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Recently, the concept of social cohesion has been increasingly used in the South African government and policy circles when discussing the challenges of social cohesion in a society deeply divided by race, class, and nationality. Related to this concept is the practice of naming and renaming places, precisely after regime change. Also known as a toponymic purge, new rulers change exisiting names to gian political legitimacy for their political values and to reflect the new socio-political order, rendering place names of the previous regime obsolete in the process. As a result, this paper analyses toponymic renaming as a reflection of social cohesion in the street renaming process of the City of Tshwane, South Africa. The paper uses a qualitative research approach and a case study design. A sample of 14 participants were puposively selected and data were technically analysed. The findings of the study revealed that the street renaming process accomodated Black people who had previously been marginalized. Therefore, Coloureds and Black participants believed that social cohesion and social justice had been accomplished through the process of renaming the streets. White participants, on the other hand, held a different perspective that the process did not contribute to social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main inhabitants of Byans have traditionally undertaken seasonal migrations between their home villages and their winter residences in the southern hills of the Himalayas. Some have also been trans-Himalayan traders. Upon their death, their souls were traditionally guided from the Himalayan foothills in the south, through Chaudans and Byans, to their ancestral lands in the far north, by a long oral text called se yāmo. However, over the past seventy years, sociocultural transformation and the development of transport infrastructure have substantially transformed both their tangible and intangible journeyings. In this article, I demonstrate, through linguistic anthropological and ethnographic analyses, the interdependency between these two aspects of their journeying experience, and show how changes in the performance of posthumous rituals mirror the broader changes affecting their traditional journeying and movements across familiar landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The motivational features of Peruvian place names as units marking the geophysical, historical, migration, and linguistic-cultural features of the Peruvian ethnic community are revealed. The article interprets the material of the toponymic system of Peru to establish the linguistic parameters of the national identity of the Peruvians. Statistical data on the genesis of toponyms in Peru is derived, their percentage is calculated in the light of the national identity of the Peruvians, the features of geonaming, linguistic creativity, and markers of toponymic identity are established. Peru differs from other countries of the South American continent in the small percentage of Spanish place names per se . Meanwhile, the derived most productive lexical and semantic categories of Hispanic toponymic nomenclature, including hagiotoponyms, commemorative, descriptive toponyms, migrant toponyms, etc., allow us to consider the toponymy of Peru as an organic part of Hispanic geolinguistic system. The corresponding reasons are comprehended and the conditions favorable to the emergence of geonominations in the region are characterized. In particular, it is concluded that Peruvian toponymic periphrases enter into a relationship of intervariant homonymy with toponymic periphrases of other Spanish linguistic cultures. Being an integral toponymic construct, the toponymicon of Peru reveals universal toponymic patterns, such as, for example, migrant toponyms or transfer place names that already exist at a far distance from them. And Spanish-Indian hybrid or blended place names, according to the authors’ calculations, constitute the largest layer in the country’s toponymic corpus. The article shows that as a result of the preservation of the autochthonous toponymic heritage, cultural and linguistic synthesis, the toponymic of Peru acquired original properties that form the Peruvian toponymic code and an organic part of the linguistic parameters of the national identity of the Peruvians.

The topoekphrasis in D. du Maurier's short story «Don't Look Now» has been investigated. Under the term ‘Topoekphrasis’ we mean a description of the scene of action, which "is the hero of a literary work" (O. Kling) and has a special aesthetic significance. Such a place in the analyzed novel is Venice, which, thanks to its unique architectural appearance, has become a true work of art. The image is created by a description of the world-famous architectural monuments of Venice, as well as the use of toponyms reflecting the features of the urban landscape. Speaking about real-life art objects, the author does not strive for an accurate description of his visual image but fills it with additional meaning. The text of the novel demonstrates various types of ekphrastic descriptions. Their usage depends on the purpose, the amount of necessary visual information and the specifics of the art object described. The absence of detailed descriptions determines the use of zero and paratactic variants of topoekphrasis, the emphasis on the state of the characters, on the perception and interpretation of the visual image and the development of the action indicates its interpretive nature. The role of mortal motifs and labyrinth in the formation of topoekphrasis is noted. We have also knotted that the novel by D. du Maurier fits into the context of the world Venetian, expanding its semantic field.

The research of Uaxactun monuments (Peten, Guatemala) in 2000s made it possible to reconstruct the dynastic history of this Classic Maya political center (300-900). The study of inscriptions is complicated by the poor preservation of stone monuments, therefore, digital methods currently help in the analysis of monuments (photogrammetry, 3D modeling). This allowed us to determine also the royal title of the local dynasty and the main stages of its evolution. The analysis of the inscriptions identified about 20 examples of Uaxactun Emblem Glyph (a marker of the independent Maya polity) and related toponyms. It can be concluded that in the Early Classic after 300 AD Uaxactun lords used the traditional Emblem Glyph “king of Kʹanwitz”, which toponym Kʹanwitz (“Flat hill”) possibly was associated with the Group A of the site - the early ceremonial center located on a top of the high hill. Then, after 378, the usual Emblem Glyph disappears from inscriptions, what was caused by the Uaxactun subordination to the Teotihuacan power. Then until the early 6th cent. the dynasty began to be associated with another toponym Kʹan…kok (complete reading is unclear), which meant the neighboring architectural complex - Group B. After the Uaxactun hiatus period in the 6th-7th cent. the dynasty was revived again around 700 and its kings used the new title “king of Kʹan…kok”, adding the royal title ʹajaw to the Early Classic toponym. Finally at the last stage of the city’s history after 800, during the collapse of the Classic Maya political system, the kings of Uaxactun added the title kʹuhul (“sacred”) to their Emblem Glyph, equating themselves with the most authoritative dynasties of the Classic epoch.

