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In the new national curricula for Norwegian basic education (Kunnskapsløftet, LK20), introduced in 2020, Holocaust is included as a historical subject for the very first time. This is in itself an interesting development, made even more significant by the fact that every other historical subject is removed from the national curricula. However, no explanation for this contradiction is given, nor does the curricula give any insight into how teachers and students should interpret it. In this article, we argue that the contradictory and somewhat poorly defined role given to the Holocaust in LK20, together with other perspectives introduced in the new curricula, is likely to lead to two major shortcomings. Firstly, the curricula’s insistence on dealing with the past only on an individual level may create blind spots for the students when they try to make sense of the Holocaust as a historical subject. What LK20 fails to acknowledge, in our opinion, is the important role played by collective memory in dealing with the past. These are significant when confronted with historical subjects related to the Second World War, as these collective memories are particularly strong in cultures with a history related to this conflict. Secondly, we argue that the contradictory introduction of the Holocaust in LK20 is likely to strengthen the universalisation of the Holocaust in Norwegian schools, i.e. using the genocide of the European Jews as a generic symbol of prejudice, racism and evil. We argue that the preventive perspective of teaching the Holocaust in school may suffer from this approach, as it decontextualises the genocide from its historical context, thereby making it more difficult for the students to understand. However, we also discuss how these shortcomings may be alleviated through a realisation of the importance of a collective memory culture when learning about the Holocaust, and how a historical contextualisation of the genocide may contribute to improved understanding of this historical subject.

Obra ressenyada: Sabine BRELS, Le droit du bien être animal dans le monde. Évolution et universalisation. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2017. ISBN : 978-2-343-10666-3 Even though there are various legislations on the protection of animal welfare in Europe and in many countries in the world, there is no such existent international treaty. This book contributes to the reflection on the opportunity of making use of an international legal tool, that is binding and effective, which incorporates all the aspects of animal welfare. The author does not see any theoretical obstacles that could prevent the fulfilment of this project. In fact, from the comparative analysis of the current legislations, it emerges that there are two principles of universal relevance: (i) do not abuse and (ii) treat well, that could be translated into legal obligations through a global convention. Aunque hay varias leyes que protegen el bienestar de los animales en Europa y en muchos países del mundo, no existe un tratado internacional en este sentido. Este libro contribuye a la reflexión sobre la oportunidad de adoptar un instrumento jurídico internacional, vinculante y eficaz, que incorpore todos los aspectos del bienestar animal. La autora no ve obstáculos teóricos que impidan que esta operación se lleve a cabo. De hecho, a partir del análisis comparativo de las leyes en vigor, hay dos principios de alcance universal: (i) no abusar y (ii) tratar bien, que una convención global podría traducir en obligaciones legales.

The goal of this article is to explain long term restructurations and transformations of the media industry. In order to do so, the article uses theory elements of a critique of the political economy of the media. The paper is a contribution to the development of theoretical approaches that provide a theoretical analysis of the media in capitalism based on Karl Marx’s concepts. The capitalist mode of production is the primary driving force of media corporations‘ strategic action and of the media economy’s structural transformations. Factors that are of particular relevance in such structural transformations include profit orientation, capital accumulation, capitalist crises, state policies, behaviour of producers and consumers, private property, class relations, the antagonism between productive forces and relations of production, the antagonism of variable and constant capitalism, the antagonism of use-value and exchange-value, and competition. Competition, capital’s need to survive, and capitalism’s immanent crisis potentials force corporations try to create innovations such as new digital technologies. Informatisation, which includes the use of the computer as universal machine and the Internet, is the provisionally latest stage in the development of the productive forces that has affected media technologies and the media industry. The capital-driven structural digital transformation of the media industry has resulted in the convergence of production, distribution and consumption, the creation of a variety of non-tangible digital products, digital rationalisation and automation, and the universal real subsumption of labour under capital. These developments have also created the potential potentials for overcoming the capitalist character of the media economy and advancing decommodification based on the emergence of a universal digital media system.

