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A transformation has begun in the social sciences in recent years with the increase in studies emphasizing the role of affect in different dimensions of human relations and sociality. With this transformation, which demonstrates that human actions and social practices are not only shaped by conscious thinking, studies on the place of affect in various experiences in social movements and politics have also become visible. As they reveal, both positive and negative affects influence the formation of experiences in politics and social movements. Accordingly, this paper examines how negative affect in the context of guilt, anger and pain operates in social movements and political practices. It argues that negative affects are more than negative actions and behaviors. Accordingly, he argues that they can also produce affirmative and constitutive human and social actions, behaviors and relations. In this way, he demonstrates that negative affect does not only produce political and social experiences in reactive and transitory forms, but can also lead to alternative social experiences through collective subject formation around constitutive practices such as solidarity and partnership formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical sociology generally focuses on the regular recurrences, reproduction of social structures and determinations, rather than on the power of social movements to change societies and their subjectivization through their historicity. This approach prioritizes to understand and explain actors in terms of their pre-determinations within social structures. Such a sociological approach may make sense when trying to understand relatively stable societies. In these societies, social structures are strong and domesticate social struggles by incorporating them. However, in societies where the political regime undergoes rapid changes and institutional structures are shaken, it may be more meaningful to work on the continuity and social determinacy of social struggles and power relations within social spheres rather than the reproduction of domination and emphasizing the predetermination of social life. This article aims to use the concepts of critical sociology to reflect on the relationship between new social movements and social change, the new social entities and types that these movements create. The critical sociological insight that will be proposed aims to create a framework for thinking about the solidarity networks that actors have developed in the face of regimes that have moved away from democracy in Türkiye and other countries in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Anatolian Journal of Social Sciences / Uluslararasi Anadolu Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Uluslararasi Anadolu Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Surveillance is one of the areas where digitalization is discussed intensely today. The phenomenon that can be called digital surveillance is generally discussed in the context of privacy, display, and access to personal information and around concepts such as synopticon, banopticon, and omnipticon. The relationship of digital surveillance with political economy and social movements is often neglected. When examined within the framework of the big data concept, it is seen that the individuals subjected to digital surveillance are categorized. Especially with the pandemic and the focusing of the states on surveillance technologies, the organizational opportunities of social movements are getting harder. The credit system in China is one of the most extreme examples of surveillance technologies. Investments in the metaverse universe add a dystopian fiction to the difficulties mentioned about social movements.

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Birbiriyle çekişmeli bir mücadele yürüten devlet ve toplumsal hareketler uzun süre ayrı iki alan olarak incelenmiştir. Literatürde yoğunlukla toplumsal hareketlerin devleti ve onun kurumlarını şekillendirmesi ele alınırken devletin bazı unsurlarının da toplumsal hareketler gibi davranması gündeme gelmektedir. Özellikle yerel yönetimlerin tepeden inmeci politikaları/projeleri kabul etmeyerek kent hareketleri ile eşgüdüm halinde, protesto dahil çeşitli toplumsal hareket yöntemlerini kullanarak hak aradıkları çekişmeli bir mücadele yöntemini benimsedikleri gözlemlenmektedir. Yerel Yönetimler bünyelerinde toplumsal hareketlerde kısıtlı olan bazı kaynakları da barındırabilmektedirler. Bu makalede Kamu Yönetimi, Yerel Yönetimler ve Toplumsal Hareketler literatürlerini kesen bir araştırma alanı olarak aktivist belediyeciliğin Türkiye’deki tarihsel arka planı, hangi siyasi, ekonomik ve toplumsal koşullarda şekillendiği ve güncel dinamikleri incelenecektir. Yerel yönetimlerin neden aktivizme yöneldiği, bu tür bir aktivizmin hangi konularda yoğunlaştığı ve hangi eylem repertuarlarına başvurduğu ve hangi devlet kurumlarını neden muhatap aldığı incelenecektir. Aktivist belediyeciliğin merkeziyetçi ve kalkınmacı eğilimlerden, yerel demokrasinin yükselişinden ve son olarak da toplumsal hareketlerin sonuç alıcı etkinliğinden kaynaklandığı öne sürülecektir.

