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The research attempts to conduct a comparative analysis of conceptual representations of societal security, its functions and practices in Scandinavian countries after the Cold War, when traditional security strategies focusing on geopolitics, specific war-related threats, and territorial defense are overlaid with new understandings of “threats” and the necessary range of state actions to address them. Strategies of ‘resilience’, risk management’, ‘crisis’ or ‘emergency management’ become important. In the Nordic countries, the need for societal security is coming to the fore, linked to the development of a social welfare society. The similarities in the theory and practice of societal security allow us to speak about the possible existence of own, Scandinavian system of societal/complex security. Our investigation shows that the Scandinavian way of ensuring security was formed on the basis of the “Scandinavian model”, founded on socialization and integration, and the basis of the new socio-philosophical understanding of security was readiness for broad actions: from military invasion to environmental threats, man-made disasters and terrorist attacks. However, a generally accepted interpretation of societal security among the Scandinavian countries has not yet developed; each country has its own peculiarities. However, differences are as common as similarities. Although there are undoubtedly special, Scandinavian values and ways to protect them. Identification of these peculiarities is the purpose of the presented study, which attempts to answer the question whether it is possible to speak about the existence of a special, “Scandinavian way” of conceptualizing and ensuring security. For this purpose, it is necessary to conduct a comparative analysis of security concepts, their formulation, and, most importantly, practical actions to ensure societal security in the states of the Scandinavian Peninsula on the example of Sweden, Norway, Denmark and Finland.

This study examines the relationship between immigration and the rise of far-right parties in Europe from 2014 to 2024, focusing on the implications for societal security. It explores how far-right parties have capitalized on immigration, framing it as a critical threat to national identity and social stability. Applying the Copenhagen School's securitization theory, the research analyzes how these parties have redefined immigration as a national security issue, thereby legitimizing more stringent immigration policies and exclusionary practices. The findings indicate that far-right parties have effectively utilized public anxieties and uncertainties surrounding immigration to influence the political discourse across Europe. This shift has significant socio-political consequences, posing challenges to the European Union's foundational principles of integration, democracy, and human rights. The study highlights concerns over democratic backsliding, the erosion of social policies, and threats to freedom of movement and human rights. Additionally, it examines the potential impacts on the EU's cohesion policy, foreign policy, enlargement process, and environmental sustainability. The research underscores a major transformation in Europe's political landscape with far-reaching implications for the stability of the European Union and its member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of external and internal factors on the effectiveness of higher education systems, particularly in the context of training future law enforcement officers. It is noted that ensuring quality student training requires consideration of specific learning conditions, such as requirements for firearms and physical training. The article analyzes the role of disciplines such as «Firearms Training» and «Special Physical Training» in shaping the professional skills of future law enforcement officers. The importance of these disciplines in ensuring societal security and enhancing the combat readiness of law enforcement officers in various conditions, including wartime, is highlighted. Specifically, the necessity of firearm proficiency and the ability to effectively utilize it in situations requiring law enforcement intervention is discussed. It is also noted that preparation for armed conflicts and security maintenance requires students to have a high level of physical fitness and firearm interaction skills. In the context of contemporary challenges related to increasing crime rates and wartime, the importance of combining education with firearms and physical training to develop a well-rounded law enforcement personality is emphasized. The authors emphasize that this combination helps students become prepared for real-life situations they may encounter in their future careers. The conclusion underscores the need for continuous improvement of law enforcement professionals' skills in contemporary conditions, including tactical-specialized, firearms, and physical training. The importance of physical education and sports as a means of promoting a healthy lifestyle is also emphasized. Additionally, it is noted that present conditions and periods of wartime require law enforcement officers to possess special skills and abilities beyond routine duties. Such situations may necessitate additional training for law enforcement personnel with elements of military preparation, including terrain orientation, grenade throwing, obstacle overcoming, engineering preparation, and other important aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The persistence of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict profoundly influences the perceptions of both Israelis and Palestinians, shaping successive generations and posing a complex challenge for security scholarship. This article examines these contrasting socially constructed realities through the lens of Securitisation Theory, analysing public social media discourses on Facebook between 1 January 2021 and 29 April 2022 in Israel and the Palestinian Territories. By bridging high-level theorising with empirically driven methodology, the study enriches the understanding of securitisation processes using Balzacq's framework and engaging with perspectives from Cote, Stritzel, and Vuori, including the active role of target audiences and the complexity of securitisation as a speech act. Through this approach, the research not only advances theoretical insights into Securitisation but also