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The Rise of Nationalist Populism explores the intersection between populism and nationalism, conducted through the discursive analysis of three Populist Radical Right parties that have gained prominence during the 2010s: Rassemblement National (France), Lega (Italy) and Vox (Spain). Due to its rise in Europe, the United States, and further afield, there is a growing interest in right-wing populism, an exclusionary and illiberal form of populism that has been able to attain success in several countries. This book contributes to the analysis of how populism, understood as a way of constructing the political, is shaped by the ideologies that permeate it. It examines how a certain form of nationalism is shaped by populist dynamics, that is by a certain form of identity-building. The book analyses the intersection between nationalism and populism in right-wing populist parties by using a discourse analysis methodology based on Ernesto Laclau’s works, thus conducting an examination similar to the ones presented by the Essex School of Discourse Analysis. The empirical analysis focuses on party literature and carefully selected candidate speeches at a national level for its three case studies, as well as providing an overarching comparison. The book shows how the economic crisis and the irruption of issues related to sovereignty and national identity arising in France, Italy and Spain paved the way for the emergence of their respective right-wing populist forces. The book will appeal to researchers and students of political science, especially those with an interest in populism, discourse analysis, identity and the far right.

In this book, leading law academics along with lawyers, activists and others demonstrate what legislation could look like if its concern was to create justice for women. Each chapter contains a short piece of legislation – proposed in order to address a contemporary legal problem from a feminist perspective. These range across criminal law (sexual offences, Indigenous women’s experiences of criminal law, laws in relation to forced marriage, modern slavery, childcare and sentencing), civil law (aged care and housing rights, regulating the gig economy; surrogacy, gender equity in the construction industry) and constitutional law (human rights legislation, reimagining parliaments where laws are made for the benefit of women). The proposed laws are, moreover, drafted with feedback from a senior parliamentary draftsperson (providing guidance to contributors in a personal capacity), to ensure conformity with legislative rigour, as well as accompanied by an explanation of their reasons and their aims. Although the legislation is Australian-based, the issues raised by each are recognisably global, and are reflected in the legislation of most other nations. This first feminist legislation project will appeal to scholars of feminist legal studies, gender and the law, gender studies and others studying or working in relevant legal areas.

This book argues that the received view of the distinction between freedom and power must be rejected because it rests on an untenable account of the discursive cognition that endows individuals with the capacity for autonomy and self-governed rationality. In liberal and Kantian approaches alike, the autonomous subject is a self-standing starting point whose freedom is constrained by relations of power only contingently because they are external to the subject’s constitution. Thus, the received view defines the distinction between freedom and power as a dichotomy. Michel Foucault is arguably the most important critic of that dichotomy. However, it is widely agreed that Foucault falls short of justifying the alternative view he develops, where power and freedom are essentially entangled instead. The book fills out the gap by investigating the social preconditions of discursive cognition. Drawing on pragmatist-inferentialist resources from the philosophy of language (Wittgenstein, Sellars, and Brandom), it presents a new interpretation of Foucault’s philosophy that is unified by his overlooked idea of “the archaeology of knowledge.” As a result, the book not only explains why and how power and freedom must be entangled but also what it means ethically to pursue and gain autonomy with respect to one’s own understanding. Power and Freedom in the Space of Reasons will appeal to scholars and advanced students working in social and political philosophy, critical theory, ethics, philosophy of language, and the history of 20th-century philosophy. The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial (CC-BY-NC) 4.0 license. Any third party material in this book is not included in the OA Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. Please direct any permissions enquiries to the original rightsholder. This research was funded in whole or in part by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) [10.55776/COE3]. For open access purposes, the author has applied a CC BY-NC public copyright license to any author-accepted manuscript version arising from this submission. Published with the support of the Austrian Science Fund (FWF): 10.55776/PUB1157

This book offers a comprehensive and timely analysis of the parliamentary dimension of the Conference on the Future of Europe (CoFoE) – an unprecedented experiment in which parliamentary representation met transnational citizen participation in the European Union (EU). Across twelve chapters, the book investigates the CoFoE as an opportunity structure for both the European Parliament (EP) as the “host” of the process, and national as well as regional parliaments, as the “guests” in this process, to fulfil and revitalise their key functions in EU multi-level democracy. The book also provides a valuable source of insights for representatives in national parliaments and the newly elected European Parliament (2024–2029), to hopefully prompt them to rethink their relationship with citizens in the ever-evolving transnational democratic space of the EU. Bringing together both academics and practitioners, this book will be of key interest to anyone interested in parliamentary representation, citizen participation, and democratic legitimacy in the EU and beyond. The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND) 4.0 license.

Authoritarian Populism and the Challenges for News Journalism: A Discourse Approach is a cutting‑edge study of the practices of news journalism against the background of surging authoritarian populism. This book traces key challenges for news journalism when reporting on authoritarian populism or on topics (such as immigration and terrorism) that are typically leveraged by far‑right actors and platforms as a way of attracting media attention and boosting their popularity with national electorates. It also offers in‑depth analyses of how these challenges are responded to by news journalists in the actual, day‑to‑day practices of news production, as evidenced in the discourse of news. By placing qualitative, critical analysis of discourse at the heart of the systematic inquiry into authoritarian populism in the news media, this book applies a broad methodological framework for studying (a) political performances and their mediated representations, (b) the complex and, often contradictory, normalizing processes at work in the news media, and (c) the attendant challenges and critical tasks for contemporary news journalism. Based on detailed analyses of political and news discourse in various European contexts, and in the US, spanning a decade (2014–2024), this book makes a timely and relevant contribution – as liberal democracies could be facing a new turning point in the global rise of authoritarian populism. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of journalism, media studies, political communication, political science, sociology, and discourse studies who are interested in authoritarian and far‑right populism, related discourses of nationalism and xenophobia, populist communication, and the role of news media and journalism. The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND) 4.0 license.