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Copyright of Journal of Economics, Business, Politics, & International Relations (JEBPIR) / Ekonomi Işletme Siyaset ve Uluslararsi Ilişkiler Dergisi (JEBPIR) is the property of Ekonomi Isletme Siyaset ve Uluslararsi Iliskiler Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Mediterranean Journal of Gender & Women's Studies (KTC) / Akdeniz Kadın Çalışmaları ve Toplumsal Cinsiyet Dergisi is the property of Mediterranean Journal of Gender & Women's Studies (KTC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ÖZ: Nisan 2021’de, Kolombiya’da, Covid-19 salgınının etkilerini hafifletmek amacıyla açıklanan sağlık sistemi reformu ve vergi düzenlemesi binlerce kişinin protestolara başlamasına neden olmuştur. Protestolar karşısında, hükümet, önce polis daha sonra ulusal ordu birliklerini kamusal düzeni sağlamak üzere görevlendirmiştir. Ancak, sivil vatandaşların güvenlik güçleri tarafından hedef alınması sorunu protestolar sırasında da gözlemlenmiş ve gösterilerin daha da büyümesine neden olmuştur. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışma, Kolombiya’da süregiden protesto eylemlerinin ortaya çıkışını, artarak devam etmesini ve bunların nedenlerini incelemektedir. Buna göre, çalışmada, Kolombiya’da güvenlik güçlerinin, en başta sivilleri hedef alan kronikleşmiş aşırı şiddet eylemlerinin, hem söz konusu protestoların ortaya çıkmasını tetiklediğini hem de daha çok eylemcinin hükümet karşıtı protestolara katılmalarına neden olduğunu savunulmaktadır. Çalışmada, Kolombiya’da polis teşkilatının paramiliterleşmesinin protestolar ve toplum nezdindeki sonuçları tartışılmaktadır. 2021 Protestoları, bu çalışmada, Kolombiya medyasında yer alan haberlere ve uluslararası örgütlerin gözlemlerine dayanan kaynaklar üzerinden tarihsel bağlamına konumlandırılmakta ve devam eden protesto ve şiddet eylemlerinin muhtemel seyrine dair bir analiz ortaya konulmaktadır. Bu şekilde, Latin Amerika’da yaygın olan toplumsal hareketler kültürünün, mevcut Kolombiya siyasetinin anlaşılmasına ve aynı zamanda siyasal şiddet literatürüne bu şekilde katkı sunulmaktadır. ABSTRACT: In April 2021, the health system reform and tax regulation announced in Colombia to alleviate the effects of the Covid-19 epidemic caused thousands of people to take to the streets. In the face of the protests, the government deployed the police and the national army units to maintain public order. However, the problem of targeting civilians by the security forces re-emerged during the protests and caused the demonstrations to grow to a larger scale. This study analyzes the emergence, increasing continuation and causes of the ongoing protest actions in Colombia. Accordingly, the study argues that the chronic extreme violence the security forces perpetrated in Colombia, primarily targeting civilians, triggered the emergence of these protests and caused more activists to join the government. The study discusses the consequences of the paramilitarisation of Colombian police for the protests and society. To this end, in this study, an analysis of the possible course of the ongoing protests and violent acts is presented, which will be placed in the historical context of the 2021 protests, based on the news in the Colombian media and the observations of international organizations. The study contributes to understanding the culture of social movements prevalent in Latin America, the current Colombian politics, and the literature on political violence.

