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The Romanian and Bulgarian languages share common features stemming from the Balkan linguistic aria. Among the distinctive grammatical constructions in Balkan languages is the new-type analytic subjunctive, a replacement for the infinitive in various languages such as Romanian, Bulgarian, Macedonian, Albanian, and Greek. The subjunctive can manifest in present, imperfect, perfect, and pluperfect tenses in most languages. However, Romanian has more limited combinations, employing only the present and perfect tenses. Despite these differences, the subjunctive shares structural, semantic, and usage similarities across Balkan languages. The use of the subjunctive in optative sentences is a common feature in Balkan languages, conveying achievable desires in the present and strong but unrealizable wishes in the past. This paper aims to broaden the research on the Balkan-type subjunctive by illustrating parallels in the modal values of this mood in Romanian and Bulgarian in independent optative sentences. The research underscores numerous correspondences in the use of the subjunctive in optative sentences in Romanian and Bulgarian. In both languages, within the optative context, the subjunctive expresses various sentiments such as desire, wishes, regret, protest, and indignation. The expression of both factual and counterfactual desires using present and past subjunctive forms is also similar in both languages. The present forms of the subjunctive express a factual desire, meaning an achievable wish that could be fulfilled in the future. The present subjunctive forms are very often encountered in idiomatic expressions that convey wishes and imprecations. Many similarities are noted between expressions in the two languages, both in terms of structure and in semantics and lexical means. The use of present subjunctive forms is not typical for expressing counterfactual wishes (unrealizable or difficult to achieve) but occurs in specific contexts. Wishes expressed through past subjunctive forms are counterfactual because the circumstances in which they could have been realized are omitted. Such statements convey the speaker's regret regarding an unfulfilled desire. In Romanian grammar, detailed treatment of the uses of the perfect subjunctive is lacking, but it is noted to have optative value. In Bulgarian, counterfactual wishes are expressed using three past tenses of the subjunctive – pluperfect, imperfect, and perfect. In this regard, the capabilities of the perfect subjunctive in Romanian stand out for expressing multiple meanings. With the exception of some meanings of the imperfect subjunctive in Bulgarian, the perfect subjunctive in Romanian can convey nearly all the meanings of the three past tenses in Bulgarian. The study highlights numerous similarities in the use of the subjunctive in Romanian and Bulgarian in optative sentences, offering observations that contribute to a deeper understanding of this mood within the field of Romanian, Bulgarian, and Balkan linguistics.

How do modal expressions determine which possibilities they range over? According to the Modal Anchor Hypothesis (Kratzer in The language-cognition interface: Actes du 19econgrès international des linguistes, Libraire Droz, Genève, 179–199, 2013), modal expressions determine their domain of quantification from particulars (events, situations, or individuals). This paper presents novel evidence for this hypothesis, focusing on a class of Spanish relative clauses that host verbs inflected in the subjunctive. Subjunctive in Romance is standardly taken to be licensed only in a subset of intensional contexts. However, in our relative clauses, subjunctive is exceptionally licensed in extensional contexts. At the same time, the interpretation of these relative clauses still involves modality, a type of modality that targets the goals of the agent of the main event. We argue that the pattern displayed by these relative clauses follows straightforwardly if subjunctive is associated with a modal operator that, like modal indefinites (Alonso-Ovalle and Menéndez-Benito in Journal of Semantics 35(1):1–41, 2017), can project its domain from a volitional event. Overall, our proposal supports the event-based analysis of mood (Kratzer in Evidential mood in attitude and speech reports. Talk delivered at the 1st Syncart Workshop, Siena, July 13, 2016; Portner and Rubinstein in Natural Language Semantics 28:343–393, 2020) and extends its application beyond attitudinal and modal complements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the factors that significantly constrain mood selection in Galician within uncertainty adverb constructions, applying a logistic regression model. This analysis identified several significant factors affecting the choice between the indicative and subjunctive moods, including the temporal context of the clause, the preceding adverb, and the interaction of fictional and nonfictional registers with the verb type of the predicate and the gender of the speaker/writer. Time reference and the preceding adverb emerged as primary factors conditioning mood choice, with present and future time frames