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South Africa and Brazil are notorious for having some of the highest levels of (racialised) inequality on the planet, and dysfunctional education systems failing millions in their aspirations for a better life. Over 2015-16, student protests erupted across Brazilian and South African schools and universities, challenging these conditions through strikes, occupations, on-campus and street protests, and intellectual production. This paper builds on a World-Systems theoretical framework to understand the similarities, circulation, and distance between the two contemporaneous movements. In Brazil, the ‘Primavera Secundarista' high school occupations dealt primarily with local political dynamics, such as school closures, and intersectional forms of oppression. In South Africa, the ‘Fallist' university mobilisations demanded free, decolonised education, alongside addressing issues of outsourcing and institutional racism. In the first section, I give a comparative overview of these student movements’ similarities, situating them in their context and highlighting the key concerns and political and pedagogical practices of student activists in each. While these movements did not generally engage with each other, there were some important points of interaction, discussed in the second section. While highlighting these points of connection, I also advance an argument in the third section for why there was nevertheless relatively little direct engagement between these contemporaneous movements that otherwise had so much in common. The points of connection and disconnection between these similar movements offers insights about the functioning of the contemporary World-System and the modes of transnational circulation between movements therein, with lessons for transnational understandings of social movements, especially South-South movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the mediating role of social identity in the relationship between emotions—both positive and negative—and participation in collective action. The study sample included university students from Peru (N = 599; M = 24.5 years) and Chile (N = 592; M = 22.2 years). A structural equation modeling (SEM) approach was used to analyze the data. The findings reveal that, in both countries, social identity mediated the relationship between emotions and collective action, and positive emotions were the key drivers of students’ inclination to engage in collective action. The study concludes that emotions predict collective action through identification with a social movement—in this case, the student movement. Furthermore, the indirect effect of social identity was stronger among Chilean students compared to their Peruvian counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the mediating role of social identity in the relationship between emotions—both positive and negative—and participation in collective action. The study sample included university students from Peru (N = 599; M = 24.5 years) and Chile (N = 592; M = 22.2 years). A structural equation modeling (SEM) approach was used to analyze the data. The findings reveal that, in both countries, social identity mediated the relationship between emotions and collective action, and positive emotions were the key drivers of students’ inclination to engage in collective action. The study concludes that emotions predict collective action through identification with a social movement—in this case, the student movement. Furthermore, the indirect effect of social identity was stronger among Chilean students compared to their Peruvian counterparts.

The student movement as we know it today was born after the 1930s, with the creation of national student organisations. As a result of mobilisations around political agendas, the student movement stands out in Brazilian social life. In 2007, the Municipal Union of Secondary School Students (UMES) was founded in São José dos Pinhais, a municipality in the Curitiba metropolitan region, with the aim of representing the student community before the local government. Based on bibliographical, documentary and field research, supported by oral history, this article discusses the ways of acting and thinking practiced by students within the UMES from 2007 to 2015. It is noteworthy that the interviews were conducted with former participants of the entity, young students, mostly from public schools. This study uses the notions of Bourdieu's political field, Certeau's tactics and Foucault's power in order to understand the students' practices, carried out within the framework of this organisation, where they tried to achieve, from the field of politics, their flags. It seems, therefore, that most of the students introduced to UMES saw their organisation as an instrument of struggle for their rights, although it was also a place of reflection on the quality of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although much has been written about Yoshimoto Takaaki's political philosophy and Terayama Shūji's art as two of the most relevant figures in the culture of the Japanese long 1968, it has not yet been addressed how the qualitative content of their respective works displayed a similar worldview through different media to the point of generating a sort of indirect dialogue. This article aims to fill this gap in our understanding by addressing this connection through the analysis of the intersection between Yoshimoto's influential theory of taishū ('the masses') and Terayama's parody of characters, as epitomized in his most iconic film Sho o suteyo machi e deyō (Throw Away Your Books, Rally in the Streets, 1971). Likewise, I critically explore how Yoshimoto and Terayama's anti-establishment distrust of ideology and words contributed to the ethos of the Japanese New Left, especially its student Zenkyōtō (All-Campus Joint Struggle Committees) movement, halfway between the modern and the postmodern. The interdisciplinary approach to two such seemingly distant media as written political philosophy and cinema will dialectically contribute to our understanding of the cultural history of the Japanese long 1968 by tracing the thread of its anti-establishment imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Punto Género is the property of Revista Punto Genero and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Protesting government tuition increases in 2012, Quebec university and college students participated in collective action that they contentiously characterized as a ‘strike.’ While oppositional actors insisted students were boycotting classes – not striking – student activists claimed legal and cultural justifications for their action. This paper asks: How did Quebec student activists discursively characterize and legitimize their protest tactic as a strike? How did this discourse – and opponents’ counter-discourse – structure the terms of the debate within higher education institutions? Using discourse analysis of student newspapers and organizers’ first-hand accounts of the strike, this paper argues that striking students developed a discursive repertoire constituted by two components: they linked their action to a collective identity with a historical legacy of striking and adopted collective action frames that characterized the action as disruptive and collective. While the debate within higher education institutions centred around legitimacy, it was deeply rooted in contestation over individualism versus collectivism and the ongoing neo-liberalization of higher education. Through the case of the 2012 student strike, I propose employing collective identity and collective action frames together in a dialogic framework of discursive repertoires, thereby providing analytical clarity to this concept for social movement scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Tempo e Argumento is the property of Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Japanese writer Kurahashi Yumiko 倉橋由美子 (1935–2005) debuted in 1960 with a short story “Party” (Parutai パルタイ), in which the narrator, a young student, writes about her relationship to a young member of a leftist party and to the party itself. This article examines what motifs Kurahasi Yumiko uses to construct the “self ” of the narrator, how this “self ” changes and evolves in relation to other characters and to the party, and what the final escape from the net of interpersonal-political relations means for the narrator.

The sociopolitical crisis that flared up in Chile starting in October 2019 laid bare tensions in how different social groups understand citizenship and political mobilization. These tensions evinced clear generational differences coupled with the emergence of new forms of understanding and doing politics among youth. This article presents the results of an ethnographic study conducted at a vocational school in the marginalized suburbs of the Santiago metropolitan area, focused on analyzing how the practices and discourses that students deployed at the school challenge the definition of school and the citizen practices inside of it, and through these, make the school a public space. The results show that the situated response practices undertaken by the students served to contest and transform the school space, redefining the concept of citizenship, in the sense that student mobilization challenged the conceptualizations of citizenship prescribed by the curriculum, teachers, and the broader adult world. Accordingly, this article posits a reading of the school not only as an institution responsible for education and teaching but also as a place seen from the spatial perspective in a context of conflict, understanding that academic spaces are constantly produced via situated practices of appropriation, signification, and occupation, which are themselves not exempt from conflict. Public Significance Statement: This case study analyzes the situated practices undertaken by low-income secondary students to contest and transform their school in a context of national sociopolitical crises and social mobilization. The spatial tactics deployed by students challenged the conceptualizations of citizenship prescribed by the curriculum, teachers, and the broader adult world, transformed the school as an institutional space, and made this space public. Accordingly, this article shows both (a) the contextual and socially defined nature of the school as space and institution and (b) the relevance of a contextualized, flexible, and evolving curriculum, in which the opportunities offered by social reality are taken to produce intergenerational dialogue and address citizenship through practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on archival research, newspaper sources, and cultural products, this article proposes an analysis of public debates around youth within the framework of the socalled sexual revolution in Mexico City. The analysis rests on the general proposal that the study of this revolution becomes more productive if an approach from a conceptual and constructivist perspective is made, which addresses the perception that this phenomenon had at its time. This article argues that, throughout the 20th century, the country's capital was conceived as a space of moral danger for youth. However, by the 1960s, young people began to be perceived more and more as promoters of a transformation of sexual morality and not so much as victims of imminent risk. Young people would promote a series of new relationships with public spaces, with