In this study, new social movements are examined in comparison with old social movements. It has been argued that the novelty of new social movements stems from their responses to newly emerging social and political crises, which have changed the concept of political and the nature of social movements. The central argument is that social movements defend modern values, and there is no difference between old and new social movements regarding the values they support. However, since the new social movements are often compared to the working-class movement, the values they advocate are thought to be different. However, the working-class movement is not the sole movement in the nineteenth century, and it is possible to discuss various social movements. The new social movements emerged as reactions to representative democracy and established institutional politics. As the failures of the representative democracy are recognized, and as the scope of the political expands, new social movements have emerged to provide solutions to new problems. So, their newness is related to our contemporary conception of the political. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gumushane Universty Electronic Journal of the Faculty of Communication / Gümüshane Üniversitesi Iletisim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi is the property of Gumushane Universitesi Iletisim Fakultesi Elektronik Dergisi (e-GIFDER) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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From 2006, the state's highly securitised and militarised anti-narcotics strategies resulted in an unprecedented level of violence and casualties in Mexico. Furthermore, political and judicial channels have been partially closed to the civil society suffering from the ongoing violence and war on drugs. This study elaborates on the emergence and development of Movimiento por la Paz con Justicia y Dignidad (MPJD), which took place in 2011 as a civil society response to the increasing extrajudicial killings. Aiming to analyse how Mexican authorities' policies and strategies of the movement relationally shaped each other and forged the pathway of MPJD, the paper deploys the Discursive Opportunities Structure (DOS) approach. Drawing on the theoretical and conceptual toolkit of DOS and its conceptualisations, the article argues that MPJD has succeeded in achieving many of its goals, most notably making the victims of the war on drugs visible and becoming a considerable political movement in Mexican politics. By analysing the case of MPJD, which emerged and developed during the ongoing war on drugs in Mexico, the study contributes to the social movements studies that aim to understand the drug wars and political opportunities that arise in these environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In April 2021, the health system reform and tax regulation announced in Colombia to alleviate the effects of the Covid-19 epidemic caused thousands of people to take to the streets. In the face of the protests, the government deployed the police and the national army units to maintain public order. However, the problem of targeting civilians by the security forces re-emerged during the protests and caused the demonstrations to grow to a larger scale. This study analyzes the emergence, increasing continuation and causes of the ongoing protest actions in Colombia. Accordingly, the study argues that the chronic extreme violence the security forces perpetrated in Colombia, primarily targeting civilians, triggered the emergence of these protests and caused more activists to join the government. The study discusses the consequences of the paramilitarisation of Colombian police for the protests and society. To this end, in this study, an analysis of the possible course of the ongoing protests and violent acts is presented, which will be placed in the historical context of the 2021 protests, based on the news in the Colombian media and the observations of international organizations. The study contributes to understanding the culture of social movements prevalent in Latin America, the current Colombian politics, and the literature on political violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of International Journal of Economics & Political Sciences Academic Researches / Uluslararası Ekonomi ve Siyaset Bilimleri Akademik Araştırmalar Dergisi is the property of Journal of Economics & Political Sciences Academic Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Günümüz teknoloji dünyasında sınırların ortadan kalktığı, herkesin her yerde kolayca bilgiye ulaştığı ve bilgi ürettiği bir çağda, internet ve sosyal medyanın yeri her geçen gün daha da tartışılmaya ve konuşulmaya başlanmıştır. 2010 yılının sonlarında Tunus’ta patlak veren ve kısa sürede tüm dünyayı etkisi altına alan halk ayaklanmaları birden fazla ülkede değişikliklere yol açmıştır. Bugüne kadar söz konusu isyanlarla ilgili yapılan çalışmaların büyük çoğunluğu ise meydana gelen bu değişimleri sosyal medya endeksli ele almıştır. Genelde Arap Halk İsyanları özelde ise Mısır isyanları üzerinden yapılan çalışmaların büyük çoğunluğu Mısır’da yaşananları “devrim” bu “devrimi” yapan asıl unsurun ise “sosyal medya” olduğunu belirtmektedirler. Nitekim yakın tarihte Orta Doğu ve Kuzey Afrika’da yaşanan isyanlarda sosyal medya ve internetin etkisi yadsınamaz. Ancak buna rağmen Arap Halk İsyanları’nda sosyal medyanın oynadığı rol günlük hayatta herhangi bir ihtiyacımızı karşılamak için kullandığımız sıradan bir araçtan fazlası değildir.