and adverbs encoding weaker epistemic values significantly predisposing toward the subjunctive mood. This study also highlighted the influence of the gender of the speaker/writer, demonstrating the preference of women toward the indicative mood in fictional texts. Verb type and register interact in complex ways that only partially align with previous findings. The results of the present study contribute to a deeper understanding of syntactic variation in Galician, adding to a growing body of quantitative research on Galician grammar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In some finite clauses only one of the subjunctive and indicative moods might occur, while in others there is option between these two moods. This is the basic distinction between intensional and polarity subjunctive. This paper questions the sustainability of such division in Portuguese, providing a critical analysis of the major arguments sustaining that those two types of subjunctive need to be considered. Instead, it is shown that a semantic analysis of the indicative and subjunctive moods accounts for the distribution of these moods in European Portuguese (EP), no different explanations being needed for the cases of lexical selection and those of mood choice. In both cases Indicative signals that only p-worlds are taken in account, while Subjunctive signals the consideration of non-p worlds. This allows a comprehensive account of the EP data: Subjunctive or Indicative occurs depending on whether the meaning of the sentence leads to the consideration of non-p worlds or not. However, in other varieties of Portuguese, Indicative occurs in some sentences whose meaning involves the consideration of non-p worlds. Such is the case of Brazilian Portuguese (BP), where, in colloquial speech, the use of Indicative is common in complement clauses of querer ('to want'), a paradigmatic domain of Subjunctive. The conjecture is made that in this variety resorting to one or another mood is used as a pragmatic, discursive, strategy, even if the meaning of the sentence leads to the other mood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The type of mood or tense marking that causes counterfactuality inferences—as figuring prominently, but far from exclusively, in counterfactual conditionals—has not yet received a comprehensive and compositional analysis. Focusing on four languages, the paper presents under-appreciated facts and a novel theory where the mood serves to activate alternatives to modal operators, particularly one: the identity operator, often giving rise to counterfactual implicatures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Faulkner (2022b), in the case of Spanish, “indicative directive complements are strongly preferable to subjunctive clauses when a weak necessity and teleological matrix directive embeds a modal verb of equivalent strength and type” (p. 8). She explains that the exceptionality of this phenomenon relates to both predicates being interpreted in concord with one another. Having compared and analyzed several authentic examples of mood use in this context (see Faulkner 2021b, 2022a, 2022b), she, consequently, suggests that, in spite of being labeled core selectors of the subjunctive (e.g., Villalta 2008), if a modal concord construction is to come into play, the mood of the particular directive complement is affected. However, unbeknownst to Faulkner (2022b) at the time of publishing, this symbiotic relationship between modal concord and mood is not exclusive to matrix and subordinate directives that are weak necessity (of strength) and teleological (of type). Concord readings may, in fact, be evoked in contexts in which both the matrix and embedded predicates are, for example, either deontic and strong necessity or bouletic and strong necessity. In other words, if the two expressions parallel each other in strength and priority, an indicative modal complement, interpreted in concord (or unison) with the main directive, is likely to result; and, most importantly, whether or not the two modal elements are teleological and weak necessity.

TYPY PREDYKATÓW I WYBÓR TRYBU W POLSKICH ZDANIACH DOPEŁNIENIOWYCH – BADANIE EMPIRYCZNE Często zakłada się, że występowanie trybu łączącego jest ograniczone tylko do języków, które mają osobny paradygmat odmian dla tego trybu. Takie założenia sprawiają, że tryb łączący nie może pojawić się w językach takich jak język polski ze względu na brak osobnych końcówek morfologicznych. Jednakże polska konstrukcja, która składa się ze spójnika zdaniowego żeby oraz imiesłowu przeszłego, wykazuje właściwości semantyczne oraz morfoskładniowe podobne do tych zaobserwowanych dla hiszpańskiego trybu łączącego. Konstrukcja ta pojawia się prawie wyłącznie w zdaniach podrzędnych, nie pozwala na koreferencyjność podmiotów, a także jest defektywna pod względem czasowym. Ponadto możemy ją znaleźć po tych samych typach predykatów, po których występuje tryb łączący w języku hiszpańskim. Z tego względu celem tego artykułu jest pokazanie, że można założyć istnienie konstrukcji koniunktywnej w języku polskim. To założenie potwierdzają dane uzyskane w wyniku badania korpusowego oraz testu gramatyczności.