In the past ten years, chatbot development has matured to become one of the most well-distinguished outcomes of artificial intelligence. Despite some criticism, Bing AI, ChatGPT and other natural language processing (NLP) products of similar nature are becoming more popular. The creation of chatbots can close several gaps in geographic information retrieval as well. This research introduces and successfully implements, for the first time, a model for integrating task-oriented chatbots into geoportals, with the goal of easing user requests, improving access to geospatial services, and fostering human-computer interactions (HCI). Additionally, it presents a novel recommendation solution for matching the most appropriate volunteer to the user’s geospatial needs based on expertise similarity, semantic similarity, and community feedback. The three categories of finding map services, discovering geoprocessing services, and volunteer expert recommendations were shown to be the most significant geoportal bot intents. Depending on the requirement, each intent additionally includes various entities such as time, place, description, skill, etc. The notion of deep transfer learning (DTL) was then put into practice by customizing a pre-trained BERT (Bidirectional Encoder Representations from Transformers) model for our particular aim and creating a task-oriented conversational agent. According to the results, effective intent classification and entity recognition in the geospatial domain could arise from this approach. We performed the training process with 200 sample data, 20% of which were utilized in a stratified manner for testing, and we obtained f1-scores of at least 0.75. Finally, a pilot Geoportal Chabot that combines crowdsourcing and conversational agents’ approaches was put into use and tested with success. In keeping with SDI technical purposes, the system might direct users to common geospatial web services, namely WMS and WPS, in addition to including natural language understanding (NLU) and natural language generation (NLG) capabilities. Result of user-centered evaluation indicated that the integration of a chatbot significantly reduces the average time required to access geospatial data and processing services by more than 50%. Notably, this effect is even more pronounced when locating an expert, with a fivefold decrease in the time required. Finally, overall user satisfaction rose from 86% to 94%.

The article deals with the lexical-semantic and etymological analysis of the toponyms of the archaic appellative "kara" in Azerbaijani toponymy, Karayazi, Karabaglar, Karabagli and Karabagli. Parallels of the toponyms Karabakh, Karabakhlar and Karabakhlilar are spread over a wide area in the territory of Azerbaijan. Garayazı is one of the toponyms registered in Goychay, Gazakh and Aghstafa regions. In general, there are various opinions in Azerbaijani linguistics about the meaning of the word kara, the I component of the toponyms formed on the basis of the archaic appellative "kara". The word black in ancient Turkic languages means "color", "simple", "primitive", "ordinary", "darkness", "gloomy", "soil", "hilly", "mountainous", "earth", "mass", "crowd", "cattle", "evil spirit", "dense, impenetrable", "hard", "unfortunate", "big, huge, majestic", "strong, brave" etc. developed in its meanings. Both macro and microtoponyms containing the "writing" component are widespread in the territory of Azerbaijan. The II component of the toponym Karayazı also has the meaning of "desert, wide flat land" in ancient Turkic languages. The written word used in the meaning of "desert, flat land" has been replaced by the term flat in the modern Azerbaijani literary language, indicating the relief form of the area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper sought to explore social justice as a phenomenon that was achieved through the renaming of the streets in the City of Tshwane. The naming and renaming of streets and public places are a potent phenomenon around the globe as they are seen as a way of preserving people‘s cultural heritage as well as memorialising and commemorating the prominent people of their respective communities, besides serving as points of cultural identification. Therefore, the objective of this study was to determine if the renaming of streets in the City of Tshwane achieved inclusivity and respect for human rights as guided by the social justice theory. The paper used a qualitative approach and adopted a case study research design, where 15 participants were selected to partake in the study. It was found that the new street names resemble the city‘s cosmopolitan nature, that is, a multilingual, multicultural, and multiracial city. Therefore, the findings of the study emphasised public participation, representation, identification, reconciliation and reparation, commemoration, and respect for human rights as essential aspects in the attainment of social justice when naming and renaming streets and other prominent places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the mythopoetic concept of the ‘world’ (Old Norse heimr) and its derivatives — toponyms with the suffix -heimr in the Poetic Edda. It involves a thorough analysis of their meanings and their significance in the Eddic mythopoetic framework. The methodology for studying this lexical unit and its derivatives is based on a thesaurus description of folk terminology, alongside an exploration of polysemy within epic texts and lexicological investigations of key concepts in the Rigveda. Employing an integrated approach, the analysis considers various factors such as statistical distribution, grammatical case paradigms, syntactical functions of predicates, etymology to understand semantic motivations, mythology to reveal connections to mythological elements, poetic devices like alliteration and repetitions, and the relationship between linguistic signs and referents in the extralinguistic world. The predominance of singular forms (28) over plural forms (8) suggests two significant points: the existence of multiple worlds in the Eddic mythopoetic model initially, and an evolutionary progression from a collection of similar objects towards a unified whole. This semantic evolution is exemplified by the transition from ‘dwellings of giants’ (plural iǫtna heimar) to ‘Dwelling of giants’ = ‘World of Giants’ (singular Iǫtun-heimr). The Old Norse term heimr is associated with the universal world model depicted as a world tree (nine worlds = nine roots of Iggdrasill in Völuspá). It contributes to the construction of the Eddic chronotope in which the world tree, along with its roots (representing worlds), is described as located “under the earth,” signifying its origin. It also demonstrates temporalization, being linked with the temporal concept of age (Old Norse ƍld) and exhibits anthropocentric orientation.