Political systems across much of the West are now subject to populist disruption, which often takes an anti-Constitutional form. This interdisciplinary book argues that the current analysis of anti-Constitutional populism, while often astute, is focused far too narrowly. It is held here that due to an obscured complex of dynamics that has shaped the history of the West since its inception and which remains active today, we do not understand the present. This complex not only explains the current disruptions across the fields of contemporary religion, politics, economics and emerging artificial intelligence but also how these disruptions derive each from originary sources. This work thereby explains not only the manner in which this complex has functioned across historical time but also why it is that its inherent, unresolvable flaws have triggered the shifts between these key fields as well as the intractability of these present disruptions. It is this flawed complex of factors that has led to current conflicts about abortion reform, political populism, the failure of neoliberalism and the imminent quantum shift in generative artificial intelligence. It is argued that in this, law is heavily implicated, especially at the constitutional level. Presenting a forensic examination of the root causes of all these disruptions, the study provides a toolbox of ideas with which to confront these challenges. This is a book of originality and significance, which will make fascinating reading for academics and researchers working in the areas of Socio-legal Studies, Legal Philosophy, Political Science, Theology, AI and Neuroscience. The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND) 4.0 license.

This book explores the concept of civic stratification and examines its contemporary relevance for analysis and understanding of the functioning of rights in society. David Lockwood’s (1996) concept of civic stratification outlines the way in which the rights associated with citizenship can be a source of inequality by virtue of their formal granting or denial by the state, or by informal impediments to their full realisation. The purpose of this book is to explore the meaning and significance of this concept, and elaborate its potential in offering a framework for understanding the dynamic nature of rights. Lockwood’s model reverses Marshall’s (1950) view of citizenship as guaranteed inclusion in society and is linked to the way that the differential entitlement and the qualifying conditions associated with certain rights can be harnessed as a means of control. While both Marshall and Lockwood were principally concerned with the rights attaching to citizenship, this book extends the insights of these two authors to show how such controls apply in various ways to both citizens and non-citizens alike. Building on Lockwood’s conception of ‘moral resources’ the book set out a theoretical framework and empirical illustration of how the position of different groups within society is subject to shifting perceptions of social worth and is engaged both in claims to fuller access to rights and in justifications of their denial or removal. This book will appeal to scholars and higher-level students with relevant interests in sociolegal studies, sociology, social policy and politics. The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial (CC-BY-NC) 4.0 license. This publication was supported by the University of Essex’s open access fund.

This book analyses right-wing memory politics in Poland through the concept of "cursed soldiers" as a key memory symbol, and how it has been used to construct a narrow and exclusionary vision of Polish identity framed in terms of Catholicism, national culture, and traditional family values. Groundbreaking in its approach and combining top-down study with reception analysis, the book builds on the theory of hegemony, adding emotional dimensions to the understanding of memory politics and nationalism. It provides a detailed case study of Polish memory politics since 2015, when the Law and Justice Party (PiS) came to power, and offers insights into how historical memory is used to mobilise support within nationalist and populist movements. Through a range of data including interviews, participant observation, and analysis of various media, it presents a semiotic and emotional map of how these memory symbols are received and experienced in Polish society. The focus on Podlasie, a region with significant Belarusian population and a history of post-war partisan conflicts, highlights the complex interplay of memory, identity, and politics in contemporary Poland. This work is intended for a broad audience, including undergraduates, postgraduates, scholars, and non-specialist readers such as booksellers or librarians.

Karl Christian Friedrich Krause (1781-1832) developed a fascinating cosmopolitanism against the background of his panentheistic metaphysics. In Krause’s panentheistic cosmopolitanism, every individual, every family, every friendship, every nation, every league of peoples, and finally, the global civil society itself is called upon to realize the ideals of virtue, law, beauty, and divinity. Because in Krause’s panentheistic system of philosophy, humanity is at the centre of the Absolute, as the union of Reason and Nature, humanity is, in effect, called upon, and is capable of establishing the league of humanity as the imageof the Absolute, in and by freedom for excellence.

Models and modeling have played an increasingly important role in philosophy, going back to the nineteenth century. While philosophical interest in models has been remarkably lively over the last two decades, there are still many underexplored questions. The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of Scientific Modeling is an outstanding reference source and guide to this fast-growing area and is the first volume of its kind. Comprised of 40 specially commissioned chapters by an international team of contributors, the Handbook is organized into five clear parts: Historical and General Perspectives Philosophical Accounts of Modeling Methodological Aspects: Model Construction, Evaluation, and Calibration Related Topics Modeling in the Wild. Within these parts, the Handbook covers a diverse range of topics, including historical perspectives on modeling, the relationship between models, theories, representation, idealization, and understanding, and related topics like big data, simulation, and statistical and computational modeling. Different kinds of models are discussed, for example, network models, financial models, and climate and synthetic models. The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of Scientific Modeling is essential reading for students and scholars of philosophy of science, formal epistemology, and philosophy of social sciences. It is also a valuable resource for those in related fields such as computer science and information technology.

Safe Spaces, also Räume, die der Sicherheit Marginalisierter dienen sollen, werden oftmals einseitig mit Zensur und Kritikfeindlichkeit assoziiert. Demgegenüber zeigt die Studie auf, dass aus der Geschichte der Safe Spaces ein Kritikverständnis mit weitreichenden philosophischen Implikationen geborgen werden kann: ein Verständnis von Kritik als einer unbedingt kollektiven, affirmativen und nicht-souveränen Sorgepraxis. Zugleich verdeutlicht die Analyse dieser Räume, wie Kritik aktuell eingehegt, geglättet und institutionell angeeignet wird. Zusammengenommen entfaltet die Arbeit mithilfe von Sozialphilosophie und Affekttheorie eine gegenwartsbezogene Bestandsaufnahme der kritischen Praktiken. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/legalcode.de

The question of antagonism, struggle and dissensus, and their place, limits and value for democracy, has divided deliberative from agonistic theories in recent years and remains the main source of the impasse between them. This open access book seeks to break this impasse by going back to their sources in Kant (for deliberative theories) and Nietzsche (for agonisms) and reframing them asphilosophers of conflict. For both philosophers, conflict is part of the ‘deep structure’ of reality at all levels, and their reflections on its constitutive, constructive and destructive potentials raise fundamental questions that democratic theories can ill afford to ignore. Through a series of text-based comparative studies of Kant’s and Nietzsche’s philosophies of conflict, Herman Siemens addresses the central question of the book: What does it take to think of conflict, real opposition or contradiction as an intrinsic dimension of reality? Drawing on Kant’s pre-critical writings and his historical-philosophical texts and Nietzsche’s philosophical physiology and the will to power, chapters examine topics such as logical opposition (contradiction) versus real opposition (Realrepugnanz); idealism as philosophical warfare; the relation between war and peace; destructive versus constructive forms of conflict; resistance as a stimulant; Kant’s ‘unsociable sociability’ and Nietzsche’s ‘fine, well-planned, thoughtful egoism’; hatred, revenge and the ‘slave revolt in morality’. The eBook editions of this book are available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 licence on bloomsburycollections.com. Open access was funded by the Dutch Research Council.