This study examines the selection of the subjunctive by speakers of Spanish as a heritage language. These speakers have usually been compared to monolingual speakers, and it has been said that their production resembles that of learners of Spanish as a second language. We problematize this hypothesis using two instruments, one of production and and one of comprehension, which are administered to three contrast groups: speakers of Spanish as a heritage language, learners of Spanish as a second language, and monolingual Spanish speakers. The results show significant differences among the contrast groups, from which it can be concluded that they represent three different populations, with a distinction between the speakers of Spanish as a heritage language and the other two. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Faulkner (2022b), in the case of Spanish, "indicative directive complements are strongly preferable to subjunctive clauses when a weak necessity and teleological matrix directive embeds a modal verb of equivalent strength and type" (p. 8). She explains that the exceptionality of this phenomenon relates to both predicates being interpreted in concord with one another. Having compared and analyzed several authentic examples of mood use in this context (see Faulkner 2021b, 2022a, 2022b), Faulkner, consequently, suggests that, in spite of being labeled core selectors of the subjunctive (e.g., Villalta 2008), if a modal concord construction is to come into play, the mood of the particular directive complement is affected. However, unbeknownst to Faulkner (2022b) at the time of publishing, this symbiotic relationship between modal concord and mood is not exclusive to matrix and subordinate directives that are weak necessity (of strength) and teleological (of type). Concord readings may, in fact, be evoked in contexts in which both the matrix and embedded predicates are, for example, either deontic and strong necessity or bouletic and strong necessity. In other words, if the two expressions parallel each other in strength and priority, an indicative modal complement, interpreted in concord with the main directive, is likely to result; and, most importantly, whether or not the two modal elements are teleological and weak necessity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to (i) establish the micro-parametric variation in the development of the subjunctive CP in Romanian languages (Daco-Romanian/DR; Aromanian/AR; Megleno-Romanian/MR; Istro-Romanian/IR) and (ii) account for derivations in which the subjunctive is integrated into the formation of the periphrastic future in these languages. Briefly, the analysis points out that the subjunctive CP in Romanian languages can display a split Fin (unlike in other Balkan languages) and that the remerging of the split Fin finds itself at different stages: complete in DR, but incomplete at different degrees in AR, MR, and IR. The compatibility of the subjunctive morphology with the derivation of the periphrastic future follows from the semantic bleaching and grammaticization of the volitional 'will' and 'have' verbs, together with the Balkan Sprachbund subjunctive mood marking, which combine in a monoclausal construction via a serial verb derivation to compositionally check a Fin marked [+finite, modal]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The morphological marking that distinguishes conditionals that are called "counterfactual" from those that are not, can also be found in other modal constructions, such as in the expression of wishes and oughts. We propose to call it "X-marking". In this article, we lay out desiderata for a successful theory of X-marking and make some initial informal observations. Much remains to be done. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study holds that negation phenomena in a natural language involve much more than mere logical entailments in some individual's epistemic model. The unique characteristics of negation, i.e., the persistent diachronic renewal of negative particles cross-linguistically, as well as the prevalent synchronic reinforcement of these particles through emphatic mechanisms, demand an analysis that casts the expressive speaker, not her epistemic model, in the leading role. Opting for a comprehensive account of negation in Modern Greek, the present analysis highlights this subjective involvement of the individual and suggests that it is the thinking and – more important – the feeling speaker that directs the distribution of Modern Greek negators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The occurrence of the Subjunctive mood in sentences describing facts is commonly seen as problematic, given the relation between Subjunctive and non-veridicality. One line that is explored in the literature to account for the Subjunctive in complement clauses of factive verbs is to link the occurrence of this mood in such contexts to gradability of the main clause’s predicate. However, such an account faces empirical problems, and is not extendable to other contexts where the Subjunctive occurs even if the sentence describes a fact of reality. This paper proposes an account for the occurrence of Subjunctive in different kinds of factive contexts, showing that in all such cases the reason for this mood to occur follows from the general condition that leads to the use of Subjunctive, though for different reasons. Gradability of the main predicate is, in fact, one of the factors that leads to the consideration of non-p worlds, and the Subjunctive, but not the only one. For other predicates, other semantic features lead to counterfactual reasoning. Concessive clauses are another factive context where Subjunctive occurs and allow a better understanding of what triggers the Subjunctive mood and what this formal sign indicates.