different modes of personal presentation consistent with youth counterculture, appropriating places such as the streets and the university and spreading erotic images. The article addresses this transformation using as an example a debate on pornography and erotic magazines, which occurred at the UNAM in 1967. In the end, it proposes a chronology for the sexual revolution study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text is the result of bibliographical and exploratory research carried out in 2021. The proposed theme is the reflection on the Student Movement as part of the training of the interviewed subjects. The research carried out considered the bibliography of social movements as a theoretical basis, the history of the student movement in Brazil, pointing out articulations with other countries, and the survey, via form, of memories of former students of the Federal University of Mato Grosso do Sul (UFMS ), about experiences lived in the student movement. As a result, the analysis of the content and criticism of the testimonies allow us to point out continuities and changes in the repertoires of student struggles, the persistent demands, as well as inferring about the educational dimension of the student movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario de la Sociedad Argentina de Historia de la Educación is the property of Argentinean Society of History of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Leviathan: Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft (Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Violence has become a regular occurrence in the context of the South African student movement. However, to date there are no studies that investigate student wellbeing in the context of student movement violence. How are violence and wellbeing experienced in the context of the student movement? What resources do students draw upon to protect or restore their wellbeing during and in the aftermath of violence? This article discusses students' experiences of violence and wellbeing and particularly the resources that fostered their psychological wellbeing during and after experiences of violence related to the #FeesMustFall protests of 2015/16. The study used a photovoice methodology and worked with groups of former student activists from four universities in South Africa. Student psychological functioning in the midst of adverse circumstances is demonstrated in their ability to make meaning of their experiences by inventing knowledge spaces; creating spaces of inner harmony; having a sense of purpose; and protecting symbolic spaces of hope. It is also shown in their courage to challenge spaces of oppression. This study suggests that the co-production of social space for functioning occurs through an important psychological process of meaning-making that provides direction for student movement activities. Given our findings, it is recommended for student affairs and counselling services to m,./=-09864 facilitate the co-creation of spaces of knowledge and spaces of safety, spaces where students can experience being wanted and connected, and spaces where they can make sense of their experiences in the unfamiliar and potentially alienating higher education space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many countries in the world have experienced a massive movement. In Indonesia, one of them was the 1998 Indonesian student movement which was able to push Soeharto (Indonesian president at that time) to resign from his president position which had lasted for 32 years. This movement is narrated in a novel entitled The Sea Speaks His Name which is a translation work of an Indonesian novel entitled Laut Berbicara and is written by Leila S. Chudori. Laut Biru as the main character of this work took part in the 1998 Indonesian student movement and was drawn into an ocean as a result of his action. Interestingly, the portrayal of marine life and its surrounding is repeated several times in this work. Deploying difference and repetition theory of Delueze and reader-response approach, the researcher applied a closed reading method and wrote the analysis results descriptively. This study found that the portrayal of marine life and its surrounding tended to show the acceptance of Laut’s struggle to create a freedom in Indonesia. In this case, Chudori’s novel provided a different point of view that as a maritime country, the beauty of marine life and its surrounding had some important roles to convey the 1998 student movement in relation to love, struggle and setting.

The purpose of the article is to carry out a historical and political reconstruction of sexual dissidence in student spaces through an exploratory review of testimonies and scattered memories produced by organizations, groups and active in Chile during the period of mayor student revolts between 2008 and 2018 in. Conceptually, it seeks to present a notion of sexual dissent that is not only distinct from the politics of sexual diversity by the official organizations of the LGTBI+ movement, but also allows for the elaboration of a new perspective to understand queerness/cuirness and its relationship with the process of social mobilization in the country from a Latin American perspective. The originality of the study consists in queerizing the recent history of the Chilean student movement through a periodization of counter-hegemonic actions, specifically performances, assemblies and occupations. It is concluded that the practices of sexual dissent and activism understand social movements as a direct political result of encounters and interaction between bodies and affections and whose street performativity questions the forms of heteropatriarchal political action in the context of neoliberalism in Chile.

