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This article offers a revised interpretation of the Scottish republican thinker and political activist Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun’s views on the issue of militias and standing armies. Reconstructing both its English and Scottish contexts, it is shown that Fletcher’s republicanism incorporated strong constitutionalist elements by engaging with several forms of political discourses and practices. On the one hand, his Discourse concerning Militias (1697) issued in London went much further than the moderate neo-Harringtonian propaganda of the anti-army camp, arguing for delivering the right to use arms to the parliaments instead of the king. On the other, the second version of Fletcher’s tract published in Edinburgh in 1698 and his 1703 parliamentary ‘limitations’ enlarged the participation in the militia to landless subjects, transcending both the Buchananite ethos of the nobility in arms and James Harrington’s original agrarian model. As a result of this study, Fletcher’s idea of government emerges as much closer to English Civil War authors and the likes of Algernon Sidney and Henry Neville than to any of his contemporaries. The conclusions stress how Fletcher’s radical stance should be considered as the most important facet of his legacy, presenting some cases of reception in the age of revolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Avrupa’da din, hanedan rekabeti ve bölgesel genişleme çatışmalarının zirvesini temsil eden Otuz Yıl Savaşları hem askerî hem de siyasi sonuçları itibariyle bir dönüm noktasıdır. Her biri kendi hedef ve stratejilerine sahip birden çok aşamayı barındıran karmaşık çatışmalar Avrupa kıtası üzerinde yıkıcı etkiler bırakmıştır. Tarafların paralı askerlik uygulamasına sıklıkla başvurduğu Otuz Yıl Savaşları, piyade, süvari ve topçuların hayati roller oynadığı meydan savaşlarına sahne olmuştur. Çatışmalar ilerledikçe dini farklılıkların yarattığı gerilimin ötesine geçerek değişen ittifaklarıyla modern devletler, egemenlik ile daimî ordulara dair yapı ve algıları etkileyecek siyasi ve bölgesel üstünlük mücadelesi yaşanmıştır. Bu makalenin amacı, siyasal sonuçları itibariyle karşıt fikirlere kaynaklık eden Otuz Yıl Savaşları’nın askerî ile politik boyutunu analiz etmektir. Makalede bu savaşlar sonrasında avantajlı konumda olan aktörler olsa da iktidar rekabetinin son bulmadığı, ortaya çıkan kısıtlı seçenekler nedeniyle Avrupa’da askerî güç dengesi politikalarının devam ettiği gösterilmektedir. Bu çerçevede Otuz Yıl Savaşlarının öne çıkan askerî rolü, daimî orduların sistemdeki etkisinin artması, bu nedenle de sonraki aşamada büyük güçlerin öne çıkmasına yol açmasıdır. Öncelikle çatışmalara yol açan nedenler üzerinde durulacak, tarafların çatışmalara katılma durumlarına göre savaşların seyri dönemin siyasi ve askerî stratejik unsurları üzerinden tahlil edilecektir. Son olarak, savaşların geçtiği dönemin uzun vadeli etkileriyle birlikte toplumsal sonuçları değerlendirilecektir.

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Modern scholarship uses the language of professionalism when referring to the armies of the Romans. The armies and their soldiers are seen to have become more professional from the mid-second century BCE. This paradigmatic view of Roman history invites the question as to whether "professionalism" is the appropriate language to apply to Rome's armies from 200 BCE to the battle of Actium in 31 BCE. The paper confines itself to the period 200 to 31 BCE but raises questions that can reasonably be asked of the use of the terms to describe Roman armies in the imperial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the history of civic militias and citizen-soldiers and their role in the development of republicanism and European government in the Middle Ages. Emphasis is given to topics such as mercenaries in the political philosophy of author Niccolò Machiavelli, the drawbacks to standing armies as described by Scottish author Andrew Fletcher, and compulsory military service.

Professional armies were unpopular in early eighteenth century England, the professional soldier being seen as an agent of political tyranny. However, there also existed an alternative rhetoric, which portrayed him as a soldier-citizen, who fought to defend his country's liberties. The article begins by exploring these characterizations of professional soldiers, and goes on to examine civic-military relations in English cities and towns during the reigns of George I and George II. A culture of political loyalism, focusing on the early Georgian kings, may have assisted attempts at coexistence between soldiers and citizens in communities where the inhabitants shared a commitment to the Protestant Succession with the soldiers in their midst. Polite sociability, and all that it implied, might also act as a medium for non-confrontational interaction between the urban elites and officer corps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians are generally agreed that Scotland's limited military capability was transformed after 1639, when expatriate mercenaries, with experience of Continental European conflicts, returned home to take part in the wars against Charles I. There has been less interest in how the creation of centrally-coordinated standing forces affected Scottish society. This article focuses on the experiences of Scotland's burghs, where traditional military practices remained a feature of civic life, at least in the larger urban centers, during the early decades of the seventeenth century. These practices informed the way in which burghs responded to the call to arms from 1639. Despite tensions with landed neighbors, burghs were not wholly subsumed into the shires and they retained a measure of their distinctiveness as military units. Burghal autonomy was severely tested from the mid-sixteen-forties, not only by the demands of central government but also by the physical presence of soldiers in the midst of the urban community. This essay will explore the strategies employed by civic leaders to protect the community from violence and exploitation, while also maintaining their own authority and status. It will be tentatively suggested here that the social and political structures of civic life proved surprisingly resilient under the unprecedented pressures placed upon them during the sixteen-forties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With UN peacekeeping activities in recent years having become more numerous, complex and costly, alternative means of responding to emerging crises and conflicts are being proposed and considered, along with their financial costs and funding. This paper analyzes the economic costs and benefits of recent options from a global resource point of view. It is concluded that standby forces provided by Member States to the UN, such as the multinational Stand‐by Forces High Readiness Brigade for UN Operations (SHIRBRIG) and the more recent European Union (EU) Rapid Reaction Force (RRF), appear presently to be economically the most efficient means of providing UN peacekeeping. Standby forces, acknowledged by the UN as a feasible alternative to a UN standing army or police force, are economically the most efficient basically because they utilize more fully the existing military resources of Member States, rather than require major additional new resources for peacekeeping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the images of standing army in late-Restoration comedy. Theater's affective power for influencing and transforming society; Fearfulness out of conscription and army life; Historical background; Debate on standing armies; Social criticisms of soldiers by the public; Cultural significance of the social transformation of the military man as represented in late-Restoration comedy.