This study investigates the factors that significantly constrain mood selection in Galician within uncertainty adverb constructions, applying a logistic regression model. This analysis identified several significant factors affecting the choice between the indicative and subjunctive moods, including the temporal context of the clause, the preceding adverb, and the interaction of fictional and nonfictional registers with the verb type of the predicate and the gender of the speaker/writer. Time reference and the preceding adverb emerged as primary factors conditioning mood choice, with present and future time frames and adverbs encoding weaker epistemic values significantly predisposing toward the subjunctive mood. This study also highlighted the influence of the gender of the speaker/writer, demonstrating the preference of women toward the indicative mood in fictional texts. Verb type and register interact in complex ways that only partially align with previous findings. The results of the present study contribute to a deeper understanding of syntactic variation in Galician, adding to a growing body of quantitative research on Galician grammar.

In this article, the authors intended to give an overview of the use of the italian subjunctive with a special emphasis on the most frequent mistakes in expressing subjectivity and personal opinion as opposed to the objectivity expressed by the indicative. The main goal of the paper is to emphasize the key moment needed to distinguish these two grammatical voices and the prism through which a foreign speaker should observe the sentence in order to correctly use the subjunctive in speaking and writing. The authors wanted to place special emphasis on the most frequent mistakes in the use of the subjunctive in Italian language in general, especially the present subjunctive and the subjunctive imperfect, and despite the fact the subjunctive is increasingly being replaced by the indicative in the spoken language, such a trend should be taken with attention and insist on the regular use of Italian and the peculiarities that affect the richness of its linguistic expression. Therefore, in response to the tendencies present in the spoken language, the authors emphasize that the difference between the subjunctive and the indicative is of a semantic nature and that the use of subjunctive results in an essential difference in meaning compared to sentences written in the indicative, and any pseudo naturalness of the spoken language as opposed to grammatically correct one can lead to the impoverishment of the language corpus in the long run.

The paper analyses verbal structures employed in 16 translations of Psalm 20 coming from Old, Middle, Early Modern and Late Modern English periods, spanning over ten centuries, with a view to determining the principles of mood selection in each of the psalter translations and observing any diachronic shifts in this respect. The major finding of the study is that grammatical choices seem to lie at the intersection of language change and the type of translation aimed at by the translators rather than reside in the source text underlying the rendition. The changes in the grammatical structure of the language inevitably surface in the text of the translation unless they are blocked by the overriding principle of formal faithfulness to the original, resulting in such marked choices as adherence to the subjunctive in main clauses in a Late Modern English rendition. The paper is a preliminary step in a larger diachronic study of the subjunctive in English and its findings suggest that it is possible to investigate the change in mood selection also on the basis of linguistic material gathered in biblical translations.

This article discusses the structure of directive and optative clauses in Manding languages. The discussion mainly relies on a comparison between the two Manding languages for which detailed data on directive and optative clauses are available: Mandinka and Bambara. In Manding languages, the subjunctive plays a prominent role in the expression of commands and wishes, but speakers avoid expressing wishes by means of formulations exactly identical to those used for commands. Manding languages have a dedicated optative construction in which Álá ‘God’ is followed by a dedicated optative marker, but in Mandinka, the sequence ‘Álá + optative marker’ is freezing into an optative particle, as evidenced by the fact that Álá can be repeated as the subject of the clause following the optative marker.