Cet article démontre la pertinence heuristique d’un dialogue entre les perspectives de la philosophie hobbesienne et de la sociologie de l’islam et des musulman.es. Deux points communs émergent de ce dialogue. Du point de vue de la philosophie hobbesienne, ce n’est que très récemment que les conceptions de Hobbes concernant la religion ont commencé à être considérées de manière approfondie dans une perspective proprement philosophique. Jusqu’alors, elles l’étaient majoritairement à travers une focale politique. Ce fait se vérifie tout autant dans la sociologie de l’islam et des musulman.es où le religieux tient une place singulière et présente un point commun central : celui d’être davantage appréhendé en termes sociopolitiques. Face à ce premier constat, deux concepts analysés dans l’article permettent pourtant de surligner d’autres cadres d’analyse possibles, comme celui d’un religieux ne mettant pas au premier plan – sans l’ignorer pour autant – les considérations sociopolitiques. Afin d’explorer ces différents points de vue, les autrices se saisissent du concept de naturel religieux chez Hobbes et développent celui de l’exclusif religieux, qui émerge récemment dans la construction tout à fait contemporaine de l’islam en France. L’interprétation philosophique du « naturel religieux » et l’analyse sociologique des processus de désethnicisation, c’est-à-dire lorsque les marqueurs religieux tendent à s’autonomiser des marqueurs culturels et sociaux, sont ainsi mises en lumière. Cet article aborde le rapport à la confession et à la « déconfessionalisation du religieux », aux cadres d’interprétation, aux dimensions sociopolitiques, à la subjectivation ou encore à l’historicité nécessaire. This article demonstrates the heuristic relevance of a dialogue between the perspectives of Hobbesian philosophy and the sociology of Islam and Muslims. Two common points emerge from this dialogue. From the standpoint of Hobbesian philosophy, it was only very recently that Hobbes' conceptions of religion began to be considered in depth from a properly philosophical perspective. Until ONTIL then, this was mainly analyse through a political focal point. This fact is verified in the sociology of Islam and Muslims, where religion holds a singular place and has one central point in common : that of being thought FORTE more in socio-political terms. Faced with this first observation, two concepts analyzed in the article nevertheless make it possible to highlight other analytical frameworks, such as that of a religion who does not emphasise - without ignoring it - socio-political considerations. In order to explore these different points of view, the authors grasp the concept of natural religion in Hobbes and develop that of the religious exclusive, which has recently emerged in the contemporary construction of Islam in France. The philosophical interpretation of the "religious natural" and the sociological analysis of the processes of de-ethnicization, that is to say when religious markers tend to gain autonomy from cultural and social markers, are thus brought to light. This article explore the relationship to confession and the "deconfessionalization of religion", to interpretive frameworks, socio-political dimensions, subjectivation or even the necessary historicity.

Résumé : Donner une certaine profondeur historique au droit international tel que nous le connaissons et pratiquons aujourd’hui, faire ressortir les grandes étapes de sa formation, introduire les débats sur ce processus, remonter à l’origine des institutions et principes contemporains, réviser, le cas échéant, le jugement porté sur certaines périodes ou certaines réalisations (not. la SDN). Une attention plus particulière est portée aux institutions internationales du XIXème siècle à la Seconde guerre mondiale.

Что мы имеем в виду, говоря о космополитизме? Это предложенная Кантом модель универсальной федерации государств или неотъемлемый элемент программы неолиберальной глобализации, а, может быть, нечто совершенно иное? What do we mean by cosmopolitanism? Is this the model proposed by Kant for a universal federation of States or an integral element of the neoliberal globalization program, or maybe something completely different?