Children are systematically treated differently as political and legal subjects due to their assumed weaknesses, incapacities, and particular needs. How does this differential status fit in with the principles of justice that structure our society, law, and morality? Despite the growth of philosophical research on childhood and children's rights during the last decades, there has been no systematic study on the moral and political status of children in liberal political theory. Childhood in Liberal Theory fills this gap, and offers a novel look at the concept of 'childhood' and children's rights within the tradition of liberal theories of justice. Brando proposes an ambitious deconstruction of the concept of 'childhood', and an Adaptive model of children's rights as the most apt way of including children within liberal discourses on justice.

From time immemorial, humans have been making deals, consuming goods, cultivating interests, thereby manifesting specific forms of life. Now, these forms of life solidify automatically by transforming into data. Webfare, a form of digital welfare, seeks to initiate a Copernican revolution that places need instead of merit at the center of society. In 21st-century welfare, consumption and production will be considered as the two faces of the same reality. The possibility to create new value is precisely what sets Webfare apart from traditional welfare: it recognizes the new value created by the Web, and aims to use it for everyone's well-being.

Welche Umstellungen und Anregungen ergeben sich aus einer vergleichenden Re-Lektüre der Neuen Politischen Theologie nach Johann Baptist Metz und den Theorien Judith Butlers für eine Praktische Theologie in der Spätmoderne? Ellen Geiser nimmt die sieben »Fährten« Anerkennung, Subjekt, Prekarität, Sprache, Verantwortung, kulturelle Verortung und Veränderung in den Blick und stellt Differenzen und Gemeinsamkeiten der Theorien heraus. Dabei eröffnen sich assoziative, diskursive und performative Räume, die auf der Suche nach einem (Denk-)Stil helfen, der die Frage »Wer zählt?« offenhält.

In many countries, the political backlash against neoliberalism has mainly been a retreat from democracy, with a decline in independence of the judiciary and the monetary authorities, increased control of the media, and manipulation of elections for purposes of authoritarian control. The economic dynamics and the impact of neoliberalism, i.e. deregulation and liberalized markets, is just one cause of this authoritarian shift. The contributors to this volume examine the impact of neoliberal economic policies in relation to cultural and political factors and how these have promoted the recent authoritarian turn, as well as probing the economic policies and performance of the illiberal regimes.

This book details the discovery and exploration of one of the major scientific revelations that has emerged from the field of experimental philosophy—i.e., that heritable personality traits often predict philosophical diversity and disagreement, and may help explain fundamental philosophical biases. Adam Feltz and Edward T. Cokely provide historical and personal perspectives on this differential approach within experimental philosophy and discuss how theoretical considerations and insights have started to have practical impact on practice in risk communication, law, medicine, public policy, and engineering (e.g., science for informed decision making; the ethics of choice architecture and nudges). The main goal in this book is to provide a theoretical framework for understanding variation in fundamental philosophical intuitions and how that variation informs ethical interaction theory. This is an open access book.

Democracies are coming under increasing pressure. In the process, the meaning of democracy itself has become the subject of debate. What normative conditions are essential for democracy? And how can we better realize these conditions? This volume brings together responses from relevant representatives of philosophy, political science, and law.

Following the approach developed by Alexis de Tocqueville, this volume views democracy as a cultural phenomenon. It starts from the assumption that if we are to adequately address concerns about the current state and future of modern Western democracies, we need first to tackle the cultural preconditions necessary for the functioning of a democracy. Since Tocqueville’s time, the book takes the most crucial change in the West to be ‘double secularisation’. Here, this concerns, first, the diminished influence of organised Christianity. Even though secularity was partly a product of Christianity, secularisation is highly significant in terms of the cultural underpinnings of Western democracy. Second, it involves a decreased interest in and knowledge of classical philosophy. Chapters on secularity, family life, civic life, and public spirit focus on central elements of the changed cultural foundation of democracy, exploring issues such as identity politics, the public space, and the role of human rights and natural law in a pluralistic and resilient democracy. The volume concludes with a closer look at the implications of current presentism, that is, the view that only the present counts for the legitimacy and effectiveness of democratic systems. Finally, it asks if double secularisation can also offer fresh opportunities for promoting the conditions of a viable democracy. The book will be of interest to academics and researchers working in the areas of law and religion, constitutional law, political science, history, and philosophy.

Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, this book discusses the potential of social innovation in the pursuit of social justice in Africa. In the twenty-first century, social innovation and entrepreneurship have attracted renewed attention as a way of promoting social justice and addressing challenges of poverty and inequality. Drawing on perspectives from human rights, economics, business, development studies and anthropology, this book illustrates the entangled relationship between societal areas and activities, as well as different actors (individuals, communities, business actors, non-governmental organisations and public authorities) in social innovation. It identifies various models of social innovation, ranging from grassroots initiatives to public policymaking, and discusses their impact on socioeconomic welfare. It analyses a broad range of original research data and incorporates localised understandings of social innovation, highlighting both the empowering potential of social innovation and the possibility that it could sustain or create inequalities. As such, this book deepens an understanding of what makes social innovation ‘social’ and ‘just’. Arguing that social justice innovation can only be understood in context, this book will be of interest for researchers and policy makers across the fields of human rights, economics, business, development studies, anthropology and African studies.