This paper examines the means of expressing positive epistemic judgement in Spanish and Italian: modals in their epistemic interpretation, epistemic adverb + indicative/subjunctive, with particular attention to the verbs creer/credere and their possible combination with the subjunctive. The constructions are analysed through the prism of cognitive grammar, specifically Langacker's theory of grounding. It is argued that the different types of epistemic judgement are analogous to nominal grounding elements (demonstrative pronouns, the definite article and relative quantifiers). The subjunctive after epistemic adverbs and verbs (such as tal vez or credere) is seen as the verbal counterpart of the relative quantifier some. Analyses suggest that this analogy helps to define the semantic difference between similar structures with the indicative and to resolve questions concerning the function of the subjunctive in epistemic contexts, such as the degree of uncertainty or the speaker's attitude towards the propositional content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THIS ANALYSIS AIMS AT COMPARING AND CONTRASTIVELY INVESTIGATING THE LINGUISTIC PATTERNS USED IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN WHEN EXPRESSING FACTUAL, NON-FACTUAL, COUNTER-FACTUAL OR HYPOTHETICAL MEANING. MOOD IS OFTEN THE DIFFERENTIATING CATEGORY APPLIED IN ROMANIAN FOR SUCH SEMANTIC DISTINCTIONS. HOWEVER, IN ENGLISH, NON-FACTUALITY EXPRESSION PERTAINS TO THE AREA OF GRAMATICAL MARKERS, ASSOCIATED WITH A SEMANTICALLY FALSE FORM OF PAST TENSE. THE SUPERIMPOSITON OF THIS UNREAL PAST UPON NON-FACTUAL FUTURE, PRESENT AND PAST VERB PHRASES RESULTS IN SHIFTING EACH TENSE ON STEP FURTHER INTO THE PAST, AS MEANS OF EXPRESSING NON-FACTUALITY. THEREFORE, THIS SHIFT IS USED TO TRANSLATE CONDITIONS, IN SEVERAL TYPES OF CONDITIONALS, AS A TRANSLATION OPTION FOR THE ROMANIAN "CONDIȚIONAL OPTATIV", BOTH PRESENT AND PERFECT FORMS. THE SAME LINGUSTIC PATTERN IS ALSO USED FOR TRANSLATING PAST SUBJUCNTIVE, NAMELY VARIOUS CONTEXTS, SEMANTICALLY CIRCUMSRIBED TO NONFACTUALITY, AS THE TRANSLATION OPTION FOR THE ROMANIAN MOOD CONJUNCTIV PREZENT AND CONJUNCTIV PERFECT. THE PAST TENSE FORM IS MERELY FORMAL, USED AS LINGUISTIC MARKER FOR SEMANTIC NON-FACTUALITY, BEING THUS A UNREAL PAST IN SUCH CONTEXTS. TRANSLATION ERRORS OFTEN OCCUR IN RENDERING NON-FACTUAL MESSAGES FROM SOURCE INTO TARGET LANGUAGE WITHIN THIS PARTICULAR LANGUAGE PAIR, DUE TO THE EXISTING LACK OF CORRESPONDENCE IN MEANS OF EXPRESSION TYPICAL FOR THE INVESTIGATED SEMANTICAL ASPECT, THAT OF NON-FACTUAL, COUNTER-FACTUAL OR HYPOTHETICAL MEANING. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We focused in this paper on the dependent use of subjunctive in different stages of Romanian language (from the 16th century to the 21st century). We discuss the elements that precede this verbal form and the semantic field they belong to (possibility, probability, certainty, knowledge etc.), some differences due to the evolution of Romanian language and the occurrence of subjunctive in some subordinate clauses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Language & Literature is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article offers the "architrope" as a means for apprehending rhetorical figures on a symbolic landscape (or "tropography"). I argue that ethical critique of public memory places requires more than reading visual representations and envisioning resistive viewer agencies. Inspired by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's declaration that it should not be possible to remember Victorian England's women writers without recalling the "worlding" functions of colonial literature in British imperialism, I examine how the Brontë Parsonage Museum should unworld and otherworld its memoryscape. Adding spatial dimension to visual rhetoric, I map tropographic turns where visitors should not only unsettle histories but also confront aporias of postcolonial, feminist, and queer memories. Although rhetorical scholars celebrate the radical potential of the uncanny and the subjunctive mood, my analysis shows that uncanniness can be commodified, and colonizing narratives necessitate overt negation. Remapping commonplaces of museums and memorials therefore requires replacing rhetorical theory's acquiescence to possibility with emplaced attunement to impossible demands of the forgotten and unrepresentable dead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Philologist / Filolog: Journal of Language, Literary & Cultural Studies is the property of University of Banja Luka, Faculty of Philology / Univerzitet u Banjoj Luci, Filoloski Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper deals with various aspects of the use of the subjunctive in spoken Italian. Firstly, a brief overview is provided of the interplay of linguistic and extra-linguistic factors underlying the selection of the subjunctive in various syntactic structures. Special attention is paid to the differences in subjunctive use in factual and non-factual contexts, pointing out that the former are less studied and less affected by normative injunctions than the latter. The focus then falls on factual contexts, in particular subordinate clauses which depend on factive and semi-factive governors. The investigation is based on KIParla, a corpus of spoken Italian consisting of different types of interactions with speakers of various origins and social backgrounds. It is argued that in the factual context at hand the subjunctive fulfills a specific set of functions, mostly related to the speaker's stance towards the content of the subordinate clause. Finally, a statistical analysis is performed using conditional inference trees and random forests in order to uncover the linguistic and extra-linguistic conditioning of subjunctive use. The analysis shows that in the context under observation it is only linguistic factors that significantly condition mood selection; the use of the subjunctive is substantially insensitive to socio-stylistic and geographic variation, and therefore a socially shared pattern of variation has emerged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effects that codeswitching (CS) has on mood selection in