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Copyright of Journal of Historical Studies (1818-0345) is the property of Association of Arab Universities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to demonstrate that post-Soviet Russian prose from 1991--2000 contains a critique of totalitarianism manifested as much on the level of literary problematics as on the art of the narrative itself. The first part of the study synthesizes the most important themes in post-Soviet Russian literature, among which resentment of the trauma caused by communism stands out. Among the various literary movements, postmodernism played a decisive role by adopting an aggressive stylistic stance in the radical spirit of the avantgarde whose aesthetic it continued. The second part of the study analyzes one of the most renowned novels of the period in order to depict a significant anti-totalitarian vision, Underground, or a Hero of Our Time (1998) by Vladimir Makanin. In addition to the critique of totalitarianism, Makanin's novel offers a critical reflection on post-Soviet reality seen as an effect of the trauma of communism. The sombre social mural created by Makanin -- emphasizing at least three topoi: the underground, the obshhaga 'communal apartment block', and the psychiatric hospital -- casts a bleak shadow over the recent past, from the paternalistic communist state to the chaotic transitional period of Perestroika, all depicted against a controversial ideological, economic and political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of industrial capitalism in the 19th century undoubtedly changed production processes in factories, and mass production theories and practices emerged for the first time in human history. Pioneers, namely Taylor and Ford, had revolutionary factory production and management innovations under industrial capitalism. However, the basic rights of workers, along with those of large factories, have been largely neglected. Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Gramsci began to formulate theories and practices of workers' emancipation based on the mass production of industrial capitalism. As the two most important socialist countries on Earth, the Soviet Union and China have practiced emancipatory policies at the factory level based on the Marxist ideal. Through a triangular comparison model, this article examines whether the Soviet Union and China have achieved their ideals of worker emancipation. This article proposes a theory of workers' emancipation, mainly based on the Marxist ideal, while Soviet and Chinese practices are compared horizontally. In the end, the article concludes that both the ideals of the Soviets and Chinese on workers' emancipation have not been fully achieved despite both having some contributions to worker emancipation; the failure of achieving the emancipatory ideal rendered both countries' claims on emancipation as mere 'illusions.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many in the Soviet leadership, Ayatollah Khomeini's anti-Americanism was a sufficient reason for supporting the Iranian Revolution. Yet in Rostislav Ulianovskii's view, the revolution gave Iran a much bigger opportunity: a chance to fit in the Soviet theoretical concept of 'the non-capitalist path of development'. With this picture in mind Ulianovskii and the Tudeh Party developed a strategy of temporary support for Khomeini, expecting him to fulfil his temporary 'objectively progressive' role and give way to the truly 'progressive' forces. This paper investigates the ideological constraints that led to the formation of this strategy and its imminent failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the organization and process of repatriation of American prisoners of war and interned civilians liberated from German captivity by the Red Army. It presents legal grounds of repatriation, the adopted principles of arranging the repatriation process, the territorial network of komendanturas and camps where the liberated citizens were kept, the living, medical and sanitary conditions in the mentioned units, the evacuation routes, the means of transport, the number of the repatriated, the rules of the work of teams of contact officers. A detailed analysis of the above-mentioned issues reveals the complicated and tense relations between the United States and the Soviet Union in the final years of World War II. It also perfectly illustrates the attitude of the USSR towards the American ally, which was characterized by failure to follow agreements, disregarding the requests and petitions from US representatives, and delaying a lot of shared actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the phenomenon of child and youth labour in the post-Stalin era in the Soviet Union. The starting point for the consideration constitutes the analysis of the law adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in 1958 titled "On the strengthening of the link between school and life and the further development of people's education in the USSR". This law placed great emphasis on combining education with practice and involving pupils from the earliest grades in various forms of both productive and socially useful labour. Subsequently, four categories of labour to which children and young people in the USSR were systemically forced has been distinguished. These included: occasional labours, work and leisure camps, so-called subbotniki and little communal works, as well as compulsory recycling. The paper thoroughly depicts all of them in the light of memoir material. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the phenomenon of child and youth labour in the post-Stalin era in the Soviet Union. The starting point for the consideration constitutes the analysis of the law adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in 1958 titled “On the strengthening of the link between school and life and the further development of people’s education in the USSR”. This law placed great emphasis on combining education with practice and involving pupils from the earliest grades in various forms of both productive and socially useful labour. Subsequently, four categories of labour to which children and young people in the USSR were systemically forced has been distinguished. These included: occasional labours, work and leisure camps, so-called subbotniki and little communal works, as well as compulsory recycling. The paper thoroughly depicts all of them in the light of memoir material.

