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The present study prospectively examines associations between citizens' perceived symbolic and realistic threat and mental health before and after refugee settlement in their neighbourhood. Citizens in two Amsterdam (the Netherlands) neighbourhoods participated in the study (N = 280). A follow-up measurement after the settlement of refugees was conducted in one neighbourhood (n = 66). Cross-sectional results confirm that higher levels of perceived symbolic and realistic threat were both associated with poorer mental health. A prospective longitudinal analysis showed no increase in realistic or symbolic threat, but mental health was poorer in citizens after refugee settlement. Higher threat perceptions among citizens in the area before the settlement of refugees predicted poorer mental health after the settlement. This association was stronger than the reverse association (poorer mental health predicting higher threat perceptions). Policymakers should consider experienced threat levels among citizens when developing and communicating refugee settlement policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In 2015, the inflow of immigrants to Europe increased dramatically. More than 1 million people fled from wars and conflicts in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan, particularly affecting transit countries along the Western Balkan route. Of all the transit countries, the Hungarian government was particularly vocal in its negative attitude towards immigrants, launching several anti-immigration campaigns which had a detrimental effect on residents’ hostility towards these immigrants. In this study, we focus on the mechanisms behind this increased hostility in a transit-country context by combining insights from integrated-threat theory and contact theory. We find that perceptions of realistic and symbolic threat increased negative attitudes towards immigrants. Importantly, these threat perceptions were shaped by people’s positions in society and personal circumstances, in combination with their contact with immigrants. Specifically, in the harsh and negative Hungarian context, contact negatively influenced threat perceptions, especially amongst people who were at risk of experiencing negative consequences supposedly caused by the influx of immigrants. This in-depth country case study emphasises the importance of contextualising research findings on attitudes towards immigration in a broader social and political context.

Copyright of Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakültesi Dergisi DTCF Dergisi is the property of Ankara Universitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi (DTCF Dergisi) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using data from a cross-nationally harmonised correspondence test, we examined how employers in five European labour markets (Britain, Germany, Netherlands, Norway, Spain) respond to applications received from Muslim job seekers with ancestry from 22 different countries of origin. Drawing on the interdisciplinary literature on anti-Muslim prejudice, we expected that callbacks would depend on characteristics of applicants’ origin countries that could signal cultural value incompatibility and political and military oppression, thus triggering perceptions of symbolic and security threats, respectively. The results point to lower callback rates for Muslims, the higher the level of authoritarianism and gender inequality in their origin country. Results for authoritarianism are especially robust across different operationalizations of threat and model specifications. We also find that the association between authoritarianism and callbacks was only statistically significant for men, indicating that Muslim men are especially at risk of exclusion from employment opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Uncertainty-identity theory (Hogg, 2000, 2007, 2012) postulates that people strengthen their adherence to, and identification with, extreme ideologies when they undergo an enduring uncertainty regarding their self-definition. Concomitantly, nationalist and extreme right-wing ideologies have been associated with the attribution of a threatening character to immigrant and refugee groups. We propose that self-uncertainty precedes the perceived threat posed by the latter groups, which in turn predicts adherence to nationalist attitudes. In one correlational (Study 1; n = 169) and one experimental study (Study 2; n = 309), we tested the mediational effects of perceived realistic and symbolic threat towards immigrants on the association between self-uncertainty and nationalist attitudes (belief in national superiority, support for anti-immigration laws and intention to vote for an anti-immigration party). In both studies, perceived realistic threat emerged as the most reliable mediator between self-uncertainty and nationalist attitudes. In addition (Study 2), we found a causal effect of self-uncertainty on realistic threat. We discuss the implications of these findings for social inclusion policies based on the reduction of uncertainty generated by immigration.