restrictive relative clauses in the Spanish of heritage speakers (HSs). Spanish HS participants completed an online acceptability judgment task in which they rated monolingual (i.e., unilingual) and codeswitched sentences containing verbs in indicative and subjunctive mood in restrictive relative clauses manipulated for specificity of the antecedent. The results indicated an association of the subjunctive with non-specificity in monolingual sentences that was lost in the codeswitched sentences, although this effect was modulated by proficiency. These results are discussed in terms of the use of default forms in CS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores whether the presence or absence of ut in the subjunctival complementation of uolo in Archaic Latin – specifically Plautus and Terence – has any underlying rule. In more than two-thirds of their instances, inflected forms of uolo appear in juxtaposition with their subjunctival clauses, i. e. without a conjoining ut. This juxtaposition occurs most often in some high-frequency collocations, with larger distances between main and subordinate verbs, and in interrogative sentences. The most relevant criterion, however, turns out to be the morphology of uolo itself: 91 % of all 'uolo + subjunctive' tokens are restricted to only three forms. These results indicate that the usage of uolo + subjunctive was already specialized in Archaic Latin. To test this theory, data from Cicero show that the subjunctive complementation of uolo as a whole, with or without a subordinating ut, was under a process of fossilization: the existing tendencies of Archaic Latin are intensified in Classical Latin. The results for uolo are finally compared with similar data for facio (Mazzanti 2020), and similar results are evidenced: distance between main and subordinate verbs and main verb morphology are the main factors determining the use of the conjunction. Subjunctive subordinate clauses without an introductory ut therefore seem to have undergone a process of fossilization between Archaic and Classical Latin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mood is one of the most popular topics in Spanish and mood alternation occurs when the structure is just an adverb and a verb. Although many studies have addressed this subject, most focus on verbs. Some studies have discussed mood alternation with adverbs of doubt, but only a few use statistical methods. In addition, the existing research on speakers' social factors is insufficient. Therefore, the objectives of this study are to reveal differences between the adverbs of doubt using statistical methods and to elucidate the relationship between mood alternation and social factors. To achieve these objectives, this corpus study extracts data from corpes xxi (2020) and preseea-Madrid (distrito de Salamanca) and analyses 1,587 examples containing posiblemente, probablemente, quizá, quizás, tal vez, a lo mejor, igual and seguramente using multiple correspondence analysis and decision tree analysis. The results show that adverbs of doubt can be divided into two groups. One includes posiblemente, probablemente, quizá, quizás and tal vez which are more likely to co-occur with the subjunctive. The other includes a lo mejor, igual and seguramente which have tendencies to co-occur with the indicative. Furthermore, for social factors, male, educated people, and peninsular Spanish relates more to the subjunctive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Verbal morphology is a particularly vulnerable domain in the grammars of Spanish heritage speakers (HSs). Among the most frequently studied phenomena is mood selection, identified as a pervasive locus of variability that affects the production of subjunctive more prominently. The present article explores this area of research by examining the effects of mood selection type on HSs' subjunctive use. In contrast with previous studies, this investigation controls for propositional modality, focusing its analyses on instances of obligatory and variable subjunctive selection within deontic predicates. Results from a production task revealed that, despite the presence of between-group differences driven by participants' levels of proficiency, type of selection did not significantly modulate their rates of subjunctive use. These findings challenge previous claims about the extent to which this factor affects Spanish HSs' performance, and highlight the importance of considering propositional modality when examining the acquisition of mood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I will address the use of the modal particle (MP) with the subjunctive in the main clauses in the Odyssey. I choose this feature, because this is a usage that is unknown to Attic and even in Ionic this is extremely rare. I first explain how the corpus was obtained, as the forms described as “future indicatives” in the grammars of Classical Greek descend either from the Indo-European desiderative and will be called “future-desideratives” here, or are metrically equivalent to the subjunctive of the sigmatic aorist, and as in the vast majority of cases, the distinction between desiderative and aorist subjunctive cannot be made, these forms are catalogued as “future-subjunctives”. In a second step, I discuss some of the textual issues that could arise in determining whether or not the MP was in fact attested. Thirdly, I outline a working hypothesis, outlining that the MP refers to single and specific action close to hearer and speaker and is only allowed with the epistemic modality (as in Allan’s 2013 framework). Fourthly, I provide the fact and figures and then, I start with the actual analysis. I find that there are no “future-desideratives” with an MP in the Odyssey and that only a very limited number of (future-)subjunctives are used with an MP in the main clause. This is due to the fact that most of these forms have a desiderative, voluntative and/or exhortative meaning, which are all three incompatible with the use of the MP. Besides the passages where the rules seem to be observed, I also discuss those in which the rules seem to have been violated, there are different variants attested or more than one interpretation possible.