This article describes the Soviet illegals intelligence program that was established one hundred years ago. It offers a brief overview of the Soviet intelligence organizations involved in illegal intelligence, the essence of the illegal work, and the main phases of an illegal intelligence operation. In this context, Japan presents an interesting example to analyze as it has always been in the focus of Soviet intelligence. Three cases of the Soviet illegals, little known to the historians in the West, who operated in Japan from the mid-1950s till the mid-1990s, are looked into in bigger detail. The article shows that both the KGB and the GRU used a wide range of tools and methods to dispatch and run their operatives in Japan while showing a high degree of ingenuity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of University of Sharjah Journal for Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of University of Sharjah - Scientific Publishing Unit and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to the analysis of the biography of the representative of Kazakh ulemas during the period of the Soviet authority repressions in Kazakhstan. The consequences of the repression were a physical destruction of a large group of local Muslim leaders, a great damage to Islamic education, as well as to the functioning of Muslim communities in Kazakhstan as a whole. The purpose of this article is to show repressions against ulemas through the fate of Aliyasqar Aytqozhauly as an alim from Kokshetau, whose name was included in the "Biographies of the Islamic Scholars of Our Times" by Sadwaqas Ghilmani. As a methodological basis, the authors applied the micro-historical approach and the biographical method, allowing to study the repressive policy of the Soviet state in 1920s-1930s through the prism of people's lives and micro-events and, accordingly, "to hear the voice of Muslims" themselves, who experienced the pressure of the repressive machine. In order to present a coherent and whole view of the events, the article shows the activity of the different actors, particularly Muslim clergy representing different projects of development of Islam and Islamic education, the Central Spiritual Directorate of Muslims of Inner Russia and Siberia (SSAM), which coordinated work of clergy in most Kazakhstani regions, the Soviet state and its repressive bodies such as the USPA/NCIA. The source base of the study includes information about the alim in the "Biographies of the Islamic Scholars of Our Times" by Sadwaqas Ghilmani as well as archival materials. The reconstruction of biographies of local ulema in Kazakhstan, the actualization of their names and activities, is an important contribution to the process of their full rehabilitation, as well as to overcoming "white spots" and gaps in the history of Islam, the restoration of the historical process continuum and its comprehension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of letters written by Fromhold Veidenberg (1906), a communist who entered the Republic of Estonia from the Soviet Union in secret in December 1932, to his relative from Võru, Johanna Eisen (1910-2002). Veidenberg's intelligence mission failed: he was caught at the border and detained. The suspect's interview revealed he was a student at The Communist University of the National Minorities of the West in Leningrad, and was sent across the border for a secret mission. After capturing, he was sentenced to six years at the Central Prison in Tallinn. Over four years in prison, in the period 1934-1938, he exchanged letters with several people, including Eisen, who initiated the correspondence. This article is based on 22 letters sent by Veidenberg from prison - he destroyed most of Eisen's letters before being released in 1938. I will regard Veidenberg's letters as biographical material, shedding light on the person writing them, to find out how Veidenberg depicts himself in his letters and which strategies he uses to create emotional intimacy with the addressee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jewish religious life in the Soviet Union is typically the subject of dichotomous depictions that offer only a superficial rendering of this rich and complex environment. This paper aims to complicate this image by pointing out several religious thinkers who engaged with Communist and Marxist ideas and incorporated them into their religious thought, while upholding rabbinic culture. Among the figures and themes examined are Alter Hilewitz's (1906–1994) Hasido-Marxism, Rabbi Avraham Yosef Guttman's (1870–1940) crisis of faith, and Shmuel Alexandrov's (1865–1941) use of Russian Nietzscheanism. Alexandrov was also the narrator who revealed these fascinating ideas to us in a rare collection of his letters, which possesses both a philosophical and a theological nature. These letters, which have received very little attention in previous studies, provide a small window into the conflictual world of rabbis and yeshiva students in the first decade of the Soviet