Search

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although counterintuitive for many academics and lay people alike, the Canadian environmental movement has long included significant engagement from organized labour. More surprising, perhaps, the most dedicated labour environmentalists came from unions representing workers in the auto, steel, mining, chemical, and oil industries. This was certainly the case in Alberta during the 1970s. There, the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers (ocaw) used their outsized influence within the Alberta Federation of Labour (afl) to conjoin growing concern about occupational health and safety with developing awareness about air and water pollution beyond the workplace. Drawing on fonds at the University of Calgary Glenbow Archives, Provincial Archives of Alberta, and Library and Archives Canada, this article chronicles and assesses efforts by ocaw officials within the afl to introduce and sustain a labour environmentalist agenda. It also makes an argument for historians interested in the origins and evolution of the Canadian environmental movement to pay closer attention to organized labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin d'Histoire Politique is the property of L'Association Quebecoise d'Histoire Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Résumé: Les syndicats peuvent contribuer à la liberté au travail par une action collective axée sur l'intérêt des membres, mais aussi en nouant des partenariats avec d'autres acteurs de la société civile, dans le cadre d'un mouvement social. Pour traiter ce dernier aspect, encore peu documenté, les auteurs s'appuient sur les définitions de la liberté de Berlin (1988) et MacCallum (1967) puis sur la théorie de la démocratie radicale de Laclau et Mouffe (2019). Ils illustrent leur propos par une étude de cas portant sur les stratégies déployées par des syndicats néozélandais en vue d'accompagner l'action officielle pour une transition juste face au défi climatique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes two railway strikes during the government of Arturo Frondizi in Argentina. The repressive strategies and their effects on unionism and railway communities are examined. The repressive measures implemented by Frondizi had an impact on union bureaucratization and the radicalization of protest. During the strikes, there were mass arrests, physical and psychological violence, and persecution by security forces. Despite the repression, railway workers and their communities resisted and challenged the government. These strikes marked a milestone in the history of unionism in Argentina. [Extracted from the article]

Au Québec, les relations du travail dans l'industrie de la construction font l'objet, depuis 1968, d'un encadrement spécifique en marge du Code du travail. L'adoption et l'originalité de ce régime, qui prévoit un éventail de règles visant les rapports collectifs du travail, mais aussi l'emploi des travailleurs de la construction, sont souvent expliquées par les rivalités intersyndicales qui ont marqué le secteur depuis les années 1960. L'objectif du texte est de montrer que la mobilité provinciale des travailleurs de la construction constitue, au Québec, une source de conflits au travail qui, bien que pouvant mettre en présence des organisations syndicales rivales, doit néanmoins être distinguée de ces rivalités naissant du pluralisme syndical. Pour ce faire, après avoir mis en évidence certaines caractéristiques industrielles et économiques de la construction québécoise, nous proposons une analyse de l'évolution du cadre législatif et réglementaire applicable à l'emploi dans ce secteur, en portant une attention particulière aux conflits et manifestations qui l'ont marqué. In Quebec, since 1968, labour relations in the construction industry have been the subject of a specific framework beyond the Labour Code. The adoption and singularity of this undertaking, which provides for a range of rules targeting collective labour relations, but also the employment of construction workers, are often explained by the inter-union rivalries which have had a great impact on the sector since the 1960s. The objective of the article is to demonstrate that provincial mobility of construction workers constitutes, in Quebec, a source of labour conflicts, which, although it may involve rival labour organizations, must nevertheless be distinguished from the rivalries arising from union pluralism. In order to achieve our goal, besides highlighting certain industrial and economic characteristics of Quebec construction, we suggest an analysis of the evolution of the legislative and regulatory framework applicable to employment in the sector, paying special attention to conflicts and demonstrations which have marked the sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers Victoriens & Edouardiens is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

À moins d'être autoritaire et répressif, aucun gouvernement au monde ne peut prétendre réussir sans le soutien de sa main-d'œuvre. Etre aux prises avec un partenaire aussi puissant signifie un échec flagrant de toute politique. Au Ghana des années 1980, cela n’a pas fait exception. Le présent article vise à souligner le rôle central que le Congrès des syndicats a joué dans le processus de démocratisation qui a donné naissance à la Quatrième République en 1992 à la suite d'un intense affrontement syndicat-gouvernement. Initialement une organisation ouvrière dont la tâche principale était de protéger les droits des travailleurs, le syndicat s'est retrouvé entraîné dans un conflit politique avec le gouvernement au pouvoir de l'époque, le Conseil Provisoire de Défense Nationale. Les violations des droits du travail par le gouvernement et le programme de reconstruction soutenu par le Fonds Monétaire International ont été les principales sources des griefs des travailleurs. Abstract Unless authoritarian and repressive, no government in the world can claim to succeed without the support of its labour force. To be at logger heads with such a powerful partner merely means a blatant failure of any policy whatever. In the Ghana of the 1980s, this was no exception. The present paper sets out to underscore the pivotal role the Trade Union Congress played in the democratization process that gave birth to the Fourth Republic in 1992 through an intense union-state clash. Initially a labour organization whose main task was to protect the rights of the workers, the syndicate found itself driven into a political conflict with the ruling government of the time, the Provisional National Defence Council. The violations of the labour rights by the government and the backed-up International Monetary Fund reconstruction programme were the main sources of the labour grievances.