Two studies (N = 676) highlight the nuanced relationship between conservatism and adherence to COVID-19 policy and recommendations intended to slow the spread of the pandemic in the United States. Study 1 provided evidence that conservative Americans who felt uncertain about themselves and the future experienced elevated levels of symbolic threat (attacks to sociopolitical identity; e.g., the pandemic threatening American democracy) and realistic threat (concrete attacks to material resources or well-being; e.g., the pandemic threatening physical health) in comparison to their more certain counterparts. In Study 2, the association between this form of uncertainty and frequency of risky social behaviors (behaviors that increase the risk of virus transmission) was partially mediated by threat perception for Americans both low and high in conservatism. We discuss findings as an integration of the motivated social cognition framework and uncertainty-identity theory. While self-uncertainty was more associated with greater overall COVID-19 threat perception for Americans high (vs. low) in conservatism, threat perception and frequency of risky social behaviors were associated with self-uncertainty in a manner that is consistent with prevailing liberal and conservative norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The discourse on immigration and immigrants is central to contemporary political and public discussions. Analyzing online conversations about immigrants provides valuable insights into public opinion, complemented by data from questionnaires on how attitudes are formed. Methods: The research includes two studies examining the expressive and informational use of social media. Study 1 conducted a computational text analysis of comments on Singaporean Facebook pages and forums, focusing on how social media is used to discuss immigrants. Study 2 utilized survey data to examine the use of social media at the individual level, testing the relationships between cognitive ability, perceptions of threat, negative emotions towards immigrants, and social media usage within the Integrated Threat Theory framework. Results: Study 1 found that discussions about immigrants on social media often involved negative emotions and concerns about economic impact, such as competition for jobs and crime. Complementing these findings about perceived economic threats, Study 2 showed that individuals with higher social media usage and greater perceptions of threat were more likely to have negative emotions towards immigrants. These relationships were mediated by perceptions of threat and were stronger in individuals with lower cognitive abilities. Discussion: The findings from both studies demonstrate the role of social media in shaping public attitudes towards immigrants, highlighting how perceived threats influence these attitudes. This research suggests the importance of considering how digital platforms contribute to public opinion on immigration, with implications for understanding the dynamics of attitude formation in the digital age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Generative Artificial Intelligence (AI) is a rapidly expanding field that aims to develop machines capable of performing tasks that were previously considered unique to humans, such as learning, reasoning, problem-solving, and decision-making. The recent release of several tools based on AI (e.g. ChatGPT) has sparked debates on the potential of this technology and garnered widespread attention in the mainstream media.Using a socio-psychological approach, in three studies (total N = 410), we demonstrate that when faced with Generative AI’s ability to reproduce the complexity of human cognitive capabilities, participants reported significantly higher negative emotions than those in the control group. In turn, negative emotions elicited by a specific type of AI (e.g. generative AI) were associated to the perception of threat extended to AI technologies as a whole, understood as a threat to various aspects of human life, including jobs, resources, identity, uniqueness, and value.Our findings emphasise the importance of considering emotional and societal impacts when developing and deploying advanced AI technologies and implementing responsible guidelines to minimise adverse effects. As AI technology advances, addressing public concerns and regulating its usage is crucial for the benefit of society. To achieve this goal, collaboration between experts, policymakers, and the public is necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Uncertainty-identity theory (Hogg, 2000, 2007, 2012) postulates that people strengthen their adherence to, and identification with, extreme ideologies when they undergo an enduring uncertainty regarding their self-definition. Concomitantly, nationalist and extreme right-wing ideologies have been associated with the attribution of a threatening character to immigrant and refugee groups. We propose that self-uncertainty precedes the perceived threat posed by the latter groups, which in turn predicts adherence to nationalist attitudes. In one correlational (Study 1; n = 169) and one experimental study (Study 2; n = 309), we tested the mediational effects of perceived realistic and symbolic threat towards immigrants on the association between self-uncertainty and nationalist attitudes (belief in national superiority, support for anti-immigration laws and intention to vote for an anti-immigration party). In both studies, perceived realistic threat emerged as the most reliable mediator between self-uncertainty and nationalist attitudes. In addition (Study 2), we found a causal effect of self-uncertainty on realistic threat. We discuss the implications of these findings for social inclusion policies based on the reduction of uncertainty generated by immigration. Background: Immigrant populations in Europe have steadily increased since the 1970s. This increase stirred up European citizens' support