Social movements are the phenomena that we can observe from the first periods of history to today. However, the importance, roles, and popularity of these movements have increased recently, and their administrative-political-economic processes have turned into decisive phenomena. The first social movements were of a class nature such as workers and slave revolts, but in the post-1960 period, there were more goal-aim-quality transformations such as anti-globalization, identity, lifestyles, and new claims. While some opinions in the literature on social movements affirm this concept, some approaches look at it critically. In some theoretical propositions, social movements are seen as unconscious crowds, while in others, they are explained as the rational preferences of individuals. In this study, after the concept of social movement is put forward conceptually and theoretically, important social movements in the history of the republic are classified according to certain criteria by selecting a sample. The distinctive feature of this study is that it categorizes social movements in the history of the Republic within certain parameters (such as the structure of the masses, the nature of the movement, whether it is violent or not). In the current literature, no classification has been found to present a general framework at the local and macro level. Thus, a solution that will satisfy both the masses and the state against new social movements that may occur in the future will be obtained and an important guide will be provided to guide decision-makers. These are the most likely contribution of the study to the literature on social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Iranian Studies / İran Çalışmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Iranian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Türkiye’de toplumsal hareketler, sivil toplum ve demokrasi tartışmaları üzerinden gerçekleştirilen akademik yazın alanında disiplinler arası bir bakış açısı geliştirilmeye çalışılmış olsa da günümüzde bu alanın ne yazık ki pek çok eksiği mevcuttur. Ortaya çıkan böylesi bir durumun ise hem politik dayanakları hem de entelektüel yoksunlukları söz konusudur. Sosyal bilimler literatürü içerisinde daha çok kamusal alanın bir temsili olarak kabul edilen toplumsal hareket çalışmalarına farklı bir bakış açısı getirmeyi amaçlayan bu çalışma, aile, örgütlenme ve toplumsal hareketler arasında bağ kurma amacındadır. Bu çalışma, özel alanının önemli bir temsilcisi olan ailenin aslında sosyal sermaye üretme ve sağlama yolu ile toplumsal bir harekete evrilme sürecini LİSTAG (Lezbiyen, Gey, Biseksüel, Trans, İnterseks Bireylerin Aileleri ve Yakınları Grubu) özel örneği üzerinden görünür kılmaya çalışmaktadır. Türkiye için sosyal sermaye olgusunu, aile ve örgütlenme pratikleri bağlamında ele alarak, ülkemizdeki sosyal sermaye rezervlerini toplumsal hareket çalışmaları açısından kullanışlı hale getirmek, çalışmanın temel kurgusunu oluşturmaktadır. Bu çalışmada sosyal hareketler ve sosyal sermaye arasında kurulan bağ, sosyal ilişki kavramı çeperinde şekillenmektedir. Kadınlar, yoksullar ve LGBTİ+ birey ve aileleri gibi var olan çeşitli kişilerin sosyal ilişki kurma süreç ve olanaklarının dışında tutulması, toplumsal eşitsizliğin ilişkisel dönüşümüne katkı sağlamaktadır. Ortaya çıkan böylesi bir yoksunluğu aşmanın olanaklarından biri de şüphesiz ki toplumsal hareketlerdir.

Çoklu örnek olay olarak tasarlanan bu araştırmada toplumsal hareketleri açıklama amacı güden kaynak hareketliliği, politik fırsatlar, çerçeveleme, yeni toplumsal hareketler ve toplumsal hareket ağları kuramları bir arada kullanılmıştır. Son yıllarda, toplumsal hareketlerin bir dalı olan yerel ekolojik hareketlerin sıkça görüldüğü Çanakkale ilinde gerçekleştirilen araştırma, Türkiye’de yerel ekolojik hareketlerin neden örgütlendiğini ve başarıya nasıl ulaştıklarını analiz etmektedir. Bu bağlamda araştırma sonuçları, Türkiye’de yerel ekolojik hareketleri, ağırlıklı olarak ekonomik kayıp tehdidi algısının tetiklediğini göstermektedir. Hareketlerin başarıya ulaşmasında yerel yöneticiler (muhtarlar) ve ulusal/uluslararası STK’ların desteğinin önemli olduğu görülmüştür. Öte yandan, yerel ekolojik hareketlere destek sağlamada basın ve sosyal medya da etkin olarak kullanılmaktadır. Son olarak, yerel ekolojik hareketleri başlatan aktörlerin, Türkiye’deki iki kutuplu politik yapıyı stratejik bir şekilde kullanarak hareketlerini başarıya ulaştırmaya çalıştıkları anlaşılmaktadır. Designed as a multiple case study, resource mobilization, political opportunities structure, framing, new social movements, and social movement networks theories that aim to explain social movements have been used in an integrative manner in this research. In this study, which has been conducted in Çanakkale, where recently local ecological movements have been observed frequently, it has been analyzed why local ecological movements were organized and how they reached their organizational aims. In this context, results revealed that the perception of economic loss has triggered local ecological movements in Çanakkale. It is also found that the potential success of local ecological movements was related to the support of mukhtars and national/international NGOs. Moreover, press and social media were effectively used for gaining support for movements. Finally, results showed that local ecological movements have strategically used the political polarization of Turkey to get support for their organizations.