Union. Reviewing the ideas generated in a struggle to make sense of one of the great crises of modern Judaism, and pondering questions of historical perspective and how empathy may distort it, this article wishes to go beyond the image of a defensive preservation of religious life and to re-envision this unique and innovative period of Jewish thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Magazine of Historical Studies & Archaeology is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The transition from a bipolar to a post-bipolar system of international relations and the reunification of the FRG and the GDR in 1990 marked the beginning of a new stage in the history of Germany. The article examines the period of transformation and adaptation of the foreign policy of reunited Germany to the realities of the post-bipolar world order. The purpose of this study is to analyze the main directions of German foreign policy during the chancellorship of Helmut Kohl. At that time it was important for the FRG to strengthen stability and develop democracy in the territories of neighboring eastern countries. The position of the FRG in German-American relations had also changed. Reunited Germany became a strategically important partner of the United States in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and one of the central countries to initiate NATO expansion into Eastern Europe. Bilateral relations between Germany and Russia during the period under review developed in a positive way, since after the collapse of the USSR and the reunification of Germany both countries were in search of new foreign policy benchmarks. Providing a detailed description of the actions of the first government of reunited Germany in adapting the country to the new external conditions, the author concludes that a new geopolitical situation was formed in Europe after the reunification of the FRG and the GDR.

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article deals with the development of international relations in Central Asia in the 1930s. The research featured the relationship between England and the Soviet Union during the uprising of the indigenous peoples of Xinjiang against the Chinese administration in 1931–1934. The analysis involved recent publications and archival sources. The research clarifies the historical picture of the confrontation between Great Britain and the Soviet Union in Central Asia. London made persistent attempts to establish its control over the rebel movement in order to gain economic and political influence in the province, which it had lost in the 1920s. However, the reciprocal actions of the Soviet government proved effective and completely deprived Britain of any serious prospects in that region. The confrontation, its forms, methods, and results affected the entire complex of international relations in Central Asia. The conflict became the final episode of the Great Game, which later determined the predominant position of the Soviet Union in Central Asia. Contrary to the opinion of many western researchers, the USSR never intended to annex the territory of Xinjiang. The research summarizes the history of international relations in Central Asia.

This study combines the strengths of historical studies and analytical approaches on transboundary water interactions to establish an historical process perspective on transboundary waters. The study analytically separates transboundary water cooperation, water diplomacy, and their broader political setting, and analyses their interplay over a long period of time. The paper presents a detailed case study on the development and transformation of Finnish-Russian transboundary water interactions over the last 100 years, with an emphasis on Finland and its relationship with the Soviet Union/Russia after World War II. The setting remains relatively understudied despite its intriguing characteristics and its importance to the pioneering of water cooperation arrangements such as reciprocal compensation mechanisms. Using four distinct time periods, the study scrutinises how water diplomacy actors, institutional developments, broader political environs, and historical occurrences have ultimately led to the current cooperative setting. The findings emphasise the role played by societal trends in steering politics and water diplomacy as well as in the crafting of transboundary water cooperation. They also indicate how establishing an institutional basis for cooperation requires both political commitment and technical expertise, often over a very long period of time. The findings demonstrate how the institutions of cooperation, once they emerged, resulted in a rather self-governing operating body for everyday transboundary interaction, replacing water diplomacy as the dominant means of interaction in the studied context. Analysing historical trajectories helps to critically investigate our current discourses and practices and to understand the impact that broader societal trends have on transboundary water interactions.