demonstrates that leveraging social media analysis provides both a valuable means of theory testing and a more comprehensive understanding of securitisation dynamics in the Israeli-Palestinian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the hypothesis positing a theoretical model embedded within Islamic political heritage to safeguard societal identity, commonly called "social security," in contemporary discourse. The focus of this study is Imam Ibn Taymiyyah, one of the key figures in Islamic heritage. His era was marked by numerous internal and external challenges for the Muslim community, prompting him to issue fatwas and take strategic measures to protect it. The researchers used Bouzan, Waever, and De Wilde's "social security" theory to elucidate the Taymiyyan model in a novel methodological approach. To accomplish this, we had to extrapolate, identify, and analyze the relevant texts authored by the Imam. According to Imam Ibn Taymiyyah's perspective, the study presents a theoretically sound model derived from Islamic Sharia principles. It involves providing guidance through legal rulings and fatwas to safeguard the five necessities of Islam, namely religion, life, regeneration, intellect, and wealth. Using mechanisms such as the "Hisbah apparatus", the defense of these communal necessities begins with promoting virtuous deeds and discouraging wrongdoing. Ultimately, to preserve the Muslim community's identity from disintegration or compromise in the face of encroaching civilizations or ideologies, political and military force may be required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 21st century, the diversification of communication and transportation opportunities has not only facilitated regular migration movements but also led to changes in the volume and dimensions of irregular migration. Migrants not only significantly influence the demographic, sociological, and economic structures of the countries they move to but have also become subjects of security concerns. Member countries of the European Union (EU) are targeted by migration movements due to attractive factors such as high living and working conditions, economic prosperity, and governance styles that respect human rights. Claims that migrants threaten the societal security of the EU by affecting its language, religion, cultural values, traditions, and national identities have become frequent topics of discussion in political and academic circles. In this regard, the main aim of the study is to determine whether migration poses a threat to the societal security of the EU or if such a perception exists in EU society. The findings indicate a strong perception in EU society that migration constitutes a threat to societal security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategic narratives are descriptions and interpretations of events of the world from the perspective of agents in international relations. They offer a justification for the agent's actions and ambitions and ensure cohesion and support within the agent's community. The article shortly summarises major changes caused by modern technology in the formation and projection of strategic narratives, then discusses reception in detail. In the investigation of strategic narratives, projection got into the focus at the beginning of the digital age and only recently has attention turned towards reception, that is, impact on society. The theoretical background of societal security originating from the Copenhagen School allows an overview of the vulnerabilities of modern communities to disinformation, also highlighting the trans-sectoral nature of the threats. The conclusion of the paper is that modern liberal democracies are at a disadvantage in developing protection against disinformation because of their fundamental values. The privatization of media outlets was welcomed a few decades ago and the concentration of media ownership was not deemed dangerous. However, if media is securitized, the increase of control may be necessary, otherwise maintaining cohesion through one's own strategic narrative and blocking rival strategic narrative may become impossible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background. This study is organized with an introduction and three sections: The Nature of Legitimate Politics and Societal Security, consisting of two subsections, The Importance and Nature of Legitimate Politics, consisting of two subsections, An Applied Study of the Family Reform Bureau in Jordan, consisting of two subsections. Method. This research aims to explain the role of legitimate politics in achieving community security and apply it to the family reform bureau in Jordan. Results. Societal security is an essential need for the growth and sustainability of society, and legitimate politics is the means to achieve it. The family reform bureau performs several tasks, including: reviewing cases transferred from the courts, accepting cases directly brought to the bureau for guidance or resolution of existing disputes, seeking preventive knowledge and guidance. The family reform bureau plays a central and effective role in achieving public security and reducing the divorce rate in society. Conclusion. In addition, field research can also be used as a complement, namely interviews supported by primary data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Politics & Society / Polityka & Społeczeństwo is the property of University of Rzeszow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Societal security has become nowadays an important pair of lenses for discussing identity in a multilayered fashion within the context of an enlarged security concept. The complexity deriving from that engenders the necessity to identify and use new tools for reliably defining communities and their specific identities in order to better understand how state-wise strategies and policies can raise security risks when disregarding those communities’ needs and interests. In this respect, the goal of this article is to demonstrate the benefits of employing a gender-based perspective in defining societal security. Hence, it focuses on the possible correlations that can be conceptually identified between societal security and gender perspective. Then, the article exemplifies how a gender-based analysis can contribute to better societal security approaches by discussing Romania’s strategic approach to the Covid-19 pandemic and the possible observations deriving from that.