for anti-immigration movements, claiming that immigration yields economic and cultural costs to native European populations. As a result, many countries have seen progress towards an inclusive society relatively compromised. In Portugal (where we conducted the present studies), immigration significantly increased from 1980 onwards. In 2021, when our most recent data were collected, 5.2% of the country's population was of foreign origin. We believe that this calls for an examination of the antecedents and correlates of nationalist and anti-immigration attitudes in a Portuguese sample. Why was this study done?: Psychological uncertainty is an aversive feeling, especially when it is important for individuals' self-definition. Individuals may attempt to reduce self-uncertainty by increasing their ingroup identification with a group that helps individuals deal with this uncertainty. This should be expressed in terms of negative feelings towards the outgroup (threat) and increased adherence to a nationalist position. The present study examines how immigration-related self-uncertainty felt by members of the host population generates perceived threat and negative attitudes towards immigration while strengthening belief in the host national superiority. What did the researchers do and find?: We conducted one correlational and one experimental study (respectively, Study 1 and Study 2). In Study 1, participants indicated their level of uncertainty regarding immigration, their feelings of threat, their belief in national superiority and their support for anti-immigration laws. In Study 2, we divided participants into two (High versus Low) uncertainty conditions. We measured the effect of uncertainty on the measures used in Study 1, as well as on participants' motivation to vote for an anti-immigration party. We found that uncertainty generates perceptions of realistic threat (i.e., threat regarding the nation's material resources), in association with stronger adherence to nationalist attitudes (belief in national superiority, support for anti-immigration laws and motivation to vote for an anti-immigration party). Symbolic threat (i.e., threat to the nation's values and identity) was related to these positions in a way similar to realistic threat but did not increase with higher uncertainty. What do these findings mean?: Our findings suggest that, when people are uncertain about immigration, they perceive that immigrants jeopardise the ingroup nation's material resources, and that they deserve less to share these resources. Perceived threat increases the former's belief in their ingroup nation's superiority, support for legislation that limits immigration, and a concomitant willingness to vote for anti-immigration political parties. Although social psychological research has long shown that people are resilient to factual information contradicting their beliefs, policymakers might consider counteracting nationalist and anti-immigration attitudes by emphasising the non-threatening and beneficial character of immigration to the host nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collective actions are the activities which are aimed at improving social group's conditions. Presented studies were conducted to examine if perceived threat is connected to the tendency to engage in collective actions, and if this relation is mediated by injustice appraisal and stronger identification with in-group. Four studies were conducted in two social contexts of collective action: newly formed woman's rights movement with a focus on opposing abortion ban in Poland, and progressive movements advocating equality of marriage for LGBT community. Both topics are strongly present in Polish social debate in recent years. Results show a significant link between perceived group threat and the tendency to participate in group action. This relationship is mediated by injustice appraisal and group identification–the more members of in-group and their allies perceived out-group as threatening, the stronger feeling of unjust treatment and identification with the discriminated groups. In turn identification is connected to the motivation to act collectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IntroductionThe discourse on immigration and immigrants is central to contemporary political and public discussions. Analyzing online conversations about immigrants provides valuable insights into public opinion, complemented by data from questionnaires on how attitudes are formed.MethodsThe research includes two studies examining the expressive and informational use of social media. Study 1 conducted a computational text analysis of comments on Singaporean Facebook pages and forums, focusing on how social media is used to discuss immigrants. Study 2 utilized survey data to examine the use of social media at the individual level, testing the relationships between cognitive ability, perceptions of threat, negative emotions towards immigrants, and social media usage within the Integrated Threat Theory framework.ResultsStudy 1 found that discussions about immigrants on social media often involved negative emotions and concerns about economic impact, such as competition for jobs and crime. Complementing these findings about perceived economic threats, Study 2 showed that individuals with higher social media usage and greater perceptions of threat were more likely to have negative emotions towards immigrants. These relationships were mediated by perceptions of threat and were stronger in individuals with lower cognitive abilities.DiscussionThe findings from both studies demonstrate the role of social media in shaping public attitudes towards immigrants, highlighting how perceived threats influence these attitudes. This research suggests the importance of considering how digital platforms contribute to public opinion on immigration, with implications for understanding the dynamics of attitude formation in the digital age.