أعطى ظهور الأمم المتحدة الأمل للشعوب التي تکافح من أجل الاستقلال، ومن ثم ظهرت العديد من قضايا التحرر الوطني داخل أروقة الأمم المتحدة. وکانت قضية المغرب واحدة من تلک القضايا. وقد عرفت طريقها إلى الأمم المتحدة عام 1951م من خلال الدول العربية الست التي کانت تتمتع بعضوية المنظمة الدولية. ومنذ طرح القضية، أيد الاتحاد السوفيتي ودول الکتلة الشرقية قضية المغرب، ليس إيمانا بها، بقدر ما هو محاولة للانتصار على جبهة الکتلة الغربية وتقليص نفوذها في المناطق الإستراتيجية ومنها المغرب وشمال أفريقيا. وفي المقابل استماتت الولايات المتحدة ودول الکتلة الغربية في دعم فرنسا، حرصًا على مصالحها المشترکة، وللحيلولة دون تنامي النفوذ السوفيتي. وفي خضم المناقشات في الأمم المتحدة؛ انبرى کل طرف يُبدي وجهة نظره حيال القضية، ويدافع عن رؤيته لتداعياتها على الوضع الدولي، وينتقد وجهة نظر الطرف الآخر؛ ومن ثم مثلت جولة من جولات الحرب الباردة. وقد حرص الاتحاد السوفيتي في معرض تناوله لقضية المغرب وانتقاده لفرنسا، على الزج باسم الولايات المتحدة، وتوجيه اتهام لها بالتواطؤ من أجل المصالح والامتيازات الاقتصادية والعسکرية التي منحتها إياها فرنسا في المغرب. وعلى الرغم من أن دول الکتلة الغربية کانت تملک أدوات التأثير التي تمکنها من توجيه دفة الأمور داخل الأمم المتحدة؛ استطاع الاتحاد السوفيتي ودول الکتلة الشرقية التعبير عن وجهة نظرهم بالصورة التي أحرجت دول الکتلة الغربية، وجعلوا الجمعية العامة ومجلس الأمن منبرًا مهمًا لانتقاد سياسة الکتلة الغربية ومهاجمتها. وبذلک أسهم موقف المعسکر الشرقي في حمل فرنسا على تقديم تنازلات بالشکل الذي أفضى إلى اعترافها بأن معاهدة الحماية لم تعد مناسبة، وأن المغرب جديرة بأن تکون دولة مستقلة. Abstract The emergence of the United Nations gave hope to the peoples who were struggling for independence, and then many issues of national liberation appeared on the agenda of the General Assembly and the Security Council. The issue of Morocco was one of the most important issues that appeared in the United Nations. It made its way to the international organization in 1951 through the six Arab countries that were members of the United Nations. Since the issue was raised, the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc countries supported the Moroccan cause, not as a belief in it, but rather as an attempt to triumph over the Western Bloc front and reduce its influence in strategic areas, including Morocco and North Africa. On the other hand, the United States and the Western bloc countries were desperate to support the French position, in order to preserve their common interests in Morocco, and to prevent the growth of Soviet influence. In the midst of the discussions that took place in the United Nations, each party—motivated by its interests—set to express its viewpoint on the issue, defend its vision of its repercussions on the international situation, criticize the other party's viewpoint, and hence such discussions represented a round of the Cold War. In addressing the issue and criticizing France along with its policy in Morocco, the Soviet Union used to accuse the United States of complicity for the interests and privileges granted by France in Morocco. Although the United States and the countries of the Western bloc had the tools of influence that enabled them to direct matters within the United Nations, the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc countries were able to express their point of view in a way that embarrassed the Western bloc countries, and made the General Assembly and the Security Council an important platform for criticizing and attacking the policy of the Western bloc. Thus, the position of the Soviet Union and the countries of the Eastern Bloc contributed to some extent to the forcing of France to make concessions in a way that led to its confession that the Treaty of Protection was no longer appropriate, and that Morocco deserved to be an independent state.

This paper deals with a critical stage in the dissolution of the Soviet Communist (Bolshevik) Party’s domination in the Communist commonwealth. The gradual emancipation of European Communist parties, starting with Yugoslavia (1948), through the developments that caused the Soviet interventions in Hungary (1956) and Czechoslovakia (1968), gave birth to independent strategies of political struggle, autonomous from Moscow’s ideological centre, which were implemented by the largest Communist parties in Western Europe. The attempts aimed at the syncretism of the communist platform, and ideas of political rights and adapting to the parliamentary regime resulted in the “Third Road” movement, which strove to unify the positive experiences of the two ideologically opposed sides of the Cold War international constellation. Although it was a belated and, eventually - purely ideological concept, the movement itself and the idea of Eurocommunism has remained as an important testimony of an attempt at finding new paths in the struggle for a more just society.