The article presents the author's views on the formation of a standing United Nations (UN) army. It is observed that the establishment of such an army is neither desirable nor possible. It is opined that the hostile interests of member states are one of the many barriers standing in the formation of a permanent army. It is argued that other hindrances include, the absence of autonomous source of income, the absence of intelligence, and the weakness of existing logistical capabilities.

The article reports on the possibility of the establishment of a standing Untied Nations (UN) army. It is noted that the proposal for the creation of a permanent force under UN authority is a crucial question for the international organization. It is informed that the UN had never had such an army but in the aftermath of the Cold War it is not un-called for. It is observed that earlier the major Allied powers including the U.S. and China, examined the question and settled in the favor of on-call force. It is suggested that this question assumes more urgency since the UN peacekeeping operations have grown over the years in number and complexity.

The article presents information on the feasibility of a United Nations (UN) standing army. It is noted that the expansion of UN peacekeeping operations around the globe has brought into the focus the issue of a UN standing army. Critics of existing ad hoc arrangement have proposed standing or standby forces. It is informed that the Article 43 and Article 44 of the UN Charter create confusion regarding member states' military obligation that, in turn, create hindrance for the establishment of a standing army.

The article discusses the broader character of militarism as a pervasive influence on the political, social and cultural life of a nation. The law of universal conscription accomplished a giant leap forward in the militarization of Austrian society. An archaic tradition which became an integral part of the turn-of-the-century code of honor was the duel. The militarization of the duel resulted from the rise of the "standing army" in the nineteenth century.

The article discusses the integration of the military in South Africa into South African National Defense Force (SANDF). It also discusses the contributions of the erstwhile revolutionary armies of the nation to the standing conventional army. The integration took place at the backdrop of a negotiated settlement that paved the way for nonracial multiparty elections in 1994. The African National Congress won the elections. An interim constitution was adopted and a Constitutional Court was instituted after the elections. The new constitution replaced the South African Defense Force (SADF), and the SANDF was formed. The SANDF included personnel and equipment from the SADF. Some of the personnel from the guerilla forces of some of the political parties were also included in the SANDF.

The article offers some of the main provisions of the 1689 Bill of Rights in Great Britain. These include the suspension of laws by regal authority, the illegality of keeping a standing army in the country with no permission of the parliament, and the needs to strengthen and preserved laws. It notes that these provisions of the bill are relevant in 1990 eventhough it did not deal with the civil rights of citizens. Meanwhile, it notes that the growing publicity given to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms had increased public awareness on the importance of Bill of Rights.

The article examines the contemporary conflicts in the Third World concerning war regulation by law and the rule that states to accept and respect such legal obligations in practice. The author said that the combination and interrelationship of all the considerations that lead a state to resort to armed force are political and the United Nations (UN) has played an important role in the inter-state disputes. Under the Articles in the UN Charter, it prohibits the unilateral use or threatened use of armed force to save in self-defense or in response to an act of aggression. Moreover, Chapter VII of the Charter states that the absence of the political will to enable such a scheme to work is obvious by the failure to establish a UN standing army.

This article describes the evolution of state control over military manpower through an examination of three centuries of mercenarism. It documents the decline of several eighteenth-century forms of mercenarism and presents a critique of the conventional explanations for that decline. I argue that an institutional analysis provides a much richer understanding of how and why state control has varied. I present an empirical analysis of the institutional basis of mercenarism and construct an alternative explanation for its decline. My argument is that mercenarism's decline resulted from the institutionalization of a new international norm of state control over nonstate violence in the international system. The norm reflected a new set of state practices developed by leading states in the context of the French Revolutionary War. In the course of the nineteenth century, these practices were universalized in the state system, setting a new standard for competent statesmanship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the concept of a standing United Nations (UN) army. It is noted that the UN Charter is silent about the establishment of its standing army. It, however, does bind its member states to provide, on ad hoc basis, armed forced for the maintaining of international peace and security. It is informed that former Prime Minister of Great Britain Winston Churchill envisioned a standing army of the UN in 1946. It is observed that this idea later evolved into an ad hoc improvisation called peacekeeping forces. The member states provide the UN with armed forces on voluntary basis. It is offered that the organization face many problems in deploying and obtaining resources required for peacekeeping operations.

The article presents facts related to education. In 1580, coaches were first introduced from France into England. The first bible was printed by Faust and Schoeffer in 1456. Russia has the longest standing army in the world in 1888 with 757,000 members.

The article presents information on various issues such words and the U.S. Hypocrite is defined as an actor. An estimated 78,000,000 lead pencils are being used by the people of the U.S. in a year. A large number of teachers in the country was given employment in public schools. The first modern standing army was formed by Charles VII of France in 1445.