Abstract Traditional village toponyms contain rich vernacular geographical information, profound cultural connotations, and social group memories. Studying the meanings and spatial distribution characteristics of traditional village toponyms and their formation mechanism is significant for the sustainable development and protection of the intangible culture of traditional villages. However, previous studies mainly focused on qualitative description combined with geospatial analysis techniques to explore their spatial distribution and influencing factors, but there has yet to be an in-depth study on why such a pattern is formed. Thus, this study employs statistics, a GIS kernel density estimation method, a geodetector, and historical data to examine the spatial distribution, influence factors, and formation mechanisms of various toponyms in traditional villages in western Hunan, China. The results show that (1) the toponyms in traditional villages in western Hunan can be categorized into natural and cultural landscape toponyms. Natural landscape toponyms predominate in the northwest, whereas cultural landscape toponyms are more concentrated in the southeast, with Huayuan, Longshan, and Dong Autonomous Counties as the primary focal points; (2)Natural toponyms are shaped by terrain, river proximity, and vegetation, whereas cultural toponyms cluster due to natural features and historic trail influence, mirroring the historical migration and settlement patterns in the development of western Hunan; (3)Multiple influencing factors, regulatory powers, and curing processes reveal the formation mechanism of the spatial patterns of toponyms. This study offers a novel lens for recognizing and understanding the characteristics of human settlement environments and culture in traditional villages. Moreover, the results of this study can provide scientific guidance for the cultural protection of traditional villages on a cross-regional scale.

In this note, we describe how to install and use the 'toponym' R package, which is designed for mapping and manipulating toponymic data from the GeoNames database. This introduction will allow even unexperienced users of R to efficiently produce maps and perform simple analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'Philological sciences' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Traditional village toponyms contain rich vernacular geographical information, profound cultural connotations, and social group memories. Studying the meanings and spatial distribution characteristics of traditional village toponyms and their formation mechanism is significant for the sustainable development and protection of the intangible culture of traditional villages. However, previous studies mainly focused on qualitative description combined with geospatial analysis techniques to explore their spatial distribution and influencing factors, but there has yet to be an in-depth study on why such a pattern is formed. Thus, this study employs statistics, a GIS kernel density estimation method, a geodetector, and historical data to examine the spatial distribution, influence factors, and formation mechanisms of various toponyms in traditional villages in western Hunan, China. The results show that (1) the toponyms in traditional villages in western Hunan can be categorized into natural and cultural landscape toponyms. Natural landscape toponyms predominate in the northwest, whereas cultural landscape toponyms are more concentrated in the southeast, with Huayuan, Longshan, and Dong Autonomous Counties as the primary focal points; (2)Natural toponyms are shaped by terrain, river proximity, and vegetation, whereas cultural toponyms cluster due to natural features and historic trail influence, mirroring the historical migration and settlement patterns in the development of western Hunan; (3)Multiple influencing factors, regulatory powers, and curing processes reveal the formation mechanism of the spatial patterns of toponyms. This study offers a novel lens for recognizing and understanding the characteristics of human settlement environments and culture in traditional villages. Moreover, the results of this study can provide scientific guidance for the cultural protection of traditional villages on a cross-regional scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Place naming of a local area is closely related to geographic elements. Local names can also be used as a cultural identity and natural condition of a region. Nglanggeran Ancient Volcano (AV) area has local name elements highly influenced by those conditions. It is an interesting study material where a three-dimensional (3D) model can contribute as a medium to collect the place naming traces (toponym) in this area through participatory mapping. Participatory mapping, usually using 2D models in the form of sketches or maps, will be a separate story in interactive 3D media usage resulting from the photogrammetry process. It is expected that the media be able to show the geographical appearance of the Nglanggeran A. V area more clearly, such as geomorphology, geology, vegetation, hydrology; and even local culture, and contribute unexplored information* The results of participatory mapping in toponym collection are expected to be a medium that organizes the place naming of a local area into a complete database, along with the origin of the place names. It is also proposed that the results of participatory mapping through the 3D model be a means of preserving local culture in the Nglanggeran A.V area, making it more familiar to local residents and tourists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this note, we describe how to install and use the ‘toponym’ R package, which is designed for mapping and manipulating toponymic data from the GeoNames database. This introduction will allow even unexperienced users of R to efficiently produce maps and perform simple analyses.