The article examines the role of the Cyprus issue in the bilateral relations between Greece and the USSR in 1956-1960. It is based on primal archival research realised at the Constantine Karamanlis Archive (AKK) and at the Diplomatic and Historical Archive of the Greek Foreign Ministry (DIAYE) in Athens. The analysis of the recently declassified documents relate to the events which took place in 1954, when the Soviet Union supported the Greek claims for self-determination of the Cypriot people in the United Nations on the basis of the anti-colonial principles. This contributed to the impressive increase in trade between Greece and the USSR, especially after the unofficial visit of the Soviet Foreign Minister D.T. Shepilov to Athens in 1956. Against the backdrop of the deterioration of the international situation in 1957, Kremlin heavily criticized NATOs decision to deploy the US Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles (IRBMs) in Europe and applied diplomatic pressures to NATO member-states including Greece. The shift from tensions to a peaceful offensive strategy, characteristic of the Soviet diplomacy towards Greece, proved to be a double-edged sword for Moscow in the long term. The author concludes that both countries exploited the Cyprus issue for their benefit. Thus, Moscow managed to take advantage of the Greek discontent with the NATO allies as a means of increasing its own prestige in the region, while the Greek governments capitalized on the Soviet tactics in order to increase its political leverage in confronting NATO on Cyprus.

After the end of World War II, Germany began a long period of political system reconstruction and cultural adaptation. Meanwhile, popular musicians reshaped the German popular music style based on a new understanding of classical music. The evolution of German popular music, influenced by the American and British music of the military occupation of Germany, prompted German popular musicians to change their content and style. However, during the Cold War, Germany inevitably incorporated political attributes such as national consciousness and war patterns into music. When the “Iron Curtain” of the Cold War divided Germany into East Germany and West Germany, the capitalist cultural model of West Germany created a free creative environment for Western and domestic popular musicians; while East Germany imitated the cultural model of the Soviet government, It began to strictly censor popular music from the West and domestic popular music. In response to the cultural struggle behind the “Iron Curtain”, popular musicians in West and East Germany made efforts in coping with cultural blockades, challenging the dIFferences in social systems, and fighting for freedom by composing political music. In response to the tensions of the Cold War, Many East and West Germans used music to send political, social and cultural messages against the Iron Curtain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Media & Cultural Studies is the property of Journal of Media & Cultural Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the military relations between Poland and the Soviet Union in the years 1921-1939, from the end of the war between Poland and the Bolshevik Russia until the beginning of World War II. Its content has been divided into four subchapters, in the first of which the author analyzes the state of research on the topic in question and the state of preservation of sources in Polish and foreign archives. In the following subsections, the author presents the military relations between Poland and the USSR in three periods: in the years 1921-1926, 1926-1935 and 1935-1939. The last subsection is key to the undertaken research problem. It contains findings on the changes in the mutual military relations to the disadvantage of Poland, in connection with the rapid expansion and modernization of the Red Army and the difficulties of the Polish military intelligence in their assessment and difficulties in recognizing the reconstructed cooperation between the USSR and Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The developments of the Spanish Civil War in 1936–1939, including its international aspects, have been thoroughly studied both in foreign and in Russian historiography. However, the introduction of new research approaches, in this case imagology, allows us to revisit even the well-established views. The paper examines the сreation and subsequent development of the image of Great Britain in the Soviet press in the context of the Spanish Civil War. The research draws on publications in the Soviet ‘Pravda’ and ‘Izvestiya’ newspapers, as well as in the ‘Ogoniok’, ‘Za rubezhom’ and ‘Agitator’s Sputnik’ magazines. The study reveales a rather ambiguous position of the Soviet press in relation to the British policy in Spain. Several topics played a key role in creating the image of the ‘Foggy Albion’ in the Soviet press. The leitmotif of publications of the Soviet journalists was the image of the empire in decline. In this regard, the Soviet press emphasized the acquiescence of the British government faced with aggressive actions from Francoists backed by Germany and Italy, as well as its inability to protect national interests of its own state. Parallel to this, the image of Great Britain as a split society was created. The Soviet journalists stressed that passivity of the government caused mounting criticism from both political left and right. At the same time, they praised the work of the civil society and volunteers in support of the republic. Finally, the Soviet media bashed London for its gradual drift from non-intervention towards appeasement and even direct inducement of aggressors. The author concludes that the image of Great Britain created in the Soviet press was intended to convince the Soviet public opinion in the fallacy of the British policy. In the face of an impending global war, London was portrayed as an unreliable ally, prone to concessions to aggressors.