The descendants of immigrants have become increasingly successful in Western European education systems and labor markets, which in principle supports Richard Alba's new assimilation theory (NAT). Still, acceptance and recognition on the part of the mainstream has not kept pace. We have suggested outgroup mobility threat (OMT), the fear of being overtaken by intergenerational mobility, as one possible explanation. However, Richard Alba has argued that demographic changes widely lead to a non-zero-sum mobility and do not necessarily cause competition threat. In this paper, we relate Richard Alba's reasoning to the concept of OMT, focusing on the German immigration context. We bring together the arguments by distinguishing between realistic and symbolic threat and by differentiating between occupations and groups. We measure OMT and test our hypotheses using a vignette study that we recently conducted as part of the kick-off survey of the new National Discrimination and Racism Monitor (NaDiRa) in Germany. Our results confirm that Richard Alba's argument is superior to the simple competitive threat perspective. However, we also show that it is still insufficient, and OMT comes into play when immigrant groups move up into value-based occupations that are assumed to normatively shape society. Moreover, we demonstrate that this threat is felt particularly when Muslims ascend to these types of occupations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across three studies, conducted between Spring 2020 and Spring 2021, we tested whether exposure to an Asian American/Pacific Islander (AAPI) target person wearing a face mask would increase or decrease White Americans' perceived threat from and positivity toward AAPI individuals. Although results varied by study, a single‐paper meta‐analysis revealed that the masked (compared to unmasked) AAPI target resulted in greater positivity toward AAPIs, due to reduced perceptions of both symbolic threat to group values and realistic threat to group health. Positivity toward AAPIs did not reliably differ after exposure to a masked versus unmasked White target. Implications for interventions that encourage COVID‐safe behaviors and combat anti‐AAPI attitudes are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hate crimes generally have severe victim outcomes compared to other crimes, and therefore warrant further investigation. These types of crimes can often happen in neighborhoods where people from various cultures, socioeconomic backgrounds, religions, etc. meet. Understanding how neighborhood tensions impact the level of hate crimes is important in reducing hate crimes and building community. The current study investigates neighborhood level predictors of hate crimes in a borough of New York City (NYC). Using symbolic threat and defended neighborhoods frameworks, we consider how 311 noise complaints and land use rezoning data can be predictors of hate crimes. We use data from the New York City Police Department (NYPD) and NYC Land Use Tax Output. We find that hate crimes are more likely in the neighborhoods where the noise complaints and land use rezoning are higher than the median. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed below. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Makara Human Behavior Studies in Asia is the property of DADPPRI UI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Multiple theoretical orientations propose a link between economic anxiety and racial attitudes. This article explores this link using three studies. The first study uses observational data from the 2016 CCES and ANES to determine whether or not anticipating a loss in income in the coming year is associated with negative racial affect. The second study uses observational data from the 2020 CCES to determine whether or not perceiving a greater risk of personal discrimination is associated with racial resentment. The last uses an original survey experiment from the 2020 CCES to gain insight into how priming intergroup competition shapes whites' racial attitudes. These studies find an association between perceived economic threat and negative racial attitudes. However, the way respondents perceive economic threats seems to be largely shaped by partisan identification with Republicans perceiving greater levels of threat. They also suggest that material and symbolic threats may be mutually reinforcing. These findings support the claim that racial attitudes are deeply connected to economic anxieties and provide insight into how party identification shapes our psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of skin colour is often neglected in empirical studies of negative attitudes towards minorities. In this study we use data from the 2014/2015 wave of the European Social Survey to analyse explicitly racist attitudes in Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic. The data was collected before the refugee crisis of 2015–2016, which gives the study a unique opportunity to analyse these attitudes in three of the countries that were among the most hostile to migrants in the EU. The study demonstrates how theoretical perspectives commonly used in explorations of negative attitudes based on ethnicity may be effectively used to analyse racist attitudes. The results show high levels of racist attitudes in both Hungary and the Czech Republic, despite there being very few non-white immigrants in these countries, while, in Poland, the racist attitudes are less widespread. Realistic threats seem to be of little importance for understanding racist attitudes – in contrast, symbolic threats appear to be very important for understanding them. There is also the surprising result that voters for more moderate political parties are no less racist than voters for the more radical political parties in any of the three countries.