The literature on political participation has consistently found that protest positively and significantly correlates with voting. However, Chile can be considered a deviant case to this pattern. During the last decade, Chileans who participated in street demonstrations were unlikely to participate in elections. What explains this anomaly? We argue that this rupture between participation in protest and in elections results from an effective distancing between social-movement organisations (SMOs) and institutional politics. However, this distancing of SMOs from party politics has not been homogeneous. To examine this heterogeneity, we conduct a comparative design of two cases: the labour and student movements. Based on a mixed-methods study that combines interviews with movement leaders and surveys of protest participants in marches, we seek to highlight the mediating role of SMOs in the promotion of different forms of political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changing campus demographics following World War II and the U.S. Black Student Movement of the 1960s unified and influenced the values of academic advising and student support services. This article argues that this context of U.S. college civil rights protest resulted in the call for more inclusive student support services that combined social work, counselling, social justice, and academic knowledge. Academic histories like Martha Biondi's comprehensive Black Revolution on Campus and Ibram Rogers's The Black Campus Movement document well the call for Black counsellors, trained social workers, and academic coaches at campuses on the east and west coasts during the Era of Protest. This study adds to these representations by looking at this history through the lens of a midwestern U.S. flagship, urban campus. Academic and student affairs administrators are taking note of the new generation of undergraduate students and their penchant for protest, especially regarding the Black Lives Matter movement spurred by the tragic deaths of college-aged and college-bound young Black men like Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown that has strengthened during the pandemic after the murder of George Floyd.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Education, Technology & Society (BRAJETS) / Cadernos de Educação Tecnologia e Sociedade (CETS) is the property of Brazilian Journal of Education, Technology & Society - BRAJETS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of O Social em Questão is the property of Faculdades Catolicas - Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Linguistic Landscape: An International Journal (LL) is the property of John Benjamins Publishing Co. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On October 2, 1968, only ten days before the opening ceremonies of the highly anticipated 1968 Summer Olympics, the Mexican Army surrounded and penned in students at the Plaza de las Tres Culturas. The plaza, holding remnants of Mexico’s past—an Aztec pyramid and the Spanish church of Santiago Tlatelolco—would soon become the site of state massacre. After months of strife between the government’s single-party regime and student protestors in the lead-up to the Games, the tensions reached a crescendo: snipers mounted the surrounding apartment buildings of Nonoalco Tlatelolco—the new modern housing complex designed by the architect Mario Pani—while armed plainclothes troops, distinguished by white gloves, seamlessly assimilated into the crowd. On that night, in the space of Mexico’s Aztec and Spanish ruins yet surrounded by its modern present, temporal and spatial order was contested and disrupted.This essay examines both the official culture crafted by the government in anticipation of the 1968 Olympics and countercultural practices that produced a lasting fracture in the temporal and spatial order of modern Mexico—those that effectively permeated the afterlife of Mexico 1968. As I argue, the legacy of the student movement resides in the 1968 foundation of oppositional strategies—such as poster art and street performance—which promoted an active engagement with public space. While most analysis of remembrance strategies after the massacre focuses on the archive of memory, I highlight spatial ruptures that overcame the limitations of testimonial and archival documentation. In doing so, I trace the student movement’s confrontations with space from 1968 to Rafael Lozano-Hemmer’s 2008 installation, Voz Alta, which continued this practice by channeling October 2, 1968, amid ruins of Mexico’s Aztec, Spanish, and modernist past.

The Japanese writer Kurahashi Yumiko ... (1935-2005) debuted in 1960 with a short story "Party" (Parutai ...), in which the narrator, a young student, writes about her relationship to a young member of a leftist party and to the party itself. This article examines what motifs Kurahasi Yumiko uses to construct the "self " of the narrator, how this "self " changes and evolves in relation to other characters and to the party, and what the final escape from the net of interpersonal-political relations means for the narrator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents an overview of the formation, organisation and political role of the Muslim Brotherhood student movement in the Egyptian contentious political scene of the 1930s and 1940s up to the 1952 military coup, by combining the rich secondary literature of the period with the Brotherhood's internal sources. The reconstruction focuses on the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood – as any mass organisation – was far less homogeneous than what is normally claimed by both internal and external sources, both sharing a general overstating of internal discipline and absolute obedience, especially during Ḥasan al-Bannā's charismatic leadership (1928–1949). The students of the Muslim Brotherhood were clearly channelling bottom-up pressures for more radical political action, sometimes ignoring directives from above and influencing the trajectory of the larger movement. In the warming political context of the late 1940s, Islamist students were acting independently, for instance taking the initiative to build tactical alliances with other student organisations even those belonging to the antagonist leftist/progressive camp, thus actively contributing to creating the momentum that led to the 1952 Revolution. However, and despite the clear message from its base, the Brotherhood leadership ended up