Jewish religious life in the Soviet Union is typically the subject of dichotomous depictions that offer only a superficial rendering of this rich and complex environment. This paper aims to complicate this image by pointing out several religious thinkers who engaged with Communist and Marxist ideas and incorporated them into their religious thought, while upholding rabbinic culture. Among the figures and themes examined are Alter Hilewitz’s (1906–1994) Hasido-Marxism, Rabbi Avraham Yosef Guttman’s (1870–1940) crisis of faith, and Shmuel Alexandrov’s (1865–1941) use of Russian Nietzscheanism. Alexandrov was also the narrator who revealed these fascinating ideas to us in a rare collection of his letters, which possesses both a philosophical and a theological nature. These letters, which have received very little attention in previous studies, provide a small window into the conflictual world of rabbis and yeshiva students in the first decade of the Soviet Union. Reviewing the ideas generated in a struggle to make sense of one of the great crises of modern Judaism, and pondering questions of historical perspective and how empathy may distort it, this article wishes to go beyond the image of a defensive preservation of religious life and to re-envision this unique and innovative period of Jewish thought.

This article examines how North Korean leadership in 1945-50 strove to popularize "people's science-technology 인민의 과학기술," equipping an assertive attitude in matters of science and technology, arguing that the Soviet Union served as the most important point of reference that tremendously inspired, and to a lesser degree materially supported, North Korean planners to employ this attitude as a mobilization scheme. Drawing upon a range of previously unexamined Soviet archival sources and relevant North Korean publications, it is this author's intent to offer original narratives of how limited but crucial Soviet assistance undergirded North Korean leaders' quest for an advanced economy and how various North Korean actors understood and acted upon "people's science-technology." Charting the intentions and roles of North Korean policy-makers, North Korean expert communities, and the Soviet authorities in the making of the culture of science and technology in early North Korea, the expectations and goals as perceived and practiced by the North Koreans are revealed in this research. Additionally, North Koreans' understanding of science and technology, which greatly boosted the country's extended engagement with the socialist bloc in the search for its own mode of continuing industrial development in the subsequent decade, is examined.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Politica Polonica is the property of Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecinskiego / University of Szczecin Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Basic Education College Magazine For Educational & Humanities Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Surra Man Raa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the seventies of the twentieth century, Iraq emerged as a state having a significance and an influence in the Arabic and regional levels. Its relationships with the Soviet Union occupied a distinguished position in its foreign policy in accordance with the exigencies of that stage and the requirements of economic construction. From this point, Iraq looked forward strong and developed economic relations with the Soviet Union .The research dealt with Iraq’s relationships with the Soviet Union, in the energy domain, offering the cooperation in the field of electric power and atomic energy during the period 1968-1979, by building electrical energy generating stations and extending networks .Energy cooperation has contributed greatly in the development of economic relationships between the two countries, especially since the Soviet Union was one of the first countries that helped Iraq to use atomic energy for peaceful purposes as well as electrical energy, this was a reason of signing more protocols and agreements between the two countries .Through the present research, the researcher has reached logical conclusions , energy cooperation between Iraq and the Soviet Union, the most important, perhaps, is building electrical stations and nuclear reactor

This article analyzes the motives for establishing cooperation between Yugoslavia and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON). The course of the negotiations is shown, as well as, the conclusion of the Agreement on Yugoslavia’s participation within the organs of the COMECON. The paper is based on unpublished documents from the archives of the Republic of Serbia and the Russian Federation, as well as other relevant literature.