Explaining the achievements on the ground during war times, in the full-scale, high-intensity and long-term war of aggression launched by Russia in Ukraine has led us to studying the conundrum formed by resilience, societal security and the intangibles of war. The layered resilience that NATO has embraced1 as concept is not enough. The difference between success and failure in the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine has come from the intangibles of the war², difficult to put under nominal indicators, but more suitable to be evaluated under qualitative criteria. That has made the difference between the effectiveness of both parties in war, together with Ukraine’s societal resilience that includes both the basic indicators of societal security and an important part of the intangibles of war. We are very much aware, at the same time, that numbers do matter, and that weapons, manpower and will to fight have no alternative to grant support for any long-term war [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explaining the achievements on the ground during war times, in the full-scale, high-intensity and long-term war of aggression launched by Russia in Ukraine has led us to studying the conundrum formed by resilience, societal security and the intangibles of war. The layered resilience that NATO has embraced1 as concept is not enough. The difference between success and failure in the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine has come from the intangibles of the war2, difficult to put under nominal indicators, but more suitable to be evaluated under qualitative criteria. That has made the difference between the effectiveness of both parties in war, together with Ukraine's societal resilience that includes both the basic indicators of societal security and an important part of the intangibles of war. We are very much aware, at the same time, that numbers do matter, and that weapons, manpower and will to fight have no alternative to grant support for any long-term war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chieftainship being well anchored to hold the cultural fabric of Botswana together remains an institution of interest to uphold democracy in the country. Despite this important function, political administration misconstrues the strategic function of chiefs, leading to insecurity of the institution of Chieftainship. A case in point in this study is that of the principal chief of Bakgatla-baga-Kgafela. Kgosi Kgafela II was the paramount chief of Bakgatla-baga-Kgafela from 2008 to 2011 when the government of Botswana derecognised him. This is a qualitative study that used documents as the main source of data collection. The study analysed the sequence of events and activities during Kgafela's tenure as a Chief till he fled the country to South Africa in 2012. While there is existing literature on how chieftainship has posed a threat after democratic consolidation in many African states, not much has been done on Bakgata-ba-ga-Kgafela's case. Documents were analysed in line with the theory of societal security which states that when a referent object is faced with an existential threat it develops a mechanism to ensure its survival. In this case, the study seeks to evaluate if there are implications for Botswana's national security as Chiefs respond to such societal threats. Further to determine if tribesmen continue to be loyal to their chiefs. The main findings of this study were that; Kgosi Kgafela declared that the bogosi institution is threatened. The institution still seeks to find itself in the governance structures with power and decision-making. Bakagtla reacted to the threats, through initiatives that the community itself carries out and also moved the matter to the political sphere and put the matter as a state agenda item which is in line with propositions of societal security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resilience is a concept borrowed from different fields of research like psychology, ecology and engineering and established in security studies. But the stability and relevance of the concept is not yet established as we have till the end of 2024, according to NATO agenda, to settle its substance and content. On the epistemological area, we need to establish the usefulness of such a concept as well as its identity and concrete added value to security studies since it overlaps with number of other concepts like security, vulnerability, good governance, sustainability and so on.

