victory, and bears witness to the fleeting emergence of an insurgent form of political universality. It suggests that the decolonial dichotomy between top-down universalism and a bottom-up pluriverse should be replaced by an approach that is attentive to manifestations of universality performed by subaltern subjects in their confrontations with extractive capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The beginning of the 2010s was marked by the bursting of major uprisings such as the Arabic Spring, the Occupy Wall Street, the June Days, among others. Despite the distinct contexts, most of these popular protests-demonstrations showed similarities – among them, a strong interaction between body, aesthetics and politics. The article proposes to highlight the performative aspect of these insurrections from examples that took place in squares around the globe.

The author traces in Jacques, the character born from the “uprising” against the “absurd”, the extraordinary creation in which Camus combines, through a new interpretation of the biography, toute la lumière du monde with la mort pour tous. The posthumous text, which in the author’s intention was meant to be the first “cycle of love”, shows the haven for research that lasted through all his short and intense life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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