by always opting for a moderate and cautious course, avoiding head-on confrontation with the government even at the cost of multiple crises and defections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annali di Storia delle Università Italiane is the property of CISUI: Centro Interuniversitario per la Storia delle Universita Italiane and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Iskolakultúra is the property of University of Szeged, Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the military coup of 12 September 1980, the name of the Türk Devrim Tarihi (History of Turkish Revolution) course, which served an important function in conveying official ideology in Turkey, was changed to Türk İnkılâp Tarihi (History of Turkish Revolution). The renaming of the course as Türk İnkılâp Tarihi was a part of the reaction to the radical social opposition that emerged in the second half of the 1960s and the student movement, which was the most active component of the opposition. The opposition became symbolic with the word devrim (means revolution in pure Turkish), which became one of the key words of the liberal constitutional era after the military coup of 27 May 1960. In the face of this radical threat, the 12 March administration, which took the power with the military intervention in 1971, attempted to break the legitimacy of the opposition with the official ideology. One of the ways to accomplish this was to intervene in the History of Turkish Revolution, which was taught as a regime course in higher education programs. The 12 September administration, which came to power through a military coup in 1980, not only changed the name of the course from devrim to inkılâp (the latter meaning revolution in Ottoman Turkish), but also framed the course's chronological end point with the date of Atatürk's death. The military government made the Turkish War of Independence and early Republican era more prominent in the course content by removing the subjects of multi-party life and the liberal constitutional era from the History of Turkish Revolution (Türk İnkılâp Tarihi). It emphasized the symbolic historical personality of the regime's founding father, Atatürk, rather than the Republic's radical rupture with its Ottoman past. It was certain that pushing society from the political sphere in the 1980s would create an ideological vacuum among higher education students, the most active segment of society. With Atatürk's "thought system" and personality, presented as a role model in Atatürk's Principles and Revolution History (Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılâp Tarihi) courses, it was aimed to fill a significant part of this vacuum in these years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Women & Gender Studies (16834852) is the property of Women's Research Program, National Taiwan University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Students have traditionally been a breeding ground for political protest. This tradition was formed back in the pre-revolutionary period, when students of universities and institutes were active participants in both the work of political parties of various persuasions and the all-university struggle for expanding the autonomy of higher education. In the first period after the revolution, the students continued to be one of the most active protest groups, which was most clearly manifested during the intra-party struggle of the 1920-ies. Continuing the theme of the student movement in the early USSR, which we touched upon in previous publications, in this article we turned to the problem of motivating opposition university students. To do this, we used materials from the Control Commissions of the CPSU (b) and personal party files, which make it possible to compensate for the small number of sources of personal origin related to the history of the Left Opposition. Despite the great growth of interest in the topic of the anti-Stalinist alternative in the CPSU(b), this valuable range of sources was not included in the existing studies. The article provides a grouping of the main motives and reasons for involvement in opposition work, as well as an assessment of how they coincided with the content of program documents prepared by the leaders of the movement. Among the main reasons that we have identified are: disagreements with the Central Committee on the peasant and Chinese issues, suppression of inner-party democracy, the search for thrills, the protection of the authority of the Bolshevik leaders (G.E. Zinoviev, L.D. Trotsky), etc. We will also describe the path of involvement of students in the opposition struggle, and the role of informal and family ties in this process will be determined as well

Students as part of the intellectual group in Indonesia with their various movements have a very crucial role. In the three orders of power, students always show their existence in the national political process. In the old order era, students became one of the political forces with the presence of various organizations that actively participated in providing input to the current political system. Continuing with Suharto's rule, students with social movements were one of the reasons for the fall of the authoritarian regime that had been in power for a long time. The dynamics continue. After the change of government structure, even though the student movement of the reform order was often considered lost, it still showed its existence by providing input on government policies. Movements in this reform era often brought up quite new issues related to the environment or human rights. This study discusses the direction of the student movement with its various dynamics that occur in the vortex of the three orders of power. Social movement theory is used as an analytical tool in this research. This study also uses descriptive qualitative research methods and literature review techniques with primary data sources obtained through interviews with students who are actively involved in the student movement and secondary data whose sources are obtained from books, scientific articles, or mass media. The conclusion obtained from the results of this study is that the various movements launched by students are often moralist movements, although the realm of the movements often leads to the political realm. Students tend to move on the will and concerns of the people without trying to position themselves to achieve certain political power or position.