Целью настоящего исследования является изучение реализации концептуальной сущности топонима Брюссель в современном британском общественно-политическом дискурсе (ОПД). Материалом исследования послужили тексты британских медиа и национального корпуса британского английского языка (British National Corpora (BNC)), отобранные методом случайной выборки. Актуальность данного исследования обусловлена факторами текущей ситуации в мировой политике, а также лингвистическими факторами, обусловливающими формирование взглядов на Европейскую политику со стороны разных национальных дискурсов, в частности, британского общественно-политического дискурса. В ходе качественного контент-анализа изучалась реализация репрезентации топонима-концепта «Брюссель» в британском ОПД. На следующем этапе осуществлялся квантитативный анализ выявленных типов интерпретации с целью определения коннотативного аспекта изучаемого концепта в общественно-политическом дискурсе Великобритании. Сделан вывод о том, что на современном этапе в британском ОПД присутствуют традиционные когнитивные метафоры: «Артефактная метафора», «Социоморфная метафора», «Антропоморфная метафора», «Персонификация», «Природоморфная метафора»; а также, «метафора Пространства». Установлено, что в ОПД Британии преобладает отрицательная коннотация, которая выражает отношение к Брюсселю как врагу, сопернику, конкуренту.

The toponyms used to name a large area in ​​the western half of Iran, from the fall of the Sassanids to the rise of the Safavids, experienced many changes in the social and political-administrative arena, and were reflected in different ways in the writings produced at this point. In Islamic historiography, these toponyms were also used alternately, and historians used them to address the geographical area they were considering. The main question of the upcoming research is how the names Jebal, Qohestan and Iraq-e Ajam appeared in various historians' writings and how they were used. The research approach of this article is based on thick description. The research findings indicate that in the opinion of Islamic historians, Jebal (approximately) was used as a common toponym for a wide area in ​​the western half of Iran in the third century. Gradually and without having a specific definition and limitation, it became popular in all kinds of historical writings and replaced the ancient toponyms of the region such as Mah and Pahle, but in the next century, due to the political developments in the region and the importance of some cities such as Ray and Isfahan, the city became central to the attitude of many Historians prevailed and did not allow Jebal to spread as a common toponym. Also, the name Qohestan, which was the Persian translation of Jebal, became popular in Persian writings at this time and added to the confusion. In the sixth century, the toponym of Iraq-e Ajam, gradually made its way in the writings of historians; But due to the flourishing of general historiography in the 8th and 9th centuries of Hijri, which were provided based on the sources of the third to the sixth century of Hijri, the toponyms of Jebal and Qohestan, while they were almost forgotten in the social and political-administrative arena, also came to life in the writings of Persian historians. They continued, of course, the historians of Egypt and the Levant were largely left out of this mess.

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Copyright of Slavistična Revija is the property of Slavisticno Drustvo Slovenije and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present study aims to analyze the anthroponymic and toponymic practice of Ahmadou Kourouma, particularly in his novelistic story Monnè, outrages et défis. The objective of such an analysis, which will be carried out in the light of poetics, is to show that the proper names, of people or places, participate in constructing the meaning of the text from a referential discourse. In general, the onomastic approach in a literary text highlights its anthropological and social dimension. The work of Ahmadou Kourouma is a perfect illustration of this. In this, anthroponymic and toponymic uses not only participate in cultural and identity marking strategies but they also underlie the literariness of the text.

ON THE ORIGIN OF THE TOPONYM RAJGRÓD The article focuses on the etymological analysis of the place-name Pol. Rajgród ‘a town in Grajewo County, Podlaskie Voivodeship’. It has been stated that the stronghold known as the “Castle Hill” in Rajgród was founded by Yotvingians. Referring to the etymological analysis of the West Germanic forms of the analysed onym and its variants, such as Rongart 1360 etc., the author of the article presents a new hypothesis concerning the origin of Pol. Rajgród. In summing up the research results, one may conclude that the toponym Pol. Rajgród is to be ascribed to adapted place-names of Germanic origin, i. e. (1) CS Раи1253 ← top. *Rain / *Rein (/ *Reyn) ‘a frontier’ ↔ top. MLG †Reyne 1292, 1293, 1489; (2) Raygrod 1244, Reygrod 1429 etc. (↔ Rajgród) ← *Reingarden / *Reingart(h) ‘a frontier area’; (3) Rongart 1360, Rogors 1422 etc. ← sub. MLG ronne(bôm) ‘a border pole, i.e. a frontier, a march’.