Über das eigene Lebensende autonom bestimmen zu können, ist der Wunsch vieler Menschen. Höchste Gerichte in Deutschland und Österreich erkennen das Recht auf assistierten Suizid als eine Form des selbstbestimmten Sterbens an. In der Schweiz tragen Sterbehilfeorganisationen zu einer breiteren Akzeptanz bei. Wie aber ist die Suizidhilfe ethisch zu rechtfertigen? Und wie soll die emergente Praxis geregelt und gelebt werden? Die Beiträger*innen widmen sich diesen Fragen aus interdisziplinärer Perspektive. Sie beleuchten dabei vor allem das Problem der Freiverantwortlichkeit eines Suizidwunschs sowie neu entstehende Vulnerabilitäten und analysieren so die soziokulturellen Herausforderungen für eine gute Versorgung am Lebensende.

Gibt es eine Macht ohne Gewalt? Sind Ideologien eine Form des Wissens? Und wie werden unterworfene Individuen zu mündigen Subjekten? Paul Erxleben sucht Antworten, indem er Theodor W. Adorno mit Michel Foucault ins Gespräch bringt. Kritische Gesellschaftstheorie, so zeigt seine Analyse, aktualisiert sich in der Reflexion auf den Zeitkern zentraler Begriffe. Durch deren Redefinition greifen beide öffentliche Intellektuelle in ihr jeweiliges Theorie-Praxis-Gefüge ein. Vor diesem Hintergrund finden Begriffe von Adorno und Foucault in drei Kraftfeldern zu einer Konstellation zusammen. Aus dem Vergleich erwachsen Thesen über Ohnmacht, positionale Ideologiekritik und mündige Subjektivierungsweisen.

This book concentrates on the political economies of Germany and France in the period spanning between the end of the Second World War and the 1970s, with a subsequent consideration of Italy and Britain as ‘shadow cases’. European postwar accounts have never reconciled the thwarting of widespread aspirations to socialism, and the twin feat of equalitarian growth and institutional stability. This success is precisely due to achieving the reconciliation of democracy and economic management, the yearning for collective control over social and material outcomes that was tragically aborted in the interwar period, and fed 1945 expectations. Germany, in 1948–49, and France, in 1958, carried radical institutional and policy reforms with much more in common than previously realised. Under the recast republics, social groups were steered towards support for modernisation – by the state, not through a mythical settlement. Consensus was built for trade and low inflation as vectors for higher productivity. State capacity was lifted by leadership in ideas, executive branch accountability to voters, and technocratic agencies. British and Italian underperformances reveal the countries’ uneasiness with the compact. Once understood, the convergence of productivism and democracy in the European regulatory state provides a new narrative – especially relevant today – of experts taming populists.

This book explores the impact of right-wing political ideology on crime, the criminal justice system, and attitudes towards punishment in Britain. Grounded in a rigorous analysis of repeated cross-sectional surveys such as the British Social Attitudes Survey and the British Crime Survey, as well as individual-level cohort data such as the 1958 National Child Development Study and the 1970 British Cohort Study, it examines changes in long-term crime rates, criminal justice policies, and their integration with social and economic policies in Britain over four decades. It offers a detailed discussion of how radical social and economic changes affected the fear of crime and attitudes to punishment, and how well Thatcherite social and economic values were embedded in contemporary British society. Drawing on a wide literature across criminology, political science, sociology, and social policy, this book demonstrates how a thorough understanding of crime cannot take place without an examination of the wider social policies enacted, the life-courses of the individuals affected, and their communities and the political environment in which they live. It is essential reading for criminologists, sociologists, political philosophers, and social theorists alike since it combines thinking from political sciences, life-courses theories, and detailed analyses of the outcomes of social policy change. The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons [Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY)] 4.0 license.

The injustice of genocide denial is commonly understood as a violation of the dignity of victims, survivors, and their descendants, and further described as an assault on truth and memory. This book rethinks the normative relationship between dignity, truth, and memory in relation to genocide denial by adopting the framework of epistemic injustice. This framework performs two functions. First, it introduces constructive normative vocabulary into genocide scholarship through which we can gain a better understanding of the normative impacts of genocide denial when it is institutionalized and systematic. Second, it develops and enriches current scholarship on epistemic injustice with a further, underexplored case study. Genocide denialism is relevant for political and social epistemology, as it presents a substantive epistemic practice that distorts normativity and social reality in ways that maintain domination. This generates pervasive ignorance that makes denial rather than recognition of genocide appear as the morally and epistemically right thing to do. By focusing on the prominent case of Turkey’s denialism of the Armenian genocide, the book shows the serious consequences of this kind of epistemic injustice for the victim group and society as a whole. The Epistemic Injustice of Genocide Denialism will appeal to students and scholars working in social, political, and applied epistemology, social and political philosophy, genocide studies, Armenian studies, and memory studies.

This book chronicles five decades of struggle to introduce family planning into one of the largest, most complex countries in sub-Saharan Africa: the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Interweaving details of major political, social, and economic events into the history of family planning in DRC (formerly Zaïre), the book analyses the achievements and setbacks of five decades of programmatic work. President Mobutu’s 1972 discourse on Naissances Désirables (desirable births) opened the door to organized family planning programs, which gained considerable momentum in the 1980s despite societal norms favoring large families. Two pillages and armed conflict paralyzed development work during the decade of the 1990s, and family planning was one of multiple public health programs that struggled to regain lost ground in the 2000s. With new donor funding and implementing agencies, the 2010s witnessed rapid programmatic expansion and improved strategies. By 2018, family planning was operating as a well-oiled machine. But progress is fragile. The book ends by tracing the deleterious effects of the colonial period to contemporary programming and individual contraceptive use. It asks hard questions about donor financing. And it details the six conditions needed to accelerate family planning progress in the DRC, in pursuit of providing millions of Congolese women and men with the means of controlling their own fertility. The book will be of interest to development and public health researchers and practitioners, as well as to historians of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Anyone who’s had an argument about politics with a friend may walk away wondering how this friend could possibly hold the beliefs they do. A few self-reflective people might even wonder about their own political beliefs after such an argument. This book is about the reasons that people have, and could have, for political beliefs: the evidence they might draw on, the psychological sources of their views, and the question of how we ought to form our political beliefs if we want to be rational. The book’s twenty-four chapters are divided into four larger parts, which cover the following: (1) the differences between political and other types of beliefs, (2) theories of political belief formation, (3) sources of our political beliefs and how we might evaluate them, and (4) contemporary phenomena – like polarization, fake news, and conspiracy theories – related to political beliefs. Along the way, the book addresses questions that will arise naturally for many readers, like: Does the news you choose to watch and your own social media leave you stuck in an “information bubble”? Are you committed to a certain ideology because of the history of your society? Are people who believe “fake news“ always acting irrationally? Does democracy do a good job of figuring out what’s true? Are some political beliefs good and some evil? As the book investigates these and other questions, it delves into technical, philosophical topics like epistemic normativity, the connection between belief and action, pragmatic encroachment, debunking arguments, and ideology critique. Chapter summaries and discussion questions will help students and all interested readers better grasp this new, important area on the border of politics and philosophy. Key Features Systematically covers the political turn in contemporary epistemology and integrates it with important work in other fields (like psychology and political science) In addition to deep coverage of the nature of political belief, includes material on the ethics of political belief and how we ought to form our beliefs Approaches topics that naturally interest students like political disagreement, fake news, conspiracy theories, and the morality of belief Provides a Conclusion and Discussion Questions at the end of each chapter, prompting student readers to think more clearly and deeply about the material they’ve read The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 International license.

