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Populist radical right parties are on the rise all over Europe. Recent literature investigates their effects on environmental policy, however, often applying an overly broad perspective on the policy area and neglecting causal mechanisms. This article addresses both gaps in an in‐depth case study of partisan effects on Swedish environmental policy in the wake of increasing populist radical right influence. A novel data approach deriving party positions and policy output from the hard figures of budget proposals between 2001 and 2023, allows a nuanced analysis of environmental policy and its subsectors (e.g., nature conservation and climate mitigation). In summary, a traditional partisan effect is confirmed as a major explaining factor for environmental policy change, while the effect unfolds through altered coalition formation strategies leading to the exclusion of “green voices.” This brings to the fore interactive environmental policy effects of the populist radical right and center‐right parties in the context of changing party competition constellations more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the ontological politics and practices of handwashing using hot tap water during the COVID-19 pandemic in Sweden through attending to how handwashing was performed, what thoughts and emotions handwashing practices evoked, and reflections about why these thoughts and emotions emerged. In analyses based on written diaries, stories, digital photos, and videos from the private sphere of the home, we show how the concepts of humans, non-humans, childhood, economy, ethics, infrastructure, and nature – together with public health organizations' promotions of handwashing recommendations – are enacted and woven into the fabric of hot tap water use. Hot tap water emerged as an ambiguous commodity, differently shaped depending on past experiences and how messages from authorities were received. The politics of the seemingly mundane activity of washing hands (especially prior to the COVID-19 pandemic) consists of connectivities and relationships between various phenomena in fluid space, and blurs the boundaries between local and global, past and present. Thrifty handwashing practices previously established in the private sphere were challenged during the COVID-19 pandemic, as popular versions of surgical scrubbing were promoted. These versions were sometimes challenged when the inclusion of hot water was questioned at home and in public debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumen: Los trabajadores domésticos son algunos de los más vulnerables y menos protegidos del mundo. Sin embargo, su protección varía de un país a otro. En este artículo se analiza desde la perspectiva de los regímenes de políticas cómo las ideas, el marco institucional y los grupos de interés determinan las diferencias en cuanto al grado de protección jurídica de los trabajadores domésticos en cada país. Se defiende la tesis de que la presencia favorable de los tres elementos es condición indispensable para instituir un sólido régimen de protección en el sector. Este modelo permite explicar los incompletos/frágiles regímenes del Pakistán, Singapur, Sudáfrica y Suecia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En este trabajo se exponen los rasgos principales del derecho de acceso a la información pública y la protección del informante en Suecia. Se analiza su reconocimiento histórico, como país pionero, y la relación intrínseca entre ambos. Suecia cuenta con un regulación detallada y avanzada del derecho de acceso, cuyas mayores especificidades son la extensión de la legislación constitucional y su conexión histórica y sistemática con la libertad de prensa. No obstante, se observan también puntos débiles en una perspectiva comparada, incluida la española, principalmente la limitación en cuanto al ámbito de sujetos obligados, la falta de garantía sustantiva y procedimental respecto de los intereses de los terceros afectados por la información y la existencia de lagunas en el control pleno judicial de las resoluciones en materia de acceso a la información. En cuanto a la protección del informante, Suecia contaba ya con anterioridad a la Directiva “Whistlebowing” con una regulación para el ámbito público en la Ley de Libertad de Prensa y en la Ley fundamental sobre Libertad de Expresión. Por ello, La Ley sueca de 2021 que transpuso la Directiva de 2019 es de aplicación directa al ámbito privado y solo supletoria al ámbito público. Ha sido objeto de dos críticas principales: desde el punto de vista de los trabajadores, que requiere que los empleados lleven a cabo evaluaciones complejas, lo que genera incertidumbre; y desde el punto de vista de los empresarios, que amenaza los secretos comerciales.