The article examines the sources of the unstressed a/o variation in Russian toponyms spelling. This type of variation is known from the works of previous researchers of Russian toponymy and is also presented in Russia’s State Index of Place Names (SIPN), namely in the category of toponyms requiring spelling clarification. The material of the study is constituted by toponyms from the SIPN with variation in the spelling of unstressed a/o. The sources of the study are normative legal acts of the subjects of the country and municipalities, reference books of political divisions, lists of settlements and topographic maps of the 18th–21st centuries. Using different methods of onomastic research such as the analysis of name variants, etymological analysis, geolinguistic analysis, etc., the following sources for spelling variation of toponyms are identified and illustrated with examples: the influence of local dialects, de-etymologization of toponyms, hypercorrection of toponyms, the use of practical transcription rules, oral adoption of borrowed toponyms, phonetization of toponyms. The main prerequisite for variation is the unstressed position of the a/o vowels. The influence of local dialects may affect the spelling of a toponym, particularly in the case of de-etymologization, but it is not mandatory. De-etymologization manifests itself in the loss of connection with a specific appellative or anthroponym the toponym derives from. Toponymic variation is aggravated in the case of a known variation in the spelling of the corresponding appellative or anthroponym. Hypercorrection results from the urge to render a toponym in some form that feels intuitively correct. Hypercorrection and phonetization ignore both the traditions of the use of the toponym and its linguistic origin. The use of practical transcription leads to variation in the toponyms borrowed into Russian, particularly if these have traditional spellings. In the case of oral adoption of borrowed toponyms, variation occurs because of the adaptation of unfamiliar phonemes. It is noted that variation is often complex, and de-etymologization plays a crucial role.

The political, economic, social and cultural changes that occur in the society affect the processes of nominating urban objects, which represent a fundamental part of toponymic policy. It therefore seems relevant to compare the basics of nominating processes underlying the hodonyms, which are understood as proper names that nominate linear or separately standing elements of a street and road network located on the territory of any type of settlement. The article deals with the hodonyms of Volgograd and Krasnoyarsk. As a result of the comparative study, it has been established that whilst nominating intra-city topographical objects of the abovementioned settlements, the most relevant were memorative and locative linguistic codes, through which the history of the area, country and world is characterized in the hodonymic space of the regions, while symbolic, ethnic and numeric linguistic codes are not decisive for the choice of urban objects’ names. It has been proved that linguistic coding takes into account national trends in the development of globalization and glocalization processes and regional specifics, which clarify the geographical location of a settlement, the national composition of the population, their customs and traditions. The article identifies some factors that hinder the implementation of toponymic policy, the most significant of which are the low degree of novelty of the name within the city; the presence of hodonyms, one of the components of which is correlated with another geographical term, the occurrence of separate multi-component nominations.

The article presents the results of cognitive, language-and-cultural and sociolinguistic analysis with the goal to distinguish the markers of regional identity in commemorative names, viewed as heroic ideologemes that help in actualizing ideological and axiological ideas of community. The empirical material, that was collected through upstanding sampling from regional web sites and survey, includes region commemorative names represented by nominations of outstanding people and historical events that took place in Chelyabinsk region. Considering cultural history of the territory, the commemorative names could remain in the regional consciousness for a long time without changing the original content. However, the original forms might either be simplified without losing the heroic sense or in the process of transonymization they might fail to keep it in folk naming, undergo renaming, or disappear from the local language landspace. Deglorification may be presented as complete or partial loss of heroic connotations in commemorative names. Heroic meaning of a toponym or microtoponym is kept on in cases of partial deglorification, though being specified by some positive connotations associated with the attitude of the local people to the commemorative name. Heroic meaning of commemorative nomination is faded out in cases of complete deglorification, thus reflecting ironical or contemptuous attitude of the South Ural people to transformed toponyms or microtoponyms. Commemorative toponyms and microtoponyms demonstrate reference to folk nomination; whereas recurrent usage of the same folk names in the answers to the survey is viewed as a reliable proof that regional place names and minor place names are markers of regional identity in the language consciousness of the South Ural people. The results of the study are supposed to be included in the Dictionary of Chelyabinsk regional lexicon.

This article focuses on a Bugis nautical chart of Nusantara (the Malay Archipelago) from the early nineteenth century known as the Utrecht Map. There are only a few surviving copies of similar Bugis maps, all confiscated from local “pirates” during the colonial era. While graphical elements of the map undoubtedly point to prototypical European maps, careful analysis of its annotations reveals extensive linguistic modification better to reflect Bugis maritime knowledge. Not only are they completely written in Lontara’, the indigenous script of the Bugis, Euro-centric toponyms from contemporaneous maps are consistently replaced by locally derived toponyms from an oral and written tradition unknown to Europeans. In colonial frameworks, maps could be used as powerful instruments of control which eroded indigenous spatial knowledge. As part of an ongoing efforts to decolonize our understanding of maps, critique of western maps should be complemented by discussions of non- western maps which foreground indigenous knowledge or counter-mapping elements. The use of indigenous elements can be regarded as a fascinating case of counter-mapping and a decolonial effort initiated by the anonymous, everyday people of Nusantara.