One or two false hypotheses are rebutted, those that give so much importance to virtual space that they undervalue or ignore the political, economic and cultural elements that shape the physical-social space. This article, however, maintains the hypothesis that the physical-social space, collective action and interaction between the social players are essential for local development, calling for solid and decisive public policies that will develop the ICTs and involve the social and economic players on the one hand, and citizens in general on the other, in advances of technical knowledge and in the trend towards universalisation of this knowledge. So, we explain the European and Spanish public policies that are helping to spread the use of ICTs and remove the digital divide between the more advanced and the less developed social sectors. Les auteurs réfutent les hypothèses qui donnent trop d’importance à l’espace virtuel et sous-évaluent les facteurs politiques, économiques et culturels qui constituent l’espace physique et social. Ils considèrent que l’action collective et l’interaction entre les acteurs sociaux sont essentiels pour le développement local. L’auteur s’intéresse à l’Union européenne et à l’Espagne.

To eradicate the persistent inequality in utilisation of Maternal Health Care Services (MHCS), India's Government has adopted various programmes under the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) in 2005. The Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY), a demand-side intervention, is one of the flagship programmes under the NRHM. Using two rounds of the nationally representative National Family Health Survey (NFHS) data collected in 2005–06 and 2015–16, respectively, we attempt to map the extent to which inequality in MHCS utilisation has changed over time across states after the implementation of NRHM; analyse whether there are differences in the patterns of inequality prevalent in the universal and targeted states; and find evidence to decide whether universalisation is more effective than targeting in reducing inequality in MHCS utilisation. We measure relative inequality and use the difference in difference technique to answer the research questions. For analysis, we have considered five outcome variables spanning across three stages of the continuum of care in maternal health. We find that relative inequality in MHCS utilisation declined across states during the period 2006–16, though in varying degrees. Universal states experienced a higher level of inequality as compared to the targeted states. However, universal states observed a higher decline in inequality over time relative to the targeted states controlling for other state-level characteristics. The study establishes that the programme implementation strategy and conditional cash transfer programmes influence the reduction of inequality in MHCS utilisation. This study makes an important contribution to the literature on public health policy and inequality in health care utilisation by highlighting the differential impact of universalisation and targeting on reducing inequality in the use of MHCS., Highlights • Inequality in maternal health care services utilization between rich and poor has been a major policy concern in India. • Conditional cash incentivization program for institutional delivery has helped to reduce inequality across all states. • States have adopted either universal or targeted coverage and have experienced a varying degree of reduction in inequality. • We use Difference-in-Difference technique to find effectiveness of universalization vis-a-vis targeting. • Universal states experience a higher decline in inequality compared to targeted states.

International audience; Dans le jeu Age of Conan: Hyborian Adventures, le chaman de l’ours est l’une des classes de personnages que les joueurs peuvent choisir d’interpréter. Le terme chaman dont il tire son nom est emprunté à la langue tongouse evenki et fut utilisé comme marqueur universel des hommes-médecines primitifs et comme figure païenne par rapport au christianisme. Dans le jeu en ligne contemporain, il représente une figure marginale de l’archétype des prêtres et contribue à la construction d’une géographie imaginée eurocentrée où le Nord est barbare et violent. À travers ses attributs guerriers, il participe ainsi aux procédures de structuration stéréotypées de l’univers fictionnel numérique. Toutefois, son usage dans un cadre ludique dans lequel les modes d’engagement et d’appropriation se font en gardant une certaine distance ou selon un second degré permet d’interroger ses usages en tant qu’il contribue à une mise en scène du fantasme où des formes d’altérité peuvent devenir des figures d’identification.

The expansion of enrolment and attainment is a key theme in higher education research. In particular, research has examined cross-national determinants of higher education expansion while understanding expansion through the relationship between higher education and the labour market. Early work on higher education expansion established a key framework for classifying enrolment levels, but empirical studies on the global expansion of higher education are scarce. This study addresses this gap by comparing the existing patterns of higher education expansion to those experienced at other levels on the course to universal or nearuniversal access. We demonstrate that a model fitting universal access trajectories fits higher education as well as other levels of education, and, therefore, there is no prima facie reason to believe that its expansion will face ceilings or saturation levels based upon available evidence. Claims that are premised on such a ceiling should therefore consider empirical evidence for this assumption in their analysis. These findings contribute to discussions on higher education expansion as well as studies of higher education and the labour market.