Copyright of Analyses de Population & Avenir is the property of Population & Avenir and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the role of digital norm contestation in feminist foreign policy (FFP). It analyzes how states that participate in digital diplomacy are involved in challenging and resisting norms, values and expectations related to feminist positionings in the digital environment. The article presents an analytical framework for the study of digital norm contestation and conducts an empirical case study of Sweden as the first country in the world to brand its foreign policy "feminist." This triggered a process of digital norm contestation, particularly visible in the area of sexual and reproductive health and rights. Three empirical vignettes of digital norm contestation are analyzed. The first example illustrates how the Swedish government was able to exercise global leadership to visually perform and digitally advocate the contestation of the US global gag rule. The second example underlines how the Swedish government harnessed its leadership by connecting it to grassroots contestations of the global gag rule through digital advocacy networks. The third example illuminates how the Swedish government's visit to Iran backfired because of a lost sense of control over visual performative effects in the digital environment. By way of conclusion, we suggest three avenues that can be pursued to further the research agenda on gender, digital norm contestation, and foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 16th-century Riddarholmen Ship was discovered in the middle of Stockholm in 1930. Despite being exhibited since 1947, the efforts to reconstruct the ship have been limited. A substantial portion of the recovered parts has never been put on display. This paper aims to shed new light on the ship's architecture using the original material from the excavation together with an inventory of the timbers in the collections of the Medieval Museum. From this, it is argued that the ship originally had a full deck, three masts, and a forecastle and that it resembles an early purpose-built, gun-carrying warship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The military coup of September 11, 1973, implied the exile of tens of thousands of citizens in order to save themselves from the on-going repression. Sweden soon was one of the main countries to providing protection to the politically persecuted, partly thanks to the concern of the government of Olof Palme and his ambassador to Chile Harald Edelstam. This article presents the main characteristics of the Chileans in Sweden from the military coup until now, reflecting on the political and social implications that have been taking place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past few decades, Sweden has established itself as a "world leader" in gender equality. Alongside this development, Swedish politicians have also initiated ambitious plans that aim to establish the country as "world class" in terms of digitalization. International research shows that women and racialized groups are in a minority in the design processes, that AI facial recognition systems are built with white male faces as the norm, and that digital tools replicate racial injustices. In this paper, we are interested in if, and if so how, gender equality is articulated and thus filled with meaning in national policies on AI and digitalization. The overall aim is to discuss the potential of gender (equality) mainstreaming to challenge systems of privilege in the implementation of AI systems in the public sector. The paper analyses how gender equality is filled with meaning in national policy documents on AI and gender equality. The main findings show that gender equality is turned into a question of lack of knowledge and information, which in turn blocks out an understanding of gender equality as something that is related to gendered power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumo Para que a reciclagem aconteça, são necessárias normas, participação social e infraestrutura adequada para a coleta do material descartado. As estruturas e as normas internacionais e nacionais que norteiam o gerenciamento dos resíduos sólidos na Suécia favorecem a redução do volume descartado. Nesse contexto, este artigo objetiva examinar os arranjos institucionais dos serviços de manejo dos resíduos sólidos da Região Metropolitana de Estocolmo e seus efeitos sobre a diminuição do volume encaminhado para destinação final. A metodologia utilizada tem natureza exploratória, do tipo descritiva, com análise qualitativa. Os arranjos institucionais aplicados na Suécia vêm contribuindo para o alcance de objetivos nacionais e internacionais propostos para o país e podem inspirar o aperfeiçoamento do gerenciamento desses serviços no Brasil.

Este informe apresenta dados históricos da luta contra o câncer na suécia.