The availability of accurate toponyms in user tweets is crucial for geolocating Twitter users.However, existing methods for locating Twitter users often suffer from limited quantity and reliability of acquired toponyms, thus impacting the accuracy of user geolocation.To address this issue, a twitter user geolocation method based on single-point toponym matching and local toponym filtering was proposed.A toponym type discriminating algorithm based on the aggregation degree of locations of the toponym was designed.In the proposed algorithm, a single-point toponym database was generated to provide more reliable toponyms extracted from tweets.Then, according to a proposed local place name filtering algorithm based on the aggregation degree of user location, the aggregation degree of user location centered on the longitude and latitude of toponyms and the average longitude and latitude of users were calculated.This process helped in extracting local toponyms with a high aggregation degree, which enhances the reliability of toponyms used in geolocation.Finally, a user-toponym heterogeneous graph was constructed based on user social relationships and user mentions of toponyms, and users were located by graph representation learning and neural networks.A large number of user geolocation experiments were conducted based on two commonly used public datasets in this field, namely GEOTEXT and TW-US.Comparisons with nine existing typical methods for Twitter user geolocation, including HGNN, ReLP, and GCN, demonstrate that our proposed method achieves significantly higher geolocation accuracy.On the GEOTEXT dataset, the average error is reduced by 7.3～342.8 km, the median error is reduced by 2.4～354.4 km, and the accuracy of large area-level geolocation is improved by 1.3%～26.3%.On the TW-US dataset, the average error is reduced by 8.6～246.6 km, the median error is reduced by 5.7～149.7 km, and the accuracy of large area-level geolocation is improved by 1.5%～20.5%.

The article deals with Spanish set expressions that include a foreign proper name. The study overviews phraseological units, as well as proverbs and sayings included in the most important Spanish lexicographical works. Dealing with an onomastic (onymic) component requires the description of idioms, their origin, meaning and the degree of linguistic actuality. The study of the selected number of set expressions and proverbs has revealed that some proper names may be considered as international precedent onyms (anthroponyms, mythonyms, poetonyms, etc.) This type of proper names may be interpreted as part of the world cultural legacy, since they are present in the onomastic fund of many languages and are considered a sort of linguistic constant formed throughout human history. Spanish national and cultural identity may be illustrated by idioms with a foreign toponym or anthroponym. Generally, those are set expressions and idioms that allude to some historical events and reflect Spanish military and political activities in the world arena, Spanish cultural and linguistic contacts in different periods. The study of idiomatic phrases, their origin and motivation has revealed the key sources to replenish the Spanish phraseological fund, which are world literature, cinema, classical mythology, the Bible, military and political activities. Chronologically, the majority of the analyzed idioms was created in the Middle Ages and the Modern period, however, foreign proper names continue to replenish the Spanish lexis, since there are many expressions and proverbs with a foreign onym that have been created in the recent centuries.