The issue of involving young people in political movement in the process of purposeful activities of political parties remains one of the understudied problems in the history of Russian liberalism and its political and legal thought up to the present. The article analyzes domestic liberal theorists’ search for an answer to the question concerning reasons for the politicization of the youth, primarily the student movement in Russia, which was partially reflected in the publications of the journal Osvobozhdenie [Liberation]. It is noted that two groups of factors are distinguished, those of general nature associated with the shortcomings of the social system as a whole and more specific factors related to the concrete youth policy of the state. The authors pay attention to how the liberals who wrote to the journal determined the place of the youth movement in the process of social transformation. Identification of their positions appears important and necessary in order to answer the question, which the liberal parties and party leaders faced in full growth during the period of the revolution, whether it was possible and reasonable to involve young people in revolutionary processes and in socio-political activities of party organizations. For the liberals, this issue was important due to the significant reflection of the Russian intelligentsia in relation to young people, their youthful radicalism. The article is based on the materials of the pre-parliamentary period in the history of Russian liberalism and covers the years from 1902 to 1905.

Violence has become a regular occurrence in the context of the South African student movement. However, to date there are no studies that investigate student wellbeing in the context of student movement violence. How are violence and wellbeing experienced in the context of the student movement? What resources do students draw upon to protect or restore their wellbeing during and in the aftermath of violence? This article discusses students' experiences of violence and wellbeing and particularly the resources that fostered their psychological wellbeing during and after experiences of violence related to the #FeesMustFall protests of 2015/16. The study used a photovoice methodology and worked with groups of former student activists from four universities in South Africa. Student psychological functioning in the midst of adverse circumstances is demonstrated in their ability to make meaning of their experiences by inventing knowledge spaces; creating spaces of inner harmony; having a sense of purpose; and protecting symbolic spaces of hope. It is also shown in their courage to challenge spaces of oppression. This study suggests that the co-production of social space for functioning occurs through an important psychological process of meaning-making that provides direction for student movement activities. Given our findings, it is recommended for student affairs and counselling services to m,./=-09864 facilitate the co-creation of spaces of knowledge and spaces of safety, spaces where students can experience being wanted and connected, and spaces where they can make sense of their experiences in the unfamiliar and potentially alienating higher education space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Linhas is the property of Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Contemporary History / Časopis za Suvremenu Povijest is the property of Croatia Institute for History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Croatian History / Radovi Zavoda za Hrvatsku Povijest is the property of Zavod za Hrvatsku Povijest, Filozofski Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the suppression of the student movement in 1989, there has not been any anti-regime or pro-democracy student movement for over three decades in China. What does this suggest? Apart from the known strengthened campus control by the authority which might have forestalled it to some extent, are there alternative reasons? Has the government drawn lessons from the past and since improved its governance, thus effectively enervated student motives to challenge the government? In order to demystify what is behind, the researchers conducted an extensive survey at over thirty-five universities across China from 2015 through 2018. Through analysing the 1,859 valid responses received, the study found that current college students give a high approval rating to the status quo of the country, and they also hold strong optimism for the future. This result may indicate that there is no strong incentive for them, like the generation of the students in the 1980s, to push forward any dramatic political, economic and social changes. The West may need to take this prospect into consideration in their interactions with China, which may enjoy a long period of relative stability without political challenges from college students in the foreseeable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on Marxism as a religious movement has primarily focused on its theological implications. Building on this work, this article instead examines the practical aspects of revolutionary Marxism as a religious experience during the Latin American Cold War, and compares it to two other non-Christian religious traditions, Judaism and Umbanda. Drawing on secret police records, memoirs and oral history interviews, this article explores the influence of Judaism, Marxism and Umbanda on the anti-dictatorship activism of Alfredo Syrkis. Through an analysis of Syrkis's life history, it assesses his conversion from liberal anticommunism to revolutionary Marxism, his participation in Marxist proselytising as a high school activist and his political activity in the