International audience

The First Review Conference of States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions, was held in Dubrovnik from 7 to 11 September 2015, five years after its entry in force (1 August 2010). The Review Conference adopted the Dubrovnik Declaration and Action Plan which establish a clear road map to ensure that the Convention norms are respected and implemented by all for States parties. The Conference focused on implementation concerns such as delay for issuing of national reports by States parties, for the destruction of their existing stockpiles and for the clearance of cluster munition–contaminated areas. Allegations of use of cluster munitions during armed conflicts by non-states parties and the need to encourage universalization of the Convention where also highlighted., La Première Conférence d’examen de la Convention sur les armes à sous-munitions, réunie à Dubrovnik du 7 au 11 septembre 2015, fut l’occasion pour les États parties d’examiner le fonctionnement de la Convention cinq ans après son entrée en vigueur (1er août 2010). La Conférence adopta une Déclaration et un Plan d’action qui énoncent les engagements et une feuille de route pour répondre aux difficultés auxquelles la mise en œuvre est confrontée. Outre les retards enregistrés dans la remise des rapports sur les mesures d’application nationale, un nombre significatif d’États parties n’a pas rempli ses obligations en matière de destruction des stocks ASM et de dépollution. Les rapports faisant état d’allégations d’emploi d’ASM, s’ils ne concernent que des États non-parties, n’en rendent que plus crucial les efforts en vue de convaincre les États détenteurs des plus importants stocks d’ASM d’adhérer à l’instrument.

We study the effect of further public caregiving subsidies (and insurance expansions to cover long-term care) on savings and saving behaviour. Specifically, weexamine the unique progressive introduction of a universal public long-term care subsidy (Sistema para la Autonomía y Atención a la Dependencia, SAAD) in Spain. We draw on a difference-in-difference strategy (DID) to show a contraction of savings after the policy intervention, but only among younguer elders who receive primarily cash benefits (unconditional caregiving allowance) as opposed to home help (ranging between 13% and 38% of the subsidy ammount). Saving reductions of individuals in the second and third quintile of income distribution, those without children and those residing in regions that implemented the reform earlier, drive the effect.

Colum McCann started his career as a writer in the 1990s, a period that was characterized by drastic social and economic changes in Ireland. Although he left Ireland for the United-States by the end of the 1980s, he did not lose touch with the social questions of his native country, which is emphasized in his literary texts and his numerous articles in the Irishpress. It seems that his immersion into another environment enabled him to enlarge the geographical and cultural scopes of his texts. The author’s work is neither rooted in any defined space, nor limited to any historical period, and it is not predefined by sets of literary movements or modes. McCann is guided by his curiosity instead, and always writes to fulfilhis interest in alterity. In this doctoral thesis, we highlight the modalities of rupture in his work, as well as their functions. Paradoxically, the treatment of rupture is precisely what allows the reader into the text, as well as what allows the text onto national and transnational literary and political scenes. The author’s production is constlantly redefined by his engagement as a citizen. This is particularly conveyed by the importance he grants to the marginal voices usually eclipsed by metahistorical texts.; Colum McCann a débuté sa carrière d’écrivain dans les années 1990, alors que la société et l’économie irlandaises étaient en pleine mutation. Bien qu’il soit parti vivre aux États-Unis dès la fin des années 1980, il ne s’est pas pour autant désintéressé des questions sociales de son pays natal, comme en témoignent ses textes littéraires et ses nombreuses colonnes dans la presse irlandaise. Il semble que son immersion dans un autre contexte lui a permis d’ouvrir les frontières géographiques et culturelles de ses textes. L’auteur varie en effet l’espace de ses intrigues et leur période historique, et sa prose échappe à toute tentative de catégorisation générique. Mû par sa curiosité, il développe toujours plus avant son intérêt pour l’altérité. Dans cette thèse nous mettons au jour les modalités de la rupture dans l’oeuvre de McCann, et ce qu’elles produisent. Paradoxalement, le traitement de la rupture permet l’inclusion du lecteur au sein même du texte, et inscrit l’oeuvre sur les scènes littéraires et politiques nationales et transnationales. La production de l’auteur estconstamment redéfinie par son engagement citoyen, qui transparaît notamment dans l’importance accordée aux voix de la marge, habituellement éclipsées par le métarécit historique.