It is widely acknowledged that names play a foundational role in Proustian narratives. Characters' personalities and histories are intricately woven through their names, which serve as pivotal elements in the unfolding of the tale. In the context of noble titles, names take on toponymic characteristics, not only tracing the protagonists' personal histories but also the places they traverse within the narrative. By focusing on the occurrences of 'Bavière' in Recherche, we aim to illustrate textual and avant-textual passages that reveal the evolution of the characters' title. We explore this evolution through an endogenetic and exogenetic lens, examining both the author's historical and contemporary references. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of the existence of the oronym subsystem in the context of class of Slovak proper names is obvious not only in relation to learning about the surrounding world, but also in relation to knowledge about the creation, ultimately the functioning of proper names in general. The toponymic material of the Department of the Slovak Language History, Onomastics and Etymology of the Ľ. Štúr Institute of Linguistics of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, v. v. i., in Bratislava makes it possible to examine and process toponyms documented from the territory of Slovakia. A very modest representation has, among others, the toponyms Buča or Búča, and in the article we consider the possibilities of their onymic motivation in a wider Slavic language context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma: Serie VI, Geografía is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Onomastica is the property of Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Czech Language Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The hospitality industry has seen a revigorating boost following COVID-19. As people start to embark on new travelling experiences, hotel owners have to keep the pace and enhance their hotel branding strategies in order to attract as many guests as possible. One such strategy is finding a compelling hotel name, which ideally should tell about the hotel's history and its link to the local culture, to entice the customers to sojourn there. This study has explored the way in which hotel owners in Maramureș, a very touristic and traditional region in Romania, have decided to insert the local culture and values into the names of the establishments they manage. Based on an analysis performed on 502 types of accommodation in the County of Maramureș (hotels, pensions, motels, hostels), the findings show that there is indeed a great tendency of transposing the local culture into hotel names linguistically, in the form of anthroponyms, toponyms, specific cultural elements related to the Maramureș countryside life as well as semantic word associations suggesting culture. This study brings novelty in this scarce field of research and suggests that the liaison between hotel names and local culture could be a helpful way of promoting not only the hotels, but also the whole region of Maramureș, being useful for the hotel owners and local and national decision-makers alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of LingVaria is the property of Ksiegarnia Akademicka Sp. zo.o and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian War, Ukrainian society has demonstrated an unprecedented growth in volunteer activity (from 103rd position in the World Ranking of Charity to 10th in 2022), which specializes in aiding the Ukrainian military and civilians defending Ukrainian territories. This article presents the results of a study that analyzed the naming practices of volunteer organizations in Ukraine. The research was based on an original corpus of 300 names. The study revealed that the names of volunteer organizations are an important component of political language, because their function is to unite people and encourage action via the manifestation of shared cultural values and practices. The names of volunteer organizations may be viewed as cultural artifacts that codify common spontaneous social reactions to the current conflict. These ergonyms are grouped according to three main patterns: naming peculiarities relating to the participants of volunteer groups (both volunteers themselves as well as those supporting their activity), names given depending on the situation, and naming goals as a method of driving social transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this research was to examine the linguistic properties of Western Ukraine's toponymy as presented on Austrian, interwar-Polish, and Soviet topographic maps from the late 18th century to the 1980s. The research question was, "To what extent does this toponymy include languages other than Ukrainian?" As this article demonstrates, the changing toponymy corresponds with general language policies implemented in Western Ukraine by foreign states. The analysis in this work comprises 1,741 toponymic forms that refer to 207 geographical features on nine multi-sheet topographic maps. The toponyms examined are mainly oikonyms. The data collection was limited to the districts of eastern Galicia where Ukrainian speakers outnumbered Polish speakers by at least three to one. Given that linguistic context, it comes as no surprise that examples of nonvernacular "polonized" toponym forms were found to be especially prevalent in this examination. The general finding of this research is that the toponymies of Austrian and Polish maps comprise a mixture of Ukrainian and Polish/Polonized forms. The toponymic "polonization" was quite inconsistent and may reflect the diverse periods and forms of Polish policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2022 outbreak of the Russian full-scale war against Ukraine has led to a reassessment of memory politics in Ukraine. The erasure of communist symbols or "decommunization" has evolved into a decolonization process of de-Russificationin in which Russian cultural symbols, including toponyms, are removed from the symbolic space. This article presents the results of a mixed method investigation of Ukrainian hodonyms to shed light on the effects of war on a nation's postcolonial toponymic legacy. We argue that de-Russification in Ukraine is a case of national "toponymic cleansing". Simultaneously, this process may be interpreted as an act of restorative justice following cultural colonization. The findings indicate that posttransitional rethinking of place names in Ukraine is still strongly bounded by the effect of scale, and specific approaches to de-Russification are largely dependent on the local historical, cultural, and geopolitical context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the actual issues of regional onomastic space. The names of linear hydro objects – rivers flowing through the territory of the Adyghe Republic are in the focus of consideration. The variety of Adyghe stems and formants, which constitute hydronyms, is represented. The models of such nominations coining are characterized, their productivity is identified. The analysis of etymological, cultural, and ethnolinguistic aspects has enabled the author to conclude that the Adyghe toponyms mostly retained the internal form and connection with the objects that served as the source of nominations. The semantic types of designations, including "nature", "man", "landmark in space" have been identified. As a result of the analysis, it was found that the hydronyms of Adyghe Republic represent a certain system of names that reflected the ethnolinguistic picture of the world and the place of a person in it. A comprehensive analysis resulted in structuring the hydronymic space of the region, taking into account systemic relations and interrelations within the subsystem. All hydronyms are combined into a toponymic field, the core of which is topobases, the most frequent in hydronyms and oikonyms derived from them and having the widest semantics. In the center there are units formed according to three semantic types and to productive word-formation models. On the periphery of the field under consideration, there are hydronyms formed on the basis of archaic derivational formants, roots according to unproductive derivational models, but their reference to the selected semantic types is preserved. The suggested approach to the study of hydronyms is applicable to other classes of toponyms, which include the names, traditionally associated with the regional landscape and comprising the regional onomastic field.

This article analyzes how Severo Sarduy uses toponyms, demonyms, and foreign loanwords in the novel Maitreya (1978). The narrator approaches these words from a deterritorialized perspective, rethinking geography as a science (toponyms), identity as a concept rooted in a homeland (demonyms), and the purity of language as a closed system (foreign loanwords). The analysis hypothesizes that the use of these words as visual-poetic flashes builds a rich idiolect without consideration for their referential function.