clandestine Marxist organisation Revolutionary Popular Vanguard (VPR), highlighting group dynamics that were comparable to millenarian movements. It also considers the importance of other religious traditions in Syrkis's life, including Judaism, the religion of his parents that equipped him with valuable social ties, and Umbanda, a syncretic Afro-Brazilian religion that Syrkis turned to during times of extreme anxiety in the armed struggle. This article argues that the religious traditions of Judaism, revolutionary Marxism and Umbanda influenced Syrkis's political activism in both complementary and competing ways. While none of these traditions were able to command Syrkis's undivided loyalty, collectively they informed the terms of his engagement with and disengagement from the Brazilian armed struggle against military rule. By analysing Syrkis's life history through the lens of religion, this article broadens the study of cultures of militancy during Latin America's Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on Marxism as a religious movement has primarily focused on its theological implications. Building on this work, this article instead examines the practical aspects of revolutionary Marxism as a religious experience during the Latin American Cold War, and compares it to two other non-Christian religious traditions, Judaism and Umbanda. Drawing on secret police records, memoirs and oral history interviews, this article explores the influence of Judaism, Marxism and Umbanda on the anti-dictatorship activism of Alfredo Syrkis. Through an analysis of Syrkis’s life history, it assesses his conversion from liberal anticommunism to revolutionary Marxism, his participation in Marxist proselytising as a high school activist and his political activity in the clandestine Marxist organisation Revolutionary Popular Vanguard (VPR), highlighting group dynamics that were comparable to millenarian movements. It also considers the importance of other religious traditions in Syrkis’s life, including Judaism, the religion of his parents that equipped him with valuable social ties, and Umbanda, a syncretic Afro-Brazilian religion that Syrkis turned to during times of extreme anxiety in the armed struggle. This article argues that the religious traditions of Judaism, revolutionary Marxism and Umbanda influenced Syrkis’s political activism in both complementary and competing ways. While none of these traditions were able to command Syrkis’s undivided loyalty, collectively they informed the terms of his engagement with and disengagement from the Brazilian armed struggle against military rule. By analysing Syrkis’s life history through the lens of religion, this article broadens the study of cultures of militancy during Latin America’s Cold War.

In recent years, the actions leading by university youth in many parts of the world during 1968 have been presented as a propitious context to evaluate the trajectory of some widely known student movements in Latin America, and to highlight their political conquests in processes of democratization of public universities and societies in the region during the second half of the 20th century. A consolidated and prolific tradition of research on the history of the Latin American student movement exposes this event as the founding myth of student organizations in specific areas of the region and presents it as a critical juncture for understanding student identities at a transnational level. Despite the undeniable value of this context, characterized by the actions and ideas of the student movement in the region and elsewhere in the world, and despite the valuable contribution of the analyses dedicated to this topic, the truth is that, traditionally, this approach has paid limited attention to the study of the Central American case: before this current of research, the history and memories of the region appear on the margins of the historiographies with the longest tradition in Latin America. To reflect on the contributions and possibilities for studying the student movement in Central America, this article explores the most outstanding historiographic visions of this field of study and reflects on its most significant memories at the Latin American level. The article exposes the historiographical productions on the Central American case and explains the place of memory occupied by the Central American student movements for Latin American historiography. Finally, this text outlines some trends and possibilities of analysis, which allow us to understand the memories, history and historiographies of a student movement that played a leading role in contexts of change during the second half of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To capture how student youths understood the main problems and solutions in the pandemic, qualitative research verified all 282 news published between March 2020 and September 2021 on the virtual pages of two large student organizations in Brazil and Argentina: the National Union of Students (União Nacional dos Estudantes, UNE) and the Argentine University Federation (Federación Universitaria Argentina, FUA). The results show similarities and differences in the way the two organizations perceived the most important issues in their countries during the period. While in Argentina, even during the pandemic, the news was mostly about rescuing the memory of the dictatorship, in Brazil the biggest concern was with income and lives threatened by the poor handling of the pandemic by the Bolsonaro government. In terms of similarities, the two organizations expressed concern about gender inequalities, reaffirming the importance of this agenda in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]