Toplumsal hareketler açısından internet medyasının gelişimi bir dönüm noktası olmuştur; çünkü daha kolay iletişim kurma ve kitlelere hitap edebilme özelliği, internetin örgütlenme için kullanılmasını vazgeçilmez kılmıştır. 2011 yılında İngiltere’de meydana gelen isyanlarda, isyanı oluşturan insanlar bir sohbet programı olan BlackBerry Messenger’ı; isyana karşı gelen gruplar ise Twitter ismi verilen sosyal medya araçlarını etkin bir biçimde kullanmışlardır. Bu makalede toplumsal hareket kavramı, Londra İsyanları ve isyandaki sosyal medya kullanımı nitel analiz yöntemiyle incelenmiştir. Bu analiz sonucunda Londra İsyanları’nın büyümesinde ve gelişmesinde sosyal medya kullanımının aktif rol oynadığı gözlemlenmiştir.

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Social movements in Latin America, as in different parts of the world, have adopted dissimilar methods. Since cultural, religious, political and social norms /motivations differ, the method of combating inequality and struggle shows differences. Although their struggles, methods, demands and conditions in which they were born are different, it is possible to say that the common point shared by these movements is "fighting capitalism and opposition to imperialism". None social movement in Latin America has succeed to create a public opinion and as much attention as The Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) in Brazil in terms of their method and public reaction. The movement, which is known well-organized, powerful and most active organization in Brazil and Latin America; is one of the most successful organizations in the fight against inequality in terms of method, content and dissemination. This arises from strong ideological formation and the organizational structure of the movement. This article focuses on the MST (also known as the Landless Movement), which adopts a method that has never been tried in the fight against inequality and has achieved very successful results. This paper aimed to examine which philosophical and ideological roots the actions (occupations) are based on and how it legitimizes these actions, apart from the work systematics that the organization has tempered in combating inequality and the examination of the factors that ensure its success. The article is based on three basic arguments. First of all, apart from many different aspects of the MST, the most important features that differs the movement from other social movements is that it has undertaken the mission of creating a "new person" except for aiming to transform economic and social relations. Secondly, the most important reason for MST's success comes from its decentralized structure and the ability of the occupants to take initiative. Finally, the movement's strongest motivation to achieve results in the fight against inequality is that it has created a "de facto situation" and that it has the power of "mobilizing large masses of people". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bugünün toplumları; siyasi, felsefi, dini, ideolojik ve daha birçok inanç motivasyonuna sahip düşünce ve hareketlerle yoğrulmuş bir doğaya sahiptir. İnanç duygusunu azık edinen bu düşünce ve hareketlerin modern dönemle birlikte hızla artması, insanın “birey” olma süreciyle yakından ilgilidir. Çünkü modern dönemle birlikte oluşan ve geleneksel dönemin “insanı”nın aksine kendi kendine yetebilme gücüne sahip “birey” kimliği, makro etkenlerden bağımsız bir şekilde, kendi doğrularınca temellendirdiği mikro inançları da tedavüle sokabilen bir yetkinliktedir. Kaldı ki Avrupa’da modern dönemle birlikte felsefenin, düşünüşün ve siyasetin kilise tahakkümünden görece kurtulması ve dinin ürettiği inanç ve söylemlerin yerine “seküler” tandanslı anlayışların merkeze alınması, yeni düşünce ve yaşam biçimlerini ortaya çıkarmıştır. Ayrıca bilimlerin birer disiplin haline gelmesi ve pozitivist inancın yöntem olarak benimsenmesi, demokrasinin ulus-devlet formasyonunda ve global ölçekte bir siyasal yönetim biçimi olarak tedavüle girmesi, düşüncenin dinsel olandan kaptığı rollerle “toplumsal iyi”nin ideolojilere tahvil edilmesi ve ideolojilerin mutlak iyiye ulaştırdığına ilişkin akideye iman edilmesi, esasında “birey”in modern zamanlardaki maharetlerinden sadece birkaçını