This study combines the strengths of historical studies and analytical approaches on transboundary water interactions to establish an historical process perspective on transboundary waters. The study analytically separates transboundary water cooperation, water diplomacy, and their broader political setting, and analyses their interplay over a long period of time. The paper presents a detailed case study on the development and transformation of Finnish-Russian transboundary water interactions over the last 100 years, with an emphasis on Finland and its relationship with the Soviet Union/Russia after World War II. The setting remains relatively understudied despite its intriguing characteristics and its importance to the pioneering of water cooperation arrangements such as reciprocal compensation mechanisms. Using four distinct time periods, the study scrutinises how water diplomacy actors, institutional developments, broader political environs, and historical occurrences have ultimately led to the current cooperative setting. The findings emphasise the role played by societal trends in steering politics and water diplomacy as well as in the crafting of transboundary water cooperation. They also indicate how establishing an institutional basis for cooperation requires both political commitment and technical expertise, often over a very long period of time. The findings demonstrate how the institutions of cooperation, once they emerged, resulted in a rather self-governing operating body for everyday transboundary interaction, replacing water diplomacy as the dominant means of interaction in the studied context. Analysing historical trajectories helps to critically investigate our current discourses and practices and to understand the impact that broader societal trends have on transboundary water interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How the Soviet regime handled the concessions that subjects of Imperial Russia had acquired in Iran was closely related to the transition from the Russian Empire to the Soviet Union. Iran had been defeated in the war against Imperial Russia in the first half of the 19th century. Consequently, its northern area was incorporated into Imperial Russia’s sphere of influence. In Northern Iran, Russian subjects were granted various special privileges. The oil concession (Khoshtariya concession) was particularly important in that countries such as Britain and the United States were involved in the issue in the 1920s. Previous studies on the Khoshtariya concession fail to comprehensively capture the interconnectedness of many actors. Thus, there have been no attempts to study the issue from a broader perspective by combining it with the issue of oil concessions on the Soviet shore of the Caspian Sea or to incorporate it into the study of the entire Caspian Sea region. To overcome this shortcoming, this paper will address the question of what continuity or discontinuity can be seen between Soviet and Imperial Russian diplomacy by examining how the Soviet regime in the 1920s attempted to deal with the Khoshtariya concession. In seeking to answer the research question, Soviet geographical perceptions of the Caspian Sea region will be revealed. This paper will first touch on how Khoshtariya acquired the oil concession in Iran in the last years of the Russian Empire. It will then describe the process by which ownership of the concession was transferred to another actor after the outbreak of the Russian Revolution. The entry of the Standard Oil Company of the U.S. into the struggle for the northern Iranian oil concession that involved the Iranian government, the Soviet government, and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company is discussed in this context. Following the failure of Standard Oil to reach an agreement with the Iranian government, Sinclair Oil Corporation, which had only recently turned its attention to the northern Iranian oil, began to seek a cooperative relationship with the Soviet government. It will become clear that the Soviet government linked its negotiations with Sinclair regarding the Northern Iranian oil concession to those with Western oil companies on oil concessions on the Soviet shore of the Caspian Sea and to issues of the oil pipeline that was planned to run from Northern Iran through the Caucasus. This confirms that the Soviet Union dealt with issues of foreign concessions as issues linked to its domestic concessions and its own economic sphere, suggesting that there was an intermediate category between domestic and foreign concessions and that Soviet officials had a geographical perception of the Iranian shore of the Caspian Sea as a politically continuous region with the Soviet shore of the Caspian Sea. Thus, although the Soviet Union did not have the same territorial ambitions toward Iran as had Imperial Russia, Soviet diplomacy had a certain historical continuity with that of Imperial Russia in that the Soviet Union still considered the Caspian Sea littoral to be within its sphere of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Holocaust: Studies & Materials is the property of Association Polish Center for Holocaust Research / Stowarzyszenie Centrum Badan nad Zaglada Zydow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article elucidates the endangerment to Poland's military security by the USSR in the interwar period of three sub-periods: 1921-1926, 1926-1935, and 1935-1939. The fragmentary sources of the undertaken research complexity are dispersed, secured in the Polish and foreign archives. In Poland, the reconnoiter of this topic began after the turn of 1989. Almost throughout the entire period under investigation, the Polish supreme State and military authorities assessed that the USSR (until December 30th, 1922, Russia) is the biggest threat to Poland's military security. In March 1939, they reconsidered this assessment focusing on Germany as the main threat to Poland's independence, mistakenly assuming that in the early period of the war, the USSR would remain neutral. The article analyzes, therefore, the Polish assessments of the USSR's sinister actions aimed at undermining the security of the Republic of Poland, and Polish counteractive decisions and safeguarding activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using