Multiple conservative parties in Europe and Australia have enjoyed a considerable level of electoral success in recent times on the back of their restrictionist asylum agendas. These agendas are often justified by the symbolic threat argument, which asserts that forced migrants hold values that represent a threat to host societies. However, despite the immense consequences of this belief, its empirical validity has rarely been investigated in previous literature. We addressed this problem by comparing the responses of forced migrants (N = 163) and both Australian and European (French, British, Polish and Spanish) natives (N = 816) to the same 10-item value questionnaire using latent profile analysis. Our findings revealed that forced migrant values appear to be at odds with established liberties in France, Spain, the UK and Australia, and to a much lesser extent, Poland. We encourage future researchers to use these discoveries as a basis for developing further knowledge on intergroup value discrepancies to ultimately facilitate peaceful integration of forced migrants in their host countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most research on environmental conservation organizations addresses volunteers' motivations. A few studies analyze volunteers' production of ecological knowledge and their contributions to science. There is scant research into organization members' experiences as they perform their roles as conservation volunteers. This study examines the processes through which conservation volunteers derive meaning from their experiences using a case study of a volunteer sea turtle conservation group. Data from semi-structured interviews and field observations reveal conflict-ridden interactions between members of the conservation organization and three other groups: tourists, beach vendors, and the local tourist development council. Conservation volunteers perceive symbolic threat, in the form of value violations, from the other three groups. Symbolic threat influences volunteers' emotions and behavior. An increased understanding of volunteers' experiences of threat can suggest ways to make their experience more rewarding, thus increasing their likelihood of continued participation, and ensuring the sustainability of the conservation organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents two studies which address an underdeveloped area within acculturation research: majority members' perceptions of cultural change. Specifically, drawing on the theory of cultural inertia, we explored how majority members react to perceptions of recent majority culture and minority cultures change. A path model was hypothesised whereby British and English majority members' perceptions that their British (Study 1, N = 266) and English (Study 2, N = 292) cultures are changing due to the presence of minority cultures was positively associated with symbolic threat, and through this with greater prejudice towards minorities living in the UK/England. However, participants' perceptions that minority cultures are changing due to influence from the majority culture were negatively associated with symbolic threat, and through this with less prejudice towards minorities. These findings were supported across different operationalizations of prejudice (i.e., social distance and positive/negative affect) and even when controlling for another recently introduced concept of meta-perceptions – that is, majority members' perceptions of whether minority members prefer majority members to maintain their culture and/or adopt to the minority cultures. Findings call for a greater focus on studying the intergroup consequences of majority members' perceptions of cultural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of perceived threat from asylum seekers in EU (EUAS) on attitudes toward Israeli local outgroups, controlling for face to-face interaction with the latter. The study was conducted using an online survey of 1311 Israeli Jews. Realistic threat from EUAS was negatively related to positive attitudes toward three local outgroups, while the association between symbolic threat from EUAS and attitudes toward the local outgroups was insignificant. The effect of distant realistic threat was more pronounced than the effect of symbolic threat and the effect of face-to-face contact. Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/15562948.2021.1956668. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compared attitudes toward multiculturalism and assimilationism among three ethnic groups (Serbs, Croats, and Hungarians) in two neighboring countries (Croatia and Serbia). Additionally, this study examined the predictive role of ethnic identity on aforementioned attitudes directly and indirectly via symbolic threat. The results showed that Croats and Serbs had less positive multicultural and more positive assimilationist attitudes when in a majority position than when in a minority position. Hungarians, a minority in both countries, did not differ between countries. Additionally, symbolic threat mediated the relationship between ethnic identification and both assimilation and multiculturalism only in Croatia. The group status moderated these effects. Our findings confirm the importance of group's status and national context in understanding the majority-minority intergroup dynamic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There remains an obvious gap in the acculturation literature, which relates to cultural change associated with the majority/dominant group. This paper explores how majority members react to a perceived expectation from minority members that majority members should undergo cultural change. A study was conducted exploring how majority members' perceptions of a demand by minority members that the majority should adopt the minority culture affects the majority members' preferences for minority acculturation, and whether effects are mediated by perceptions of symbolic threat. Two hundred sixty‐six participants who self‐reported being white British completed an online survey. A model was hypothesized whereby a perception that minority members demand that the majority takes on the minority culture predicted perceived symbolic threat, which was in turn negatively associated with a desire that minority members should maintain the minority culture, and positively with a desire that minority members should adopt the majority culture. Results supported the hypothesized model, with all individual paths and indirect effects significant in the hypothesized directions. Symbolic threat mediated the effect of perceived demand for minority culture adoption on majority preferences for minority acculturation. Findings are discussed in relation to implications for intergroup relations in culturally plural societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research has established that family status, race, and community characteristics have a significant impact independently on the various stages of the juvenile justice process, particularly as it relates to 'back-end' decisions within the juvenile court. Despite this large body of the literature on 'back-end' decision-making in juvenile justice, limited research focuses on the impact of family function and structure through the lens of symbolic threat. Thus, the present study explores the effect of race, family status, and community characteristics – on juvenile institutionalization versus community