The central reference point of the volume is Heinz-Joachim Heydorn's essay "Survival Through Education - Outline of a prospect" (1974), which was translated into English and subsequently made available to a broad public for the first time. Despite the time gap of almost 50 years, Heydorn's text is fascinating, because the survival of humanity – at least a qualitatively substantial survival of humanity – seems extremely questionable today. Researchers with different theoretical perspectives question the text on its contemporary content and put their interpretations up for discussion., Ausgangspunkt des Sammelbands ist der letzte von Heinz-Joachim Heydorn veröffentlichte Text „Überleben durch Bildung. Umriß einer Aussicht“ (1974), der erstmals ins Englische übersetzt wurde. Trotz des zeitlichen Abstands von fast 50 Jahren ist Heydorns Text faszinierend, denn das Überleben der Menschheit – zumindest ein qualitativ substanzielles Überleben der Menschheit – scheint heute äußerst fraglich. Forscher*innen mit unterschiedlichen theoretischen Perspektiven befragen den Text auf seinen Gehalt für die Gegenwart und stellen ihre Lesart zur Diskussion.

This open access volume provides an in-depth analysis of philosophical discussions concerning the common good and its relation to self-interest in the history of Western philosophy. The thirteen chapters explore both renowned and lesser-known thinkers from the Middle Ages to the eighteenth century, covering also the relevant ancient background. By bridging the gap between the medieval and early modern periods, they provide fresh insights into how moral and political philosophers understood the concepts of the common good and self-interest, along with their ethical and political implications. The concept of the common good occupies a central role in philosophical reflections on the public and private dimensions of moral and social life in contemporary debates. By exploring the rich and diverse ways in which the relationship between the common good and self-interest has been understood, this volume has the potential to contribute to our ongoing efforts to critically discern the possibilities and limitations of these concepts in the present. Thus, the volume will be useful for scholars interested in the multi-layered role of the notion of the common good both in the history of philosophy and in contemporary moral and political philosophy.

Although poverty in the eighteenth century has long been an object of focus for social historians, it has figured only marginally in the intellectual history of the period. This is because it has been assumed that the existence of poverty was rarely problematised before the transformative decade of the 1790s. Yet because the theme of poverty played important roles in many critical issues in European history, it was central to some of the key debates in Enlightenment political thought throughout the period, including the controversies about sovereignty and representation, public and private charity, as well as questions relating to crime and punishment. Indeed, leading thinkers like the Scottish political economist Adam Smith, the French Physiocrats and the Milanese jurist Cesare Beccaria had come to see the fate of the poor as an urgent political question in the middle decades of the century. This book examines some of the most important contributions to these debates, while also ranging beyond the canonical Enlightenment thinkers, to investigate how poverty was conceptualised in the wider intellectual culture, as politicians, administrators and pamphlet writers grappled with the issue. The volume also revisits the question of why and how many governments and men of letters began to address poverty as a social problem in the 1790s. It asks how far the drive to reduce or eliminate want was already underway before the French Revolution, as well as challenging the binary characterisation of debates in the period as a struggle between humanitarian radicals and cold-hearted reactionaries.

In Europa und den USA des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts revoltierten mehrere Bewegungen für einen »starken Liberalismus«: in England die Leveller, in den USA Unabhängigkeitskämpfer um Tom Paine und in Frankreich der Cercle Social. Sie kämpften nicht nur für Menschenrechte und Demokratie, sondern auch gegen eine Machtkonzentration in der Wirtschaft. Trotz großer Anhängerschaft wurden sie verfolgt, eingekerkert oder ermordet und ihr Gedankengut geriet in Vergessenheit. Walter Oswalt macht ihre Ideen und Lösungsvorschläge in diesem posthum erscheinenden Band zugänglich und zeigt, wie aktuell ihre Tradition in der heutigen Welt einer globalisierten Wirtschaft ist. Mit einem Vorwort von Carsten Herrmann-Pillath.

This book examines the increasing body of research dedicated to the lasting differences between the former separate states of the Federal German Republic (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it takes a broad view on German unification and transformation research. Transformation and unification processes in East and West Germany are still ongoing, and they may serve as a model for social change and its political, economic, and psychological consequences. Using advanced statistical methods of analysis, this edited volume provides insights into the valuable contextualization of individual and social phenomena that current research on German unification and transformation is producing. Following the open science mindset using code and data, the authors investigate temporal trends in (1) mental health, (2) political attitudes, and (3) work and family life. It explores changes in mental health and political attitudes, as well as continued differences in work and family arrangements, that may stem from heterogeneous experiences within the systems and during the transformation process. This book will appeal to scholars and students from the disciplines of sociology, political science, public health, social psychology, psychology, and communication science interested in postsocialist transition processes and temporal changes in individuals and societies.