Im Sommer 1968 wurde der nigerianische Bürgerkrieg durch die Veröffentlichung von Fotos hungernder ‚Biafrakinder‘ zu einem internationalen Medienereignis. Dieser „Bildakt“ bezog einen Teil seiner Wirkungsmacht daraus, dass viele Zeitgenossen die aktuellen Bilder mit Fotografien assoziierten, die während der Befreiung der Konzentrationslager 1945 entstanden waren. Gestützt auf Medienberichte, Publikationen von Aktivisten und Archivmaterial stellt der Aufsatz die Grundzüge der internationalen politischen Kommunikation über Biafra dar und analysiert die Bezüge zur beginnenden kulturellen Erinnerung an den Holocaust. Die Einschreibung Biafras in die Ikonographie des Holocaust ließ eine neuartige Rhetorik des Holocaust-Vergleichs entstehen, durch die sowohl der nigerianische Bürgerkrieg wie auch die Verbrechen des Nationalsozialismus als Genozid sichtbar wurden. Diese Rhetorik erzeugte zwar für kurze Zeit viel Aufmerksamkeit, ging jedoch an der komplexen Realität des Konflikts vorbei. Als sich herausstellte, dass Biafra kein ‚neuer Holocaust‘ war, verloren die Bilder und die dazugehörige Rhetorik des Vergleichs ihre Wirkungsmacht., In the summer of 1968, the publication of images of starving ‘Biafran children’ turned the Nigerian Civil War into an international media event. The power of this ‘image act’ was partially fuelled by the fact that many contemporaries associated these images with photographs taken during the liberation of the concentration camps in 1945. This article outlines the international political communication about Biafra and analyses references to the emerging cultural memory of the Holocaust on the basis of media reports, activists’ publications and archival sources. The inscription of Biafra into the iconography of the Holocaust led to the establishment of a new rhetoric of Holocaust comparisons which made both events, the Nigerian Civil War and Nazi crimes, visible as genocide. This rhetoric effectively drew attention to the conflict, but fell short of apprehending its complex reality. When it became clear that Biafra was no ‘new Holocaust’, the power of the images and their accompanying rhetoric waned.

This article explores Niklas Luhmann’s semantic analytical strategy. With Luhmann we get a sociologically informed conceptual history in which Koselleck’s guiding distinction between conceptual history and social history is replaced with a distinction between semantic and social structure, where the latter should be interpreted as the form of communicative differentiation and structural coupling within society. Here the guiding idea is that the constitution of social systems and social forms is reflected in semantic development. I would like to present Luhmann’s concepts of semantics, but in a way that might improve its empirical sensitivity and thereby make it more adequate to the observation of contemporary semantic changes.

introduction au numéro spécial "Municipal Connections: Links, Transfers and Cooperation among European Cities in the 20th Century"; International audience; Globalisation, the buzzword of the late twentieth century, calls for the attention of historians. As others have already suggested, one way to contribute to the historicisation of the phenomena encapsulated in this idiom is to pay attention to connections over long periods. Connections between municipal governments and exchanges about the subject have both been neglected by historical scholarship for various reasons, but they can contribute to the history of the "construction of the universal". Indeed, the information systems of municipal connections – their vectors, actors and structures – have defined, intersected with, nourished or undergone a series of would-be universalist "transboundary formations". These formations are shifting combinations of values, collective actions, practices, rules, organisations and individuals, all of which are advanced as possible futures for mankind. By examining some of these discourses of ‘social order' and "world order" and the way in which they combine with municipal connections, this article attempts to produce the "‘municipal contribution" announced in its title.