placement outcomes. The results of the present study provided some support for symbolic threat; implications for theory, practice, and policy are discussed based on the outcomes of the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The meaning of places is socially constructed, often informed by the groups that seem pervasive there. For instance, the University of Pennsylvania is sometimes pejoratively called "Jew-niversity of Pennsylvania," and the city of Decatur, Georgia, is disparagingly nicknamed "Dyke-atur," connoting the respective pervasiveness of Jewish students and gay residents. Because these pervasiveness perceptions meaningfully impact how people navigate the social world, it is critical to understand the factors that influence their formation. Across surveys, experiments, and archival data, six studies (N = 3,039 American adults) revealed the role of symbolic threat (i.e., perceived differences in values and worldviews). Specifically, holding constant important features of the group and context, we demonstrated that groups higher in symbolic threat are perceived as more populous in a place and more associated with that place than groups lower in symbolic threat. Ultimately, this work reveals that symbolic threat can both distort how people understand their surroundings and shape the meaning of places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ljetopis Socijalnog Rada / Annual of Social Work is the property of Pravni Fakultet Sveucilista u Zagrebu, Studijski Centar Socijalnog Rada and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A prevailing theme in White nationalist rhetoric is nostalgia for a time when Whites dominated American culture and had unchallenged status. The present research examines a form of collective nostalgia called racial nostalgia and its association with negative intergroup attitudes and extreme ideologies (White nationalism). In Studies 1 and 2, racial nostalgia was associated with higher racial identity, anti-immigrant attitudes, and White nationalism. Study 2 revealed that racial nostalgia was related to extreme ideologies, in part, through perceptions that immigrants and racial minorities posed realistic/symbolic threats. Study 3 manipulated nostalgia using a writing prompt ("America's racial past" vs. "games of America's past") and an identity prime (prime vs. no prime). Racial nostalgia was higher in the racial prompt versus the games prompt condition, regardless of identity prime. Furthermore, there were significant indirect effects of the nostalgia manipulation on support for anti-immigrant policies and endorsement of White nationalism through increased racial nostalgia and its association with perceived threats. These findings show that racial nostalgia can be a maladaptive form of collective nostalgia linked to a sense of loss and threat, and can make people sympathetic to extreme racial ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two studies examined whether men's perception of the declining value of traditional masculinity activates social status, realistic, and symbolic threat, and in turn motivates opposition to feminist social movements. In Study 1, men's perception that their ingroup is losing value across several social spheres was associated with social status and realistic threat, both of which were associated with opposition to feminist movements. Study 2, an experiment, presented men with public opinion data showing a 30-year decline in the degree to which Americans value traditional masculinity or no decline. Information about the declining value of masculinity activated status threat, which motivated less support for feminist movements. Among men who highly identified as masculine, this same information reduced support for feminist movements through symbolic threat. In sum, perceived decline in the social value of traditional masculinity creates status anxiety about the ingroup's future and motivates compensatory reactions against gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study investigated how media exposure to a distant outgroup – asylum seekers in the European Union (EUAS) – may be associated with the transference of geographically distant foreign threats via Israeli media to Israeli local minorities. The study was based on an online survey of 1039 Israeli Jews. We found positive associations between frequency of exposure to negative EUAS media content and physical and symbolic threats domesticated from foreign outgroups to the local ground. Frequent exposure to negative EUAS media content was associated with worse attitudes toward asylum seekers in Israel. Thus, the media framing of remote groups and events can have important, long-lasting local consequences, including, most obviously, social and political implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural cues can affect individuals' experiences and attitudes. The headscarf is one such cue, as a symbol strongly associated with Islam that is often the subject of public discussion. In the present study (N = 94), a Turkish experimenter wore vs. did not wear a headscarf while handing out questionnaires in a German town square. Analyzes showed that in the "headscarf condition", participants reported higher negative stereotypes of Turkish Muslims, less warmth and more symbolic threat associated with this group than in the "non-headscarf condition". No differences in competence ratings were found, which supports the primacy of warmth. Furthermore, acculturation preferences did not differ between conditions. Implications for research and practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The aim of this study is to develop and initially validate a psychometrically sound instrument to assess the extent to which Latinx immigrants are viewed as a threat. Method: Drawing on the integrated threat theory (ITT), we developed an initial pool of scale items to represent realistic and symbolic threats. Following best practices in scale construction, we used exploratory factor analysis followed by confirmatory factor analysis to identify, calibrate, and cross-validate the scale structure. A triadic random split of the sample (N = 958) of U.S.