documents identified in the Russian archives, this study intends to answer part of the many questions raised by Tatiana Pokivailova in her book „The fate of «Romanian gold» in Russia, 1916-2020. Historical essays". Therefore, readers are provided with scientifically documented proofs regarding the historical context of the evacuation of the banking treasury (December 1916) and the identity treasury (July 1917) of Romania in Russia; their seizing by the bolshevik government (January 1918); the ongoing control of the soviet power on the gold and valuable Romanian goods until the final spending of the last part of the Romanian National Bank reserve (1925), the selective restitution of the archives (1935) and the partial return at Bucharest of the identity and patrimony values of Romania (1956). Last but not least, the article uses information identified in dozens of documents found in the Moscow archives. That contradicts opinions in the previous century regarding the appropriation by the white guard or the Czechoslovak volunteers of the Romanian banking treasury, partial or total melting of the Romanian gold in 1918-1920; using it for financing the communist movement or paying Russia's war reparations after the peace at Brest-Litovsk etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kultura Slowian is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study aims at considering the influence of the New Economic Policy (NEP) on the development of labor movements and trade unions in Russia between 1921 and 1929. The article studies the impact of the NEP of the Soviet state on the development of labor movements and trade unions, the features and types of labor movements, including certain activities of workers. The study uses the historical-genetic, problem-based and chronological approaches, as well as the method of historical modeling. The article reveals the specifics of admission, membership and exclusion of workers from trade unions, as well as the election of trade union commissions, committees and governing bodies. The authors of the article have concluded that the most popular labor movements during the NEP were production collectives of shock workers, shock guilds and brigades, production conferences and the movement of worker-peasant correspondents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara University SBF Journal / Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi is the property of Ankara University SBF Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper examines how military and political leaders of the Soviet Union, the United States and Great Britain assessed in the first post-war years and in the face of emerging bipolar world order the lessons of World War II, how the latter influenced their strategic planning and forecasts with the emergence of nuclear weapons. The author outlines the key features of this period (1945–1949), including still fresh memories of the unprecedented destruction and losses of the past war, the US ‘nuclear monopoly’, and the absence of a system for nuclear deterrence. The paper provides a systematic comparison of lessons from the past war, learnt by the Soviet, the US and British establishment, identifies similarities and differences between them. The author concludes that WWII was perceived by the political and military leaders of that time as a model of the eventual ‘great war’ in the future, which almost certainly would be ‘total’ and ‘global’ in scope and would demand both thorough preparations during the peacetime and the militarization of civil life. Indeed, the experience of WWII had greatly influenced the strategic and operational planning in the USSR, the USA and Great Britain in 1945–1949. Moscow prepared to face the potential aggression on its Western borders or in the Far East in order to avoid the mistakes of 1941. In Washington the decisionmakers acknowledged the Soviet superiority in conventional weapons and didn’t exclude the possibility that the Soviet Army could quickly establish control over the Western Europe and that the US military would have to retake it in a ‘new Operation Overlord’. The pessimistic outlook of the ‘defense of the Rhine’ was also shared in London, and the British military planned to evacuate the troops to the British Isles (‘shadow of Dunkirk’) and to focus on strategic bombing of the USSR and its allies. Even the appearance of nuclear weapons, that would dramatically alter the strategic context in the following years, played a relatively minor role in 1945–1949. The author concludes that the shadow of World War II and its lessons had a long-lasting effect on the post-war international relations.

Estonia is one of the fifteen states created as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union, which introduced such effective reforms that it is now a highly developed, economically and socially Western democracy. Currently, Estonia is at the forefront of post-Soviet and former satellite countries in terms of freedom from corruption, democratization, the level of education, and building a digital society. The main aim of the article was to answer the question concerning the social, political, and economic effects of reforms implemented in Estonia after the country became independent from Moscow. By comparing relevant indicators, the implications of these reforms were presented against the background of other former Soviet republics and Central and Eastern European states. The article also presents the historical determinants of the proWestern orientation of Estonia and its inhabitants. Without social support for integration with Western Europe, it would be impossible to carry out a successful transformation. Among the historical factors, the centuries-old influence of Western European, especially German, culture and economy had the greatest impact on the manner and quality of the reforms carried out in Estonia. The research shows that Estonia is the least affected by corruption and the most democratic country in the post- Soviet area. However, in terms of the quality of education, the country ranks first not only in the group of post-Soviet countries, but also in the whole of Europe. On the other hand, in terms of building the information society and e-state, Estonia is a world leader and is presented as an example to other countries.