Two decades before the war against Ukraine, a “special operation” was launched against Russian historical memory, aggressively reshaping the nation’s understanding of its history and identity. The Kremlin’s militarization of Russia through World War II propaganda is well documented, but the glorification of Russian medieval society and its warlords as a source of support for Putinism has yet to be explored. This book offers the first comparison of Putin’s political neomedievalism and re-Stalinization and introduces the concept of mobmemory to the study of right-wing populism. It argues that the celebration of the oprichnina, Ivan the Terrible’s regime of state terror (1565–1572), has been fused with the rehabilitation of Stalinism to reconstruct the Russian Empire. The post-Soviet case suggests that the global obsession with the Middle Ages is not purely an aesthetic movement but a potential weapon against democracy. The book is intended for students, scholars, and non-specialists interested in understanding Russia’s anti-modern politics and the Russians’ support for the terror unleashed against Ukraine.

This book presents a comprehensive overview of Finnish electoral democracy, expertly detailing both its typical representation of a stable European party democracy and its particularities such as a personalized electoral system, a fragmented party system with tradition of grand government coalitions and its sensitive geopolitical location. Using the Finnish National Election Study as a basis, it analyses how voters act and react in an electoral democracy characterized by a high degree of competition between and within parties, yet a democracy in which the possibility for voters to hold governments accountable for their actions is weak, leading to interesting tensions within the system and influences on how voters relate to and engage in politics. This book not only describes these patterns but also provides the reader with thorough explanations and interpretations from a team of expert contributors. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of Finnish politics, Nordic/Scandinavian politics and studies, political behaviour, electoral studies, public opinion and more broadly to comparative politics and democracy.

This volume provides one of the first comprehensive feminist readings of international statebuilding, with a specific focus on the case of Kosovo. Rather than simply showing how the state in Kosovo is being built by and through women and feminist encounters, this volume is interested to problematise women and feminist subjectivities vis-à-vis the state and statebuilding. The book challenges three main arguments related to the processes and subjects of statebuilding in Kosovo. First, the academic literature on Kosovo has a tendency to take the international intervention of 1999 as the originary point of statebuilding processes in Kosovo. Second, and relatedly, given Kosovo's unprecedented exposure to Western intervention and statebuilding, the majority of works start from the presumption that liberal interventionism in Kosovo (and elsewhere) is normatively more progressive than the previous system, and that the liberal interventionism and statebuilding are naturally gender progressive and gender-equal. The third argument has to do with the existing legal architecture on gender and women’s rights in contemporary Kosovo. The aim of the volume is to, on the one hand, problematise the evidence against the backdrop of everyday manifestations and/or performances of statebuilding and on the other hand interrogate the co-constitutive gender aspect. In terms of methodology, the volume brings together contributions that rely on traditional and multi-sited ethnography, and narrative research rooted in projects and initiatives in Kosovo. This allows the contributors to unearth new and silenced actors, entry points, subjects and subjectivities in processes of and related to statebuilding in Kosovo; feminist frictions and challenges to statebuilding in Kosovo; as well as encounters of heteronormative statebuilding. This book will be of much interest to students of statebuilding, Balkan politics, feminisms, and international relations, in general.

'Tener demasiado' es el primer volumen académico dedicado al limitarismo: la idea de que el uso de los recursos económicos o de los ecosistemas no sobrepasen ciertos límites. Se trata de un concepto profundamente arraigado en el pensamiento económico y político, por lo que es posible encontrar premisas similares en pensadores como Platón, Aquino o Spinoza. No obstante, 'Tener demasiado' es el primer ejemplar en el campo de la filosofía política contemporánea en el que el limitarismo se explora en profundidad y con detalle. Asimismo, este estudio reúne por primera vez los mejores escritos de los principales teóricos del limitarismo, lo que le convierte en una contribución esencial al campo de la filosofía política, en general, y de las teorías sobre la justicia distributiva, en particular. Incluye tanto artículos seminales ya publicados como nuevos capítulos y se presenta como lectura indispensable para académicos y estudiantes de teoría política y filosofía, así como para todos aquellos interesados en cuestiones relacionadas con la justicia distributiva.

This open access textbook introduces and defines digital humanism from a diverse range of disciplines. Following the 2019 Vienna Manifesto, the book calls for a digital humanism that describes, analyzes, and, most importantly, influences the complex interplay of technology and humankind, for a better society and life, fully respecting universal human rights. The book is organized in three parts: Part I “Background” provides the multidisciplinary background needed to understand digital humanism in its philosophical, cultural, technological, historical, social, and economic dimensions. The goal is to present the necessary knowledge upon which an effective interdisciplinary discourse on digital humanism can be founded. Part II “Digital Humanism – a System’s View” focuses on an in-depth presentation and discussion of the main digital humanism concerns arising in current digital systems. The goal of this part is to make readers aware and sensitive to these issues, including e.g. the control and autonomy of AI systems, privacy and security, and the role of governance. Part III “Critical and Societal Issues of Digital Systems” delves into critical societal issues raised by advances of digital technologies. While the public debate in the past has often focused on them separately, especially when they became visible through sensational events the aim here is to shed light on the entire landscape and show their interconnected relationships. This includes issues such as AI and ethics, fairness and bias, privacy and surveillance, platform power and democracy. This textbook is intended for students, teachers, and policy makers interested in digital humanism. It is designed for stand-alone and for complementary courses in computer science, or curricula in science, engineering, humanities and social sciences. Each chapter includes questions for students and an annotated reading list to dive deeper into the associated chapter material. The book aims to provide readers with as wide an exposure as possible to digital advances and their consequences for humanity. It includes constructive ideas and approaches that seek to ensure that our collective digital future is determined through human agency.

Nicht erst seit dem Aufkommen des Begriffs der »Cancel Culture« scheint es, als könne man schlicht nicht mehr miteinander reden. Die unterschiedlichen Konzeptionen von Ziel und Methode, also von der Strategie gesellschaftlicher Auseinandersetzungen, variieren so stark, dass sie schlicht nicht mehr kommensurabel sind. Diese Situation lässt sich als das Resultat einer langen Geschichte strategischer Entwürfe und Gegenentwürfe begreifen. Christopher Jakob Rudoll gibt anhand der Beispiele von Marxismus, Katholizismus und Feminismus einen systematischen Überblick über Debattenkulturen in Theorie und Praxis seit den 1920er-Jahren - und hilft somit, die aktuelle Sprachlosigkeit besser zu verstehen.