La construction et le développement du syndicalisme français à la Belle Époque s’accompagnent de l’exigence partagée de construire des savoirs militants. Ils doivent faciliter la compréhension des mécanismes de domination auxquels sont confrontés les travailleurs et permettre de légitimer le rôle du syndicalisme incarné par la toute jeune CGT. Cette exigence, qui s’illustre de différentes façons (statistiques du marché du travail, enseignement, enquêtes ouvrières…) n’en est pas moins limitée par la modestie des moyens dont le syndicalisme dispose, par le manque d’intérêt des syndiqués eux-mêmes, mais aussi par la concurrence avec la force publique, qui déploie parallèlement ses propres outils d’observation et d’encadrement du monde social.

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue du Nord is the property of Revue du Nord and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Résumé: La liberté syndicale est indispensable à l'institution syndicale. Au Bangladesh, les dispositions qui protègent déjà ce principe restent inopérantes dans la confection. Les autorités doivent pouvoir s'appuyer sur un cadre législatif capable de promouvoir la syndicalisation dans le secteur. Pour les auteurs, ce cadre devrait mobiliser les compétences et ressources complémentaires des différents acteurs en présence (État, industriels locaux, syndicats et marques internationales) et les amener à s'engager et agir sur le long terme pour améliorer la situation des relations professionnelles dans l'industrie de la confection au Bangladesh, à la fois sous l'angle socio‐économique et sous l'angle politique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Interventions Économiques is the property of Association d'Economie Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The work intends to make a study of two cellulose pulp production plants that have had a high impact on the Uruguayan industrial reality. Both plants of international origin, with important differences in the operation of their parent companies, are considered as examples of HRO models in the national industrial production. The type of automated technology implemented has significantly reduced the classic risks of this work. The hypothesis that is sustained in this paper is that these models require for their implementation a model of labor relations different from that which prevails in most of the national companies. The high safety conditions that are developed in the sector are based on a strategy of permanent dialogue on the part of management with a union with a strong corporate orientation, which prioritizes economic goals and tends to reduce the ideological component in its forms of action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trabalho EnCena is the property of Trabalho EnCena and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Interventions Économiques is the property of Association d'Economie Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ethnologie Française is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ethnologie Française is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L’article met en lumière les enjeux des débats autour de la participation des immigrés à l’action syndicale, à l’exemple du Luxembourg. Après avoir souligné l’apport des migrations du travail à l’émergence des premières organisations syndicales au xixe siècle, il met en évidence, à travers les débats entre les courants syndicaux socialistes et communistes, les catégorisations ethniques et les oppositions politiques qui caractérisent les relations entre syndicats et étrangers durant l’entre-deux-guerres et l’immédiat après-guerre. Dans ces débats, les immigrés sont considérés, en fonction de leur origine nationale, comme plus ou moins proches du modèle syndical social-démocrate prédominant. Au cours des dernières décennies, ces clivages politiques se sont progressivement atténués, pour faire place à des représentations des migrants comme porteurs de cultures nationales homogènes des relations professionnelles.

Depuis une trentaine d’années, une foule d’initiatives et de mobilisations participent à l’émergence d’une mémoire de l’immigration. La question du travail, essentielle pour comprendre les phénomènes migratoires, autrefois oubliée, est progressivement saisie par un nombre toujours plus grand d’acteurs du monde associatif, militant et universitaire. Mohammed Ouaddane, délégué général du Réseau Mémoires-Histoires en Île-de-France, a contribué à la visibilité des questions de mémoire de l’immigration depuis le début des années 1990. Il revient pour nous sur les conditions favorisant l’appropriation par les immigrés ou descendants d’immigrés de leur propre histoire, ainsi que sur les enjeux actuels pour ces acteurs. Mohammed Ouaddane nous éclaire également sur certains conflits et impasses actuels, avec les institutions notamment, qui sont autant de révélateurs de représentations différentes de la place de l’immigration dans la société, et plus globalement de la place des acteurs dans l’élaboration de l’histoire et dans les réflexions sur la mémoire.