The article deals with the detailed research of the German microtoponymy of the Volga region. The toponym source is the doctoral thesis of a famous Russian linguist A. P. Dulzon, with a special chapter, where a list of 1049 geographical names of the Volga Germans is presented. The linguistic heritage of A. P. Dulzon, which addressed the studying of the Volga region German dialects, is unjustly forgotten and partly lost due to his being exiled to Siberia in 1941, where he was the head of the scientific school of studying native peoples’ dialects and toponymy. The toponymic material collected by A. P. Dulzon has not been thoroughly studied either by the scientist himself or by the following generations of linguists. The main aim of our research, which is based on new factual material and carried out in the field of sociolinguistics, is to define some unique features common for German microtoponymy, resulting from living for many years in multi-lingual surrounding. In this article the primary attention is given not only to the semantics and structure of toponyms, but also to the influence of the cross-cultural and cross-linguistic contacts. The research is focused on contact onomastics, the dynamics of cross-cultural interference, the problem of borrowings on the toponymic level, their adaptation in the language depending on the peculiarities of the German dialects of the language islands of the Volga region. It has been proved that borrowed Russian river names, geographical names, microtoponyms, and lexical units denoting Russian realia from the cultural and general sphere, were influenced by German island toponymy and underwent major grammatical and phonetical changes, becoming part of productive word-building models: composites and analytical structures. The research shows that the phenomenon of microtoponymy is characteristic for the German microtoponymy of the Volga region, which proved, together with various extra-linguistic factors, that the Germans led a secluded life on their confined territories. A conclusion is drawn that studying the island toponymy of the Volga Germans in the sociolinguistic aspect, i.e. taking into account all the social environments in which the language of this allochtonous community functioned, can be the foundation for the interdisciplinary investigation of toponymy established by A. P. Dulzon.

During the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian War, Ukrainian society has demonstrated an unprecedented growth in volunteer activity (from 103rd position in the World Ranking of Charity to 10th in 2022), which specializes in aiding the Ukrainian military and civilians defending Ukrainian territories. This article presents the results of a study that analyzed the naming practices of volunteer organizations in Ukraine. The research was based on an original corpus of 300 names. The study revealed that the names of volunteer organizations are an important component of political language, because their function is to unite people and encourage action via the manifestation of shared cultural values and practices. The names of volunteer organizations may be viewed as cultural artifacts that codify common spontaneous social reactions to the current conflict. These ergonyms are grouped according to three main patterns: naming peculiarities relating to the participants of volunteer groups (both volunteers themselves as well as those supporting their activity), names given depending on the situation, and naming goals as a method of driving social transformation.

The 2022 outbreak of the Russian full-scale war against Ukraine has led to a reassessment of memory politics in Ukraine. The erasure of communist symbols or “decommunization” has evolved into a decolonization process of de-Russificationin in which Russian cultural symbols, including toponyms, are removed from the symbolic space. This article presents the results of a mixed method investigation of Ukrainian hodonyms to shed light on the effects of war on a nation’s postcolonial toponymic legacy. We argue that de-Russification in Ukraine is a case of national “toponymic cleansing”. Simultaneously, this process may be interpreted as an act of restorative justice following cultural colonization. The findings indicate that posttransitional rethinking of place names in Ukraine is still strongly bounded by the effect of scale, and specific approaches to de-Russification are largely dependent on the local historical, cultural, and geopolitical context.

The goal of this research was to examine the linguistic properties of Western Ukraine’s toponymy as presented on Austrian, interwar-Polish, and Soviet topographic maps from the late 18th century to the 1980s. The research question was, “To what extent does this toponymy include languages other than Ukrainian?” As this article demonstrates, the changing toponymy corresponds with general language policies implemented in Western Ukraine by foreign states. The analysis in this work comprises 1,741 toponymic forms that refer to 207 geographical features on nine multi-sheet topographic maps. The toponyms examined are mainly oikonyms. The data collection was limited to the districts of eastern Galicia where Ukrainian speakers outnumbered Polish speakers by at least three to one. Given that linguistic context, it comes as no surprise that examples of non-vernacular “polonized” toponym forms were found to be especially prevalent in this examination. The general finding of this research is that the toponymies of Austrian and Polish maps comprise a mixture of Ukrainian and Polish/Polonized forms. The toponymic “polonization” was quite inconsistent and may reflect the diverse periods and forms of Polish policies.

The paper substantiates the etymologies of some toponyms of the upper Euphrates and the historical regions adjacent to it. The period of the last two-three and a half thousand years provided the most significant information. The methodology of the performed work is not borrowed. The phonetic and semantic matrices presented in the article can be used to determine the etymology of the corresponding toponyms in subsequent studies.

Toponymy, which is one of the sub-branches of onomastics, provides naming data that can be used to examine the way societies perceive the universe and nature through their perception of space. In this context, it can be said that analyzing Turkish toponyms in the Anatolian geography is a very appropriate method to obtain guiding outputs about the cultural and settlement history of the Turks of Turkey. It is noteworthy that some of the toponyms found in Anatolia, which are understood to be Turkish in terms of their morphophonemic structures, have not provided any information about their linguistic features and origins other than folk etymologies. Based on this attention, through this study, some suggestions based on the methods of linguistics on the origin of the name "Çakraz", which is mostly used as a village name in various regions of Anatolia, have been expressed. Accordingly, there are many linguistic reasons to think that the toponym "Çakraz" is formed as "Çakır + Az". In this study, these reasons and the inferences about which concept area this toponym may cover are discussed in the presence of alternative views and based on the toponym Çakraz in Bartın-Amasra. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]