-born white college students was used to carry out the three-stage study. Results: Across all stages, findings support the unidimensionality of the 12-item Latinx Immigrant Threat Attitudes Scale (LITAS). Offering evidence of criterion validity, higher LITAS scores were associated with lower support for policies integrating unauthorized immigrants. Conclusions: The LITAS fills a significant gap in the measurement literature. The instrument supports the design and testing of interventions aimed at improving intergroup relations and the lived experience of Latinx immigrants in the United States. Contrary to the widely-used ITT, an undifferentiated, global notion of threat perception is salient; the implications of empirical divergence from the ITT are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Gordijn (2002), prejudice does not only escalate because of how the ingroup feels towards the outgroup but also because of the perception the ingroup has about how the outgroup feels towards the ingroup, that is meta-prejudice. In a sample of 604 participants, this study explores the extent to which meta-prejudice predicts perceived threat and prejudice towards immigrants in Finland. In line with previous studies, results showed that meta-prejudice significantly predicted the perception of immigrants as a threat and feelings of prejudice towards immigrants. In addition, perceived threat significantly mediated the relationship between meta-prejudice and prejudice towards immigrants. Implications and recommendations for future research are discussed as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent evidence indicates that partisans discriminate against those from the opposing party. However, it is still unclear whether partisan out-group prejudice reveals a desire for out-group harm or in-group help. We investigate the conditions under which these tendencies arise. Using one observational survey and three survey experiments, we show that when given the chance to either harm the out-group or help the in-group, people tend to choose the latter. Yet while the tendency to help the in-group appears to be primary, we also show that under situations of symbolic threat to partisan identity, respondents shift gears and opt for harming the out-group as a strategy to defend the status of their political group identity. These results add to our understanding of how partisan identity and polarization works in non-elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the role social identity and values (e.g., universalism and security) play in perceived threat from Syrians from the perspective of internal migrants in Turkey. A process model connecting the key concepts of Integrated Threat Theory, Social Identity Theory, and a theory of value systems was proposed. We predicted that higher city identification would be related to higher perceived realistic threat (against physical resources) and symbolic threat (against cultural resources). We also predicted a positive indirect effect between city identity and threat through conservation values which are motivated to protect ingroup, and a negative indirect effect through self-transcendence values which are motivated to embrace outgroups. Internal migrants in İzmir (N = 219, age = 21-53 years, 50% men) responded to realistic and symbolic threat, city identity, and self-transcendence and conservation value scales. A Structural Equation Modelling analysis confirmed our hypotheses: Higher city identity predicted higher perceived threat from Syrians both directly and also indirectly through higher conversation values, but it predicted lower threat through Self-transcendence values. The contribution of the proposed process model in understanding prejudice toward Syrians and intergroup conflicts was discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Tittle and Curran in 1988 found support for the symbolic threat hypothesis, no further empirical investigations of the perspective have occurred to explain the contingencies of juvenile justice decision-making. We argue that past research has neglected this multilevel theory by only focusing on the "symbolic threat" thesis component, mischaracterizing the perspective as an inequality theory, or classifying the model as a derivative of Blalock's minority group threat perspective. We contend that the original formulation of the symbolic threat hypothesis is a distinctive theory and offers a viable alternative to inequality and other racial/threat theoretical perspectives. The current study empirically tests the perspective in its entirety by examining the interrelationships between county-level characteristics (i.e. youth and minority populations), a juvenile's race/ethnicity, and engaging in "moral offenses" with juvenile justice decision-making. The findings provide insight into the influence of contextual factors on the social control of youth of different racial/ethnic backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study examines the following questions: (1) the extent to which individual basic human values are linked with attitudes towards immigration; (2) whether symbolic threat by immigration mediates this relation; and (3) whether cultural values moderate the relations between individual values, threat, and attitudes towards immigration. The empirical analysis relies on the 2014/2015 data from the immigration module of the European Social Survey (ESS) for West and East European countries. We find that universalistic individuals expressed lower threat due to immigration and higher support of immigration while conservative individuals displayed the opposite pattern. Symbolic threat mediated the association between values and immigration attitudes, but in most countries the mediation was partial. The associations between values, symbolic threat, and attitudes towards immigration were stronger in countries characterised by higher levels of intellectual and affective autonomy and weaker in countries characterised by higher levels of cultural embeddedness. The findings provide support for the centrality of human values in the formation of threat and attitudes towards immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Links between competitive victimhood and discrimination are well documented. However, the mechanisms how victimhood beliefs remain relevant for decades and how conflict survivors can shape attitudes and behaviours of the post‐conflict generations are little understood. Following the Transgenerational Transmission Hypothesis and the Integrated Threat Theory, we propose that the link between parental competitive victimhood and discrimination among their children is mediated through family ethnic socialization and symbolic threat to the in‐group. Participants were families that included youth (N = 227) and their parents (172 mothers, 150 fathers) in Vukovar, Croatia. A multiple group, chain mediation model was conducted with parental competitive victimhood as the predictor; youth ethnic socialization and symbolic threat as sequential mediators; and youth tendency to discriminate against the outgroup and perceived ethnic in‐group