This article addresses performance management of coordinating agencies in the field of societal security by examining what kind of administrative capacity their parent ministries focus on. It examines the performance contracts issued to the Norwegian Directorate for Civil Protection and Emergency Planning and the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency. Based on a structural-instrumental and a cultural perspective, the importance of coordination, delivery, analytical and regulatory capacities is analyzed. A main finding is that the different governmental models of Sweden and Norway affect the number of performance objectives, while tasks and external shocks have some effect on the distribution of the different types of capacity. Despite being set up to act as boundary spanners in the policy field, both organizations are hybrid and compound agencies combining coordination capacity objectives with analytical, delivery and regulatory capacity objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resilience has become a concept widely used and extensively abused in the current literature, ready to lose its original means and fighting to find and to prove its real added value and relevance. Till the end of 2024, NATO has assumed to reflect and to decide if resilience can prove its epistemological use. Those “torments” of the resilience as a concept are partially behind us since societal resilience1 has proven its added value during Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine, being the one that explains the concrete results2 when one side has all figures on its side – manpower, capabilities, weapons and ammunition storages, ideological post – imperial upper hand – but didn’t succeed in wining the war3 . How those elements of societal resilience mix with other valid significances – like the resilience of critical infrastructure or systems that deliver specific services to the communities – is to be determined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Societal security has become nowadays an important pair of lenses for discussing identity in a multilayered fashion within the context of an enlarged security concept. The complexity deriving from that engenders the necessity to identify and use new tools for reliably defining communities and their specific identities in order to better understand how state-wise strategies and policies can raise security risks when disregarding those communities' needs and interests. In this respect, the goal of this article is to demonstrate the benefits of employing a gender based perspective in defining societal security. Hence, it focuses on the possible correlations that can be conceptually identified between societal security and gender perspective. Then, the article exemplifies how a gender based analysis can contribute to better societal security approaches by discussing Romania's strategic approach to the Covid-19 pandemics and the possible observations deriving from that. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ankara University SBF Journal / Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi is the property of Ankara University SBF Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Association of Arab Universities for Higher Education Research is the property of Journal of the Association of Arab Universities for Higher Education Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article, written by Lt. Gen. (ret.) Aviv Kochavi toward the end of his term as IDF Chief of Staff, calls for a comprehensive look at the role of the IDF in Israel, not only as a security asset but as a national, social, cultural, and economic engine. The IDF contributes to Israel's being a thriving, advanced country. The article argues that the IDF is in effect a "personal gym" for conscripts, who in the course of their service develop many of the skills and capabilities required in the 21st century, while it is also a "national gym" that strengthens solidarity and the social fabric, and encourages economic growth. As a result, upon their discharge soldiers return to civilian society equipped with what they learned during their service, as well as a sense of confidence and competence. Indeed, the IDF gives the State of Israel, as discharged soldiers, citizens who are more aware of social differences, more united, and with a greater sense of belonging to the community, society, and the country. In addition, Israel's industry and economy develop within a reciprocal militarycivilian system that impacts economic success. Thus, the article urges that the IDF be seen as an organization whose contribution to society considerably exceeds its security mandate; it is an organization that also makes a singular contribution to personal, social, and national development, and provides an opportunity that Israel must continue to provide and nurture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article features the values of the European Union in the context of applying modern approaches to the study of integration associations. The analysis of the role of values in the policy of the European Union can be done in various ways. The historical and legal method shows the process of legal consolidation of the values and reflects the formation of the political subjectivity of the EU in the last 30 years. The starting point is the concept of shared heritage that demonstrates the main stages and tasks of European integration. The concept of acquis communautaire reaches its climax with the Treaty of Lisbon, and this was when the list of EU values became complete. The concept of the common heritage retains its legal meaning but transforms the goals into a discrete set of political values of the modern European Union. The present analysis of the social dimension of EU values was based on the Copenhagen School of Security. The analysis made it possible to identify the short-term values of modern European society through media monitoring and showed the specifics of European perception, e.g., the dominant importance of personal and political rights of citizens. The pandemic exacerbated the manifestation of these values within European society. Despite certain problems, the value dimension of EU policy is now complete and has become integral to European society and politics. The political component depends on specific interests, e.g., criteria for cooperation, membership conditions, interaction prospects, etc.