The journalist's professional secrecy in Spain finds its welcome in the 1978 Constitution. In this matter, as in many others, the Spanish situation must be compared with that of countries in our geographical-political environment. Carrying out an analysis of the realities in this matter offers us a common denominator, which is that Spain is not the only country in which the legislative development of professional secrecy is not very explicit. To understand this situation, it is convenient to focus on what the Constitution establishes to assess its content and the limits it offers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates internal strategies and struggles in civil society organizations' (CSOs') policy advocacy work from the vantage point of policy professionals by using the concepts of field, symbolic capital, and logics. A main claim is that mediatization acts as a strategic‐tension mechanism within a CSO, putting communicators at the center of policy units, which in turn is consequential for the strategies chosen for the organization's policy work. In this way, mediatization as a process celebrates certain professionals and strategies as particularly relevant, creating frustration among employees not specializing in communication. The study identifies a trend for organizations to put more resources and influence into communication and less into actual policy analysis. This article combines research on organizational logics, policy professionals, and mediatization by drawing on 38 interviews with, and ethnographic work among, policy professionals in Sweden, Latvia, and the Netherlands. Related Articles: Selling, Niels, and Stefan Svallfors. 2019. "The Lure of Power: Career Paths and Considerations among Policy Professionals in Sweden." Politics & Policy 47(5): 984–1012. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12325. Svallfors, Stefan. 2016. "Out of the Golden Cage: PR and the Career Opportunities of Policy Professionals." Politics & Policy 44(1): 56–73. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12149. Svallfors, Stefan, Erica Falkenström, Corrie Hammar, and Anna T. Höglund. 2022. "Networked Reports: Commissioning and Production of Expert Reports on Swedish Health Care Governance." Politics & Policy 50(3): 580–97. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12462. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este estudio de caso utiliza el análisis de la conversación para examinar la interacción verbal en las conversaciones didácticas de tres manuales de español como lengua extranjera (de ahora en adelante ELE) empleados en la educación secundaria sueca. La observación de dichas conversaciones revela algunos patrones problemáticos en cuanto a la secuencialidad de las acciones, a la presencia sistemática de silencios entre turnos de palabra y, en general, a la falta de coordinación entre co-participantes. Otros fenómenos típicos de la interacción espontánea, como por ejemplo los solapamientos entre turnos de palabra, las reparaciones o las co-construcciones faltan por completo en los materiales analizados. En la perspectiva de una enseñanza de idiomas comunicativa y orientada a la acción, el artículo sostiene que en la preparación de este tipo de soportes didácticos habría que tener más en cuenta la estrecha relación existente entre lengua hablada y acción social.

This article explores typical life-course trajectories based on annual observations of educational participation, employment, and establishing a family from age sixteen to age thirty. Using latent class analysis, we identify seven different trajectory classes that capture the different life courses experienced by individuals born in 1986. Examples of trajectory classes are (1) an early partner and childbearing trajectory; (2) a trajectory that mixes employment and a long postsecondary education into the later twenties; and (3) a trajectory involving low activity, very little employment, very little postsecondary education, and not starting a family. The classes identified correspond closely to trajectories found in earlier qualitative studies using life-history interviews, but in contrast to these studies that each encompass a few dozen individuals or less, our approach identifies trajectories for the individuals of an entire birth cohort. This allows for analysis of the geographical distribution of trajectories across regions, municipality types, and neighborhoods. Individuals following long postsecondary education trajectories were heavily concentrated in metropolitan areas and university towns. At the same age, individuals following early childbearing trajectories were concentrated instead in peripheral, rural areas. Individuals from nonmetropolitan areas also tend to follow more gender-polarized trajectories. Moreover, we find that there is more trajectory-based segregation at age thirty than at age fifteen. Theoretically, our study gives support to the idea that places are structured on the basis of life-course trajectories. Local context influences how individuals are linked into different trajectories and, at the same time, the spatial sorting of trajectories will shape local contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Desde