discrimination as outcomes. The findings revealed significant indirect effects of the competitive victimhood on both outcomes, via the proposed mediators. The only difference in the model between majority Croats and minority Serbs was the path from symbolic threat to tendency to discriminate, which was positive and significant for both groups, but stronger among Croats. The findings imply that interventions in post‐conflict settings need to address family ethnic socialization processes in addition to directly working with youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey, which are one of the major social movements in the last decade, have sharpened the sociopolitical polarization in the country. The present study employed a moderated mediation model in which symbolic threat, realistic threat, and perspective taking were examined as mediators between competitive victimhood and opposing groups' differential evaluations of the protests. Further, the pro‐Gezi versus the anti‐Gezi group membership was hypothesized to moderate the mediation effects. Proponents (N = 337) and opponents (N = 138) of the protests were asked to respond to the measures corresponding to the variables in the model. Results revealed that for protest supporters, competitive victimhood predicted evaluations of the protests through realistic threat, but not through symbolic threat; in contrast, for opponents, it predicted evaluations of the protests through symbolic but not realistic threat. Further, perspective taking turned out to be a weak mediator. The results are discussed in terms of the differential power relationships between the groups in the cultural and political domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study we examined whether the shifting function can be modulated by intergroup threat, and if so, how this works. We conducted 2 experiments, using a task-switching paradigm, the results of which provide converging evidence that intergroup threat can impair the shifting function. Results showed that participants in the threat condition in each study (Study 1 symbolic threat: n = 29; Study 2 realistic threat: n = 29) experienced greater shifting costs than did those in the control condition (Study 1: n = 29; Study 2: n = 28). Further, group identification moderated the depletion effect in the intergroup threat condition, with participants closer (vs. less close) in group identification showing greater switching costs following the intergroup threat intervention. In sum, these results suggest that intergroup threat could deplete switching ability, and this effect could be influenced by group identification. In future studies researchers should investigate more kinds of intergroup threat than those we used in this study to assess the generalizability of our findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is threefold. First, based on ongoing theoretical discussions on the dimensionality of Islamophobia, this study analyzes whether Islamophobia empirically constitutes a one-dimensional construct or rather a multidimensional construct consisting of anti-Muslim prejudice and anti-Islam sentiment. Second, the effects of symbolic, realistic, and terroristic (safety) threats on Islamophobia were analyzed concurrently. Finally, within the framework of the revised Integrated Threat Theory (Stephan & Renfro, 2002), and in order to test the mediating effect of threats, SDO is tested as an antecedent of perceived threat and Islamophobia. Respondents from Berlin (N = 355) participated in an online survey. The results indicate that Islamophobia empirically constitutes a two-dimensional phenomenon, consisting of anti-Muslim and anti-Islam sentiment. Whereas symbolic threat is related to both types of Islamophobia, realistic threat is associated only with anti-Muslim prejudice, and terroristic threat is associated only with anti-Islam sentiment. Finally, the results indicate that the relationship between SDO and both dimensions of Islamophobia is mediated by threats. Symbolic threats mediate the relationships between SDO and both dimensions of Islamophobia. Realistic threats mediate the relationship between SDO and anti-Muslim prejudice and terroristic threats between SDO and anti-Islam sentiment.

The current study investigates the role of individual and intergroup factors in predicting Muslims’ tendency to attribute domestic terrorism in Indonesia to an external cause (i.e., The West) or an internal cause (i.e., radical Islamist groups). The results (N = 308) showed that intergroup factors of symbolic threat and realistic threat directly increased the external attribution and conversely decreased the internal attribution. Within the context of the current research, symbolic threat refers to Muslims’ perception that the norms and values of the West undermine Islamic identity. Realistic threat denotes Muslims’ perception that the economy and technology of the West undermine Islamic power. The individual factor of Islamic fundamentalism, which has to do with Muslims’ belief in the literal interpretation of and strict guidelines to Islamic doctrines, indirectly predicted both external attribution and internal attribution of terrorism as hypothesized, via the extent to which Muslims perceived the West as posing a symbolic threat, but not a realistic threat to Islamic existence. Uncertainty avoidance, a cultural dimension that describes the extent to which people view clear instructions as a pivotal source of concern to deal with societal problems, also significantly increased perceived symbolic threat and realistic threat, and this cultural dimension mediated the effect of Islamic fundamentalism on each of the intergroup threats. Finally, we found that the level of Islamic fundamentalism was dependent upon cognitive response, but not emotional response to mortality salience. The cognitive response to mortality salience denotes what Muslims are thinking about in coping with their own death whereas the emotional response denotes what Muslims are feeling about such issue. In particular, we found the cognitive response, but not the emotional response to mortality salience significantly gave rise to Muslims’ Islamic fundamentalism. These findings shed light on the importance of combining individual factors and group factors in explicating the dynamics of Muslims’ tendency to make attributions of causes of domestic terrorism. We discuss theoretical implications and study limitations, as well as practical actions policy makers could conduct to deal with Muslims’ Islamic fundamentalism and reduce the extent to which this particular group perceives the West as threatening their existence.