This paper focuses on the two most widely used universalist approaches that attempt to present a unified account of the Spanish subjunctive. Both Vesterinen’s and Ruiz Campillo’s concepts are based on principles of cognitive linguistics and represent two largely contradictory ways to define a unified principle for the use of a particular verbal form: from an abstract principle to usage and from concrete linguistic manifestations to the search for an underlying function. This paper contrasts the two theories and points out their strengths and weaknesses. We conclude that an uncontroversial universalist theory describing all uses of the Spanish subjunctive has not yet been developed in linguistics; rather both theories are a tool to illustrate how complex and difficult it is to analyse the phenomenon of mood choice.

This article assesses the theory of 'the subjunctive as a subordination marker' proposed by Schmitt Jensen (1970a) in light of recent advances in the study of complementation. It argues that the theory is consistent with the functional framework of Givón (2001) where event integration is said to be mirrored in syntactic integration, but that it has to be revised on two points. Firstly, instead of marking syntactic subordination, we propose that the subjunctive is used to prompt a non-referring construal of the subordinate clause in certain constructions. Secondly, we suggest that the subjunctive prompts a conceptually secondary construal of the subordinate clause in other constructions. By proposing a twofold function of the subjunctive, we can keep the main findings of Schmitt Jensen while avoiding potential circularity and shortcomings that the syntactic theory of the subjunctive faces when applied to, e.g., mood alternation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the semantic differences and patterns in the distribution of four types of complement clauses in present-day Polish: the infinitive, the gerund, indicative clauses, and subjunctive clauses. The study uses a corpus-based method to investigate the semantic properties of these constructions and discusses the implications of the findings. The text provides insights into the distributional properties and semantic structures of complement constructions in Polish, highlighting the distinctions between deontic and epistemic domains and the diverse meanings conveyed by different complement constructions. Further research is needed to fully understand the complexities of complement constructions in Polish. [Extracted from the article]

This paper aims to examine whether imperatives are used in the same or a similar way in forensic, symbouleutic, and epideictic orations, what the semantic differences are between addressing the audience in the imperative and the so-called mandative subjunctive (which conveys requests, suggestions, and recommendations) or prohibitive subjunctive (which instructs the audience to avoid actions), and what impact these two moods are intended to have upon the judges and onlookers. It will be argued that subjunctives, when used in main clauses (those in subordinate clauses are not examined), take their level of forcefulness (i. e., how polite and discreet they are) from their immediate context, and that, in some instances, they may have a similar semantic force and persuasive potential to imperatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The causative construction poses a challenge to all mainstream approaches to Spanish mood. Mejías-Bikandi, Errapel. 2014. A cognitive account of mood in complements of causative predicates in Spanish. Hispania 97(4), 651–665, elaborating on his previous approach (Mejías-Bikandi, Errapel. 1998. Presupposition and old information in the use of the subjunctive mood in Spanish. Hispania 81(4), 941–948), which associates the indicative to information that is pragmatically asserted (i.e., presented as both true and new), claims that the use of the subjunctive in the complements of volitive and causative verbs results from the fact that these complements are not independently grounded and so cannot be asserted. His proposal, though, raises some serious objections. In this paper, an alternative account is presented, whereby the use of the subjunctive in this context is understood as reflecting the antagonist's viewpoint and epistemic assessment on the goal process within a force dynamics pattern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Directive predicates have meanings that are similar to 'order', 'require', 'recommend', and 'advise'. Being volitional in nature, directives are said to form part of the core group of subjunctive-taking predicates (e.g., Villalta 2008). This means that, like desiderative (e.g., querer que 'to want that') and purpose clauses (e.g., para que 'so that'), they are expected to, and generally do, take the subjunctive. However, findings from the present investigation suggest that, in spite of this description, there are certain contexts in which indicative, directive complements are strongly preferred. Analyses showed that indicative, directive clauses are strongly preferable to subjunctive complements when the matrix directive and embedded verb are both teleological and weak necessity. In such environments, a concord reading is elicited. In the case of subjunctive complements, they are preferable to indicative, only when there is no concord between the main and embedded, directive predicates. These findings are significant, not only because directives are normatively described as requiring the subjunctive, but also because no previous studies have examined a link between mood and modal concord. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The present paper discusses all examples of the Messapic prohibitive particle ma. The analysis of the relevant contexts shows that ma can be used both with the imperative mood and with a mood that can be interpreted as an -a-subjunctive and is built either with primary or with secondary endings. Several of the inscriptions containing ma are epitaphs: it seems that this textual genre can present norms or prohibitions alongside the onomastic formulae of the deceased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues in favour of a view of the Spanish Theme Vowel (ThV) as the direct spell out of an identifiable syntactic head, specifically Ramchand's (2018) Event head, responsible for tagging lexical verbs with world and time parameters. I will argue that several apparent cases of verbal irregularity related to the conjugation of 1sg forms can be related to each other, and can receive a principled explanation once one adopts this view of Spanish ThVs. An approach where ThVs are post-syntactic morphemes that idiosyncratically tag the functional structure of verbs, or where they are syntactically inert morphemes, can only treat these facts as accidental and cannot provide an account of their mutual interconnection.

This paper discusses two issues in two sections: one is allocated for modality and the other is devoted for mood. The issues of modality and mood are closely interrelated; so, they are studied and posed in the grammar books together. The concept of modality conveys the speaker’s view towards an event or about what is said. Modality is either realized by inflection of the verbs or through leaical items, viz, the modals. Mood is a grammatical component which indicates the degree or a type of fact of a proposition, as perceived by the speaker. Three moods are studied in this paper. They are: the indicative, the imperative and the subjunctive. These verb moods have semanticallyoriented notions. They have more to do with semantics than with their grammatical aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research indicates that heritage speakers (HSs) of Spanish produce both subjunctive and indicative mood in expected subjunctive contexts. The present study sheds new light on this pattern by testing the effects of morphological regularity on HSs' mood production in volitional contexts, where Spanish‐dominant speakers (e.g., first‐generation immigrants) use almost exclusively subjunctive forms. Results of an elicited production task, completed by 42 HSs and 10 first‐generation controls, reveal that HSs differentiate between the two moods. Despite this sensitivity, HSs also exhibit variability, which is strongly conditioned by regularity. Whereas HSs produce subjunctive forms almost categorically with irregular verbs, their subjunctive production with regular verbs is more variable, a pattern we link to irregular verbs' higher relative lexical autonomy and perceptual salience. Instead of classifying HSs' morphological knowledge in binary terms, we argue for the importance of exploring how variability with mood is shaped by the morphological characteristics of individual lexical items. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese learners of English have much difficulty in understanding putative should. This article attempts to find out the cause of this difficulty. It makes a semantic study of sentences with putative should used in that-clauses, discusses five distinctions between them, and presents a corpus-assisted study of the semantic constraint of factuality accompanying the emotive should. It finds that the learning difficulty results from the fuzzy nature of the term 'putative should', which fails to adequately describe and explain the five differences. It argues that the teaching and learning of putative should should focus on understanding its two distinct uses, the suasive should and the emotive should, in nominal that-clauses. The suasive should denotes obligation, applies to something yet to come, and goes with suasive key words in sentences in whose thatclauses the present subjunctive can be used instead. The emotive should denotes surprise, applies to a personal, psychological, subjective fact, and goes with an emotive element, linguistic or extralinguistic, in sentences in whose that-clauses the indicative can be used instead but the present subjunctive cannot. The emotive element can take the form of an emotive word, a negative expression, or even the tone of voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]