finales del 2014, tras el anuncio de Suecia de embarcarse en una Política Exterior Feminista (PEF), dicho concepto ha sido utilizado de forma amplia en ámbitos académicos y políticos, sin que se haya avanzado en la deconstrucción y delimitación del mismo, desde una mirada plural y crítica del feminismo. Las formulaciones teóricas existentes, provenientes casi todas de académicas/os estadounidenses y/o europeas/os, se limitan a registrar una serie de características mínimas y ambiguas, influenciadas por una lectura liberal y etnocéntrica de los feminismos. Esto permite que se utilice la noción de PEF para nombrar situaciones diversas, y que se establezca, al menos desde lo simbólico, un signo de igualdad entre casos que poco tienen en común; como pueden ser las políticas exteriores de Suecia, Canadá y México. Esta situación no resulta neutral, ya que, por un lado, le quita trascendencia y contundencia a las propuestas que desde hace décadas los feminismos vienen elaborando en materia de teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales; y por el otro, le permite a funcionarios/as, intelectuales y comunicadores/as, apropiarse y hacer un uso superficial de postulados feministas forjados al calor de las intensas luchas que las mujeres, y otros sectores feminizados, vienen llevando a cabo históricamente. Frente a este panorama, resulta necesaria una disputa por el sentido que recupere los elementos más trasformadores de la tradición feminista. El abordaje utilizado en este trabajo es desde las perspectivas feministas críticas en Relaciones Internacionales. Primero, problematizamos algunas definiciones de política exterior feministas que circulan, y analizamos críticamente las autodenominadas políticas exteriores feministas de Suecia, Canadá y México, señalando falencias y contradicciones que las atraviesan. En una segunda instancia, procedemos a la elaboración de una definición de PEF que incorpora elementos provenientes de múltiples feminismos (decolonial, autónomo, negro, indígena), y que se asume explícitamente situada desde una perspectiva geográfica y cultural, subalternizada y contrahegemónica. Finalmente, proponemos una gradualidad en la categorización de aquellas políticas exteriores que empiezan a abandonar posicionamientos androcentristas y cisheteropatriarcales, a partir de la construcción de los conceptos de “Politica Exterior con Perspectiva de Género” (PEPG), y “Politica Exterior con Perspectiva de Género y Agenda Feminista” (PEGAF), cuyos significados y diferencias desarrollamos.

This article analyzes the emergence of the Swedish "national system for knowledge‐driven management." We argue that the system is best understood as a meta‐instrument that is underpinned by an "instrument constituency," a coalition held together by a joint interest in a particular policy solution. Based on interviews and documentary analyses, we show the conflicting interests that are included in the constituency and how the functional effectiveness of the meta‐instrument is exposed to a number of risks that follow from its specific implementation and from the heterogeneity among its constituency. In particular, we point to the threats against professional learning, responsibility, and integrity. Related Articles: Selling, Niels, and Stefan Svallfors. 2019. "The Lure of Power: Career Paths and Considerations among Policy Professionals in Sweden." Politics & Policy 47(5): 984–1012. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12325. Shen, Yongdong, Meng U. Ieong, and Zihang Zhu. 2022. "The Function of Expert Involvement in China's Local Policy Making." Politics & Policy 50(1): 59–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12450. Svallfors, Stefan, Erica Falkenström, Corrie Hammar, and Anna T. Höglund. 2022. "Networked Reports: Commissioning and Production of Expert Reports on Swedish Health Care Governance." Politics & Policy 50(3): 580–97. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12462. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Risk, Hazards & Crisis in Public Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Globalization in rural areas is commonly described in terms of both challenges and opportunities. Opportunities include increased communication and reduced distance. These factors, however, are also favorable for illicit activities such as increased opportunities for marketing drugs on the Internet and reduced barriers for transporting drugs. The drug industry is global and involves cross-site processes, but the drug problem is very local. This article discusses how drug activities infiltrate the work of professionals in rural places and the way this affects rural people and their living environment. In local communities, the police have the authority to counteract the spread and use of drugs, an authority that is described as geographically thinned. That is, police as well as other professionals combating the effects of drug abuse are affected as local cooperation, which is often encouraged by short distances, dense networks, and local knowledge, is weakened. Using a qualitative interview approach, this study argues that local practices related to prevention of drug-related