oluşturmaktadır. Böylelikle inanç, dinsel olanı aşarak düşünsel ya da ideolojik olan seküler formlarda kendini yeniden üretmiştir. Kuşkusuz bir inancın kesinliği ya da keskinliği; bu inancın sorgulanabilirliğine veya bu inanca yönelik adanmışlığa göre değişkenlik göstermektedir. Bugünün toplumlarından bahsederken, belki de yeryüzünde yaşayan her “birey” adedi kadar “inanç”lardan söz etmek gerekecektir. Kesin inançlılığın bir toplumsal tipe tahvil edilebilmesi için ise, öncelikle bu tipin gündelik yaşamlarda görünürlülüğü ve bu görünürlülüğe ilişkin farkındalık oluşturulması, sonrasında ise ifade edilecek sözlerin yuvasını bulabilecek zihinsel mekanlara gereksinim duyulur. Toplumdaki hakim düşünce, kesin inançlılar için temel referanslardan biridir. Etnik unsurun yanı sıra din, mezhep, aidiyet, kimlik, meslek, ideoloji ve daha birçok husus, kesin inançlıların malzemesi olabilmektedir. Bu çalışmada ilkin günümüzün bir toplumsal tipi olarak görünüm kazanan kesin inançlılar konusu, aynı isimde bir çalışması da olan Eric Hoffer’ın bu tipleştirmesine referansla ve yer yer Hoffer’a yönelik eleştirilerle, sosyolojik anlamda ele alınacaktır. Ayrıca kesin inançlılar, kitle hareketleri ve toplumsal hareketler bağlamında değerlendirilecek ve kesin inançlıların bu hareketler içerisindeki rolleri üzerinde durulacaktır. Son olarak ise, dünya ve Türkiye ölçeğinde kesin inançlı olarak betimlenebilecek kişi, grup ya da toplulukların örnekliği üzerinden bir toplumsal tip geliştirilmeye çalışılacaktır.

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Copyright of Mülkiye Dergisi is the property of Mulkiye Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Communication technologies have become pervasive tools in social movements in recent years. These uses have met with growing researcher's attention around the world. This is why the role of communication technologies in social movements is currently a hot topic in academic circles. Using the qualitative and quantitative content analysis, this study presents the result of a systematic literature review of 53 journal articles that deal with the use of communication technologies in social movements. The literature review was carried out under five categories. In the first and second categories, the emphasis was given to which social movements and communication tools these studies analyze; in the third and fourth categories, their methodologies and data collection techniques were examined; and in the fifth category, the relationship they establish between social movements and media was explored. According to the results, mostly the Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street protests were examined in these studies and Twitter was analyzed the most. The results also showed that quantitative and qualitative content analysis techniques were used the most in these studies and computationalbased data collection techniques were utilized at the highest level. Finally, the resultsdemonstrated a positive relationship between media and social movements in the examined studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Günümüzde meydana gelen toplumsal hareketlerde kolektif bir kimliğin oluşturulduğu ve bu kimliğin hareketin amaçlarına ulaşılması için aktif olarak kullanıldığı görülmektedir. Özellikle iletişim teknolojilerindeki gelişim ile birlikte; enformasyonun hızlı yayılması, maliyetlerin düşük olması, anonimlik imkânı sunması, kolay üye olunabilirlik ve sanal cemaatler için kamusal alanlar yaratması özellikleri ile sosyal medya kolektif kimliğin oluşturulmasında etkin rol oynamaktadır. Ancak toplumsal hareketlerin yorumlanmasında başvurulan kaynak mobilizasyonu kuramınca kolektif kimlik kavramına gereken önemin verilmediği ifade edilmektedir. Fakat kolektif kimliğin bu kuram penceresinden bakıldığında da önemli olduğunu ve sosyal medyanın bu hususta etkin kullanıldığını ortaya koymak amacıyla Teröre Hayır Kardeşliğe Evet hareketi kaynak mobilizasyonu kuramı ile incelenmiş ve hareket esnasında kolektif kimliğin sosyal medya vasıtasıyla oluşturulduğu tespit edilmiştir. Yapılan incelemede, hareketin resmi internet adresindeki duyurular ve sosyal medya hesaplarındaki paylaşımlar üzerinden elde edilen veriler söylem analizi ile niteliksel olarak değerlendirilmiştir