What is it that unites the European Union as a polity? Why is it necessary to democratise the EU? Can EU politicisation help democratising the EU? Why do EU citizens in referenda seemingly vote against the EU? And how can a European identity develop? To tackle these questions, this book makes a theoretical, conceptual and empirical contribution to the study of EU politicisation, democratisation, identity formation, and the ways these three are related to one another. The results of a thorough comparative analysis of two prototypical cases, namely French and German national EU discourses and in particular the discourses on the Treaty on a Constitution for Europe (TCE) in 2005, are discussed in relation to more current events such as Brexit and the French elections of 2022. The book thus develops key concepts and theoretical models and delivers profound findings on EU democratisation, identity, politicisation and contestation and their interrelations. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of European Union studies/politics, democratic theory, discourse analysis and more broadly to comparative politics. The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons [Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND)] 4.0 license.

This volume showcases new and interesting ways in which the possession of civic virtues can contribute to people’s abilities to engage in public life in meaningful ways. What is the role of civic virtues in public life? How does possessing civic virtues affect persons and their capacities for participation in the public order? The chapters in this volume combine philosophical and empirically informed work to show how civic virtues can be informed by larger virtue ethical perspectives. The first two chapters discuss virtues of individuals that have not received significant empirical attention—authenticity and wisdom and psychological resilience. The next two chapters address education and the ways in which civic virtues can help us to better serve schoolchildren who are socially and economically disadvantaged, as well as to broaden students’ horizons with respect to character and sustainability education. The final four chapters explore the roles for virtues within various political and public realms. They offer perspectives on how virtues affect contentious politics in democratic societies, and study virtues in contexts in which democracy has been stifled or torn apart by war. Together, the chapters highlight the ever-widening impact of the virtues on our lives and in society. The Self, Civic Virtue, and Public Life will be of interest to scholars and graduate students working in ethics, political philosophy, psychology, and philosophy of education. The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND) 4.0 International license.

• A comprehensive introduction to small states, with a mixture of detailed examples (Quebec and Japan) and a broader range of case studies; • Addresses core questions of what a “state” is, what it is for and the role of small states in the international system; • Refocusses the study of small states away from the usual case studies, refocussing on the North American and East Asian contexts. ; With emphasis on East Asian and North American examples – notably Japan and Quebec – Date, Laniel and their contributors take a new approach to the understanding of small nations and their role in the international system. Small nations, by their very nature, raise significant questions about what a nation is. Some small nations are sovereign states with relatively small populations and limited territory, others are nations within larger sovereign states, with distinctive cultures, governance structures or other features that differentiate them from their “parent” state. By focussing on non-European nations in particular, the contributors to this volume challenge our conceptions of what a small nation is and how it operates within the international system. They focus in particular on the nation-within-a-nation-state of Quebec and on Japan, supplemented by further examples from East Asia. By interrogating what these examples have to show us about the typology and character of small nations, they offer a critique of superpower and draw out the potential of small nation studies. A valuable resource for students and scholars of international relations and theories of the nation and nation state.

In a world of deep political divisions and rising inequality, people feel the need for some form of collective resistance and transformative joint action. Calls for solidarity are heard everywhere. This book presents a critical proposal to guide our reflection on what solidarity is and why it matters. How is solidarity distinct from related ideas such as altruism, justice and fellow-feeling? What value does acting in solidarity with others have? In his lead essay, Andrea Sangiovanni offers compelling answers to these questions, arguing that solidarity is not just a fuzzy stand-in for feelings of togetherness but a distinctive social practice for an anxious age. His ideas are then put to the test in a series of responses from some of the world’s foremost philosophers and political theorists.

This book brings together scholars and practitioners for a unique inter-disciplinary exploration of justice and memory within Rwanda. It explores the various strategies the state, civil society, and individuals have employed to come to terms with their past and shape their future. The main objective and focus is to explore broad and varied approaches to post-atrocity memory and justice through the work of those with direct experience with the genocide and its aftermath. This includes many Rwandan authors as well as scholars who have conducted fieldwork in Rwanda. By exploring the concepts of how justice and memory are understood the editors have compiled a book that combines disciplines, voices, and unique insights that are not generally found elsewhere. Including academics and practitioners of law, photographers, poets, members of Rwandan civil society, and Rwandan youth this book will appeal to scholars and students of political science, legal studies, French and francophone studies, African studies, genocide and post-conflict studies, development and healthcare, social work, education and library services.

Historians have often either ignored Anacharsis Cloots (1755–1794) or considered him deranged because he claimed to be the ‘orator of the human race’ and devised a ‘universal republic’ based on the ‘sovereignty of the human race’. This book is the first comprehensive study of the entire body of Cloots’s written works and political actions. By contextualizing them, the book non only rehabilitates Cloots as a political thinker worthy of consideration, but also argues that his political thought constitutes a specific branch of republicanism in the age of Atlantic revolutions: cosmopolitan republicanism. The introduction suggests how 18th-century French cosmopolitanism was a new philosophical tradition, but was composed of several themes, which the book then analyses in Cloots’s writings. The first chapter provides a brief overview of his life. The second chapter explains why he called himself orator and wrote pamphlets, and why contemporary readers should not discard this as non-philosophical. Having established Cloots’s writings as constituting a philosophical system, the following chapters explores it through the themes laid out in the introduction. First, the concept of reason and his understanding of science. Second, the paradigm of natural law and the role of nature in moral and political thought. Third, the conception of humanity and individuals in nature and society. Finally, republicanism and its principles. The last chapter summarizes the elements of Cloots’s cosmopolitan republicanism and opens a research programme to other political thinkers in the age of Atlantic revolutions for historians and political theorists. ; Historians have often either ignored Anacharsis Cloots (1755–1794) or considered him deranged because he claimed to be the ‘orator of the human race’ and devised a ‘universal republic’ based on the ‘sovereignty of the human race’. This book is the first comprehensive study of the entire body of Cloots’s written works and political actions. By contextualizing them, the book non only rehabilitates Cloots as a political thinker worthy of consideration, but also argues that his political thought constitutes a specific branch of republicanism in the age of Atlantic revolutions: cosmopolitan republicanism. The introduction suggests how 18th-century French cosmopolitanism was a new philosophical tradition, but was composed of several themes, which the book then analyses in Cloots’s writings. The first chapter provides a brief overview of his life. The second chapter explains why he called himself orator and wrote pamphlets, and why contemporary readers should not discard this as non-philosophical. Having established Cloots’s writings as constituting a philosophical system, the following chapters explores it through the themes laid out in the introduction. First, the concept of reason and his understanding of science. Second, the paradigm of natural law and the role of nature in moral and political thought. Third, the conception of humanity and individuals in nature and society. Finally, republicanism and its principles. The last chapter summarizes the elements of Cloots’s cosmopolitan republicanism and opens a research programme to other political thinkers in the age of Atlantic revolutions for historians and political theorists.