crime are poorly equipped to deal with the speed and range of the contemporary drug trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Written teaching philosophies are a common part of applications for music teaching positions and a pivotal exercise for pre-service teacher development. However, their contents are not often addressed in the music education research literature. Using a case study of last-year pre-service music teachers at a Swedish university, I explore these statements to uncover their beliefs about practicing the music teaching profession. The results revealed four different areas of concern for the participants related to methodology, self, curriculum and students. Furthermore, the participants differ slightly from their counterparts in other subjects by highlighting aspects such as professional development or the teacher-parents/guardians relationship. In addition, they often express their alignment with humanistic or constructivist pedagogical approaches while simultaneously intending to work with extrinsic motivation. I argue the impossibility of classifying their underlying music teaching philosophies within the traditional ones in the field as such proposed by Keith Swanwick, Bennett Reimer and Christopher Small. Finally, I discuss the limitations and the implications of the results for the professional world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Resumo A indústria da moda produz mais do que a população necessita, o que conduz para o esgotamento de mananciais e para a geração de resíduos e poluição. Considera-se que a atividade de reúso de têxteis exige comportamento cívico, infraestrutura adequada e modelos de negócio inovadores. Este estudo buscou descrever as características estruturais do gerenciamento do descarte e do reúso de têxteis no intuito de mostrar as práticas que sustentam o comércio de produtos de segunda mão na Região Metropolitana de Estocolmo, Suécia. A metodologia adotada foi o estudo multicasos descritivo e exploratório. Os resultados indicam que as facilidades no manejo dos resíduos têxteis para coleta, triagem e distribuição e as políticas adotadas pela Suécia favorecem o crescimento de negócios sustentáveis ligados a essa cadeia produtiva.

Objective/Context: This article seeks to understand the characteristics and political implications of the process that allowed the adoption of Chilean children by Swedish parents during the military dictatorship in Chile. Methodology: The research is based on the review of diplomatic documentation corresponding to the Chilean Embassy in Sweden, specifically on reports that described the dissemination of the image of Chile and its children in the Swedish media between 1973 and 1990. In addition, reports, periodicals, and official records were consulted that expressed the reaction of the Chilean authorities to criticism received from the Swedish press for irregularities in the adoptions of children. Originality: The political and diplomatic framework for the regulation of international adoptions in the context of military dictatorships in Latin America has been poorly addressed from the humanities and social sciences since interest has been focused on the search for origins by adopted people and their biological families. Hence, this work's contribution to the historiography of adoptions lies in its focus on the political and diplomatic dimensions of the phenomenon, on the scope of forced mechanisms in the circulation of children to first world countries, as well as on regulatory policies regarding children and family. Conclusions: Based on the revised documentation, it is feasible to conclude that the adoptions of Chilean children by Swedish families were part of a campaign of the military dictatorship to promote adoption, which worked as a counter-propaganda to stop "anti-Chilean campaign" in Sweden, as well as to recover international ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compared to many other countries, Sweden has managed the COVID-19 pandemic with no lockdowns, less regulation and more voluntary action expected of citizens and organizations. In this article, the authors explore media representations of national preventative strategies and how they were anchored in broader discourses. The article aims to analyse the development of crisis narratives and struggles over legitimacy during the first phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in Sweden. Employing a critical discourse analysis, the authors investigate the editorials and opinion articles in Sweden's largest morning newspaper, Dagens Nyheter, during the spring of 2020. The authors combine descriptive analyses of the development of the crisis narratives with discursive analyses of conflicting ideologies in the debate. The study indicates that three crisis narratives dominated the debates: health, the economy and democracy. Within and between these narratives, struggles over legitimacy in the handling of COVID-19 were captured in several conflicting perspectives or paradoxes: Swedish exceptionalism versus the world, centralization versus decentralization and herd immunity versus herd humanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]