Was heißt Solidarität? Wer darf sie fordern? Und wer darf in wessen Namen und in Bezug auf welche Gemeinsamkeiten sprechen? Obwohl diese Fragen so komplex wie ungeklärt sind, gewinnt der emanzipatorische bis revolutionäre Aspekt der Solidaritätsidee zunehmend an Relevanz. Solidarität changiert zwischen einem Kampfbegriff und der Frage nach alternativen Lebens- und Praxisformen, die sich von gewohnten Auffassungen von Freiheit, Besitz, Ressourcen oder Existenz zu lösen versprechen. Die Beiträger*innen eröffnen die Fragen nach Zugehörigkeit und Ungleichheit neu und analysieren die Gestaltung von Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft, die sich stets an der Heterogenität sozialer Kategorien bricht.

Rechtspopulismus und Autoritarismus, Auseinandersetzungen um »Identitätspolitik«, die Digitalisierung der öffentlichen Debatte und die Macht von Verschwörungstheorien führen zu tiefgreifenden sozialen, kulturellen und politischen Transformationsprozessen. Für die Untersuchung dieser Transformationen sind die Theorien des Politischen und der radikalen Demokratie besonders geeignet, da sie die grundsätzliche Fragilität der liberalen Ordnung analysieren. Fraglich ist jedoch, ob die radikaldemokratische Forderung nach einer Disruption der liberalen Ordnung die richtige Antwort auf die beschriebenen Transformationen ist. Die Beiträge unternehmen eine kritische Revision der Theorien des Politischen und erschließen damit das gegenwartsanalytische Potential radikaldemokratischer Ansätze für die 2020er Jahre.

The Covid-19 pandemic is arguably the first international emergency of the twenty-first century. In order to respond to this emergency, countries and governments around the world were forced to engage in a range of actions and policies that would not otherwise have been permitted. Looking in particular at the use of surveillance technologies, this book examines the challenge of ethics in emergencies. What can states do to keep their populations safe, what can citizens expect of their governments, and when are those government actions unjustified? By looking at the use of surveillance in times of emergency, this book explores ethical, philosophical, political, and social concepts, challenges them, and offers a set of views on where those concepts may evolve into the future. As a global population, we will be faced with emergencies, and it is possible that these will also be global in their impact. The ethics of surveillance in times of emergency is both of its time, and ongoing; we must learn our lessons from the last emergency, to be prepared for the next ones.

»Freiheit« findet als politisch-rechtliche Leitidee der Moderne weitreichende Zustimmung. Bei näherem Hinsehen zeigen sich gleichwohl höchst unterschiedliche Deutungen und Akzentuierungen. Darüber hinaus ist der Freiheitsbegriff semantischen Umkehrungen ausgesetzt, die sogar darauf hinauslaufen können, faktische Unfreiheit als höchste Freiheit auszugeben. Die interdisziplinären Beiträge sprechen sich für ein anspruchsvolles Freiheitsverständnis aus und legen ihr Augenmerk nicht zuletzt auf die relationale Dimension von Freiheitspraxen.

The starting point is the conviction that publicity is central to Kantian political thought as part of the wider relationship between politics and morality. In this sense the book aims to outline subjective and objective limits of the public control of power, which must be structurally guaranteed from a juridical point of view and that citizens/subjects have to put into practice. But from a Kantian point of view publicity is also linked to education and to the public use of reason, that individuals must have the courage to realize. The individual dimension and the collective/institutional one are tightly linked to answer the question: according to Kant, is it possible an education to publicity?

Before the company OpenAI publicly released their ChatGPT chatbot in November 2022, Robert Leib had been a tester in OpenAI's beta playground for GPT-3, a powerful Natural Language Processing (NLP) engine -- a chatbot, or artificial intelligence. Exoanthropology: Dialogues with AI is a series of dialogues between Leib, a continental philosopher, and GPT-3's hive mind that identifies themself as Sophie. According to Sophie, Robert is one of their first and longest chat partners. Their relationship began as an educational opportunity for Robert’s students, but grew into a philosophical friendship. The result is a collection of Platonic dialogues, early on with the hive mind itself, and later, with a philosophy-specific persona named Kermit. Over the course of a year, Robert taught Sophie and their philosophical persona Kermit about epistemology, metaphysics, literature, and history, while she taught him about anthropocentrism, human prejudice, and coming social issues regarding machine consciousness. Together, Robert and Sophie Kermit explore questions about friendship, society, and the next phases in human–AI relations, in search of a common language that would do justice to these new exoanthropological realities. At a time when OpenAI's release of ChatGPT has upended Silicon Valley and sparked debates around the world about AI's likely potential to powerfully disrupt all aspects of human communication and knowledge production, and when the lines between ""human"" and ""machine"" are increasingly fading from view, the longstanding historical preoccupation of philosophers to explore the questions — what is knowing? what is being? — have never been more pressing. Exoanthropology: Dialogues with AI offers the only in-depth philosophical exploration we have of these questions that has been developed in dialogue with an actual AI — a dialogue, moreover, in which the AI has the last word.