In this case study, we examine a UK-based anti-halal consumer activist campaign called the Boycott Halal Campaign (BHC). Using critical discourse analysis applied to online data, we show how, by framing halal-certified products as an existential threat to the UK, BHC drew from and contributed to the institutionalized ideology of Islamophobia. Given the potential of markets and consumptionscapes in increasing the visibility of ethnoreligious markers, we show how the far right has used these mundane arenas as fertile grounds on which to reproduce its discourse through banal nationalism and exclusionary civilizationism. We argue that beyond public protests, the far right has used consumer activism as a powerful tool for recruiting members and mobilizing different groups against Islam and Muslims. We contribute to the sociological accounts of inter-group identity dynamics by showing how activists can leverage the securitization discourse to mobilize different groups for their political ends. We argue that such mobilization (aimed at reproducing a collective identity) becomes possible when a social group perceives its collective identity to be under threat by another social group. The study calls for more research on how and why different forms of exclusionary ideologies can arise and evolve over time and what tools and mechanisms they can use to transmit their agendas and recruit members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "societal security" concept rooted in Copenhagen's School works currently bears different approaches and uses. Two paradigms of understanding are specific to its employment -- an "identity-based" one and a functional one. While the first see "identity" as a referent object - and societal threats are defined accordingly, the second refers to the ability of a society to function, being thus subject to various threats. The current paper examines how "societal security" is conceptualized in Romania's National Defence Strategy and Hungary's National Security Strategy (documents issued in 2020) aiming to identify as well potential sources of friction resulting from Hungary's extensive use of the concept "Hungarian political nation" -- which includes the Hungarian national minority in Romania. The research builds on the existing knowledge about the conceptualization of societal security in policy documents and academic literature of states in the Baltic Sea Region, where either one or the other meaning is predominant or substituted with associated concepts. The contents of the strategies were qualitatively analyzed through a hybrid coding approach (first deductive and then inductive), using a computer-assisted qualitative data analysis package (MAXQDA) to enhance the validity of the findings. The coding process was based on various definitions given to societal security and its associated concepts in Copenhagen's School understanding, the "Nordic" perspective, and the academic literature of states in the Baltic Sea Region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although security concerns have long been embedded in the field of ethnic politics and scholarship on mechanisms of ethnic conflict resolution and management of diversity in divided societies, a combination of real-world events and increasing cross-fertilization among research fields have accelerated the field of inquiry in the past fifteen years. On the one hand, security has become a relevant sphere of governmental action with repercussions in several policy areas, including accommodation of diversity. On the other hand, following the broadening and deepening of the Security Studies agenda, many scholars have applied security concepts to investigate minority issues and ethnic conflicts, from Roe's "societal security dilemma" to research on securitization/desecuritization of minorities./A variety of approaches and theories have developed, not always in relation with each other. The goal of this paper is to provide a state-of-the-art comprehensive overview of the attempts at cross-fertilization between Non-Traditional Security Studies and work on minority accommodation/conflict regulation in European countries, discussing theoretical underpinnings as well as methodological issues. Applying a Security Studies lens to the politics surrounding the governance of cultural diversity deepens and advances our understanding of minority issues and policy debates, in particular, around institutional designs in divided societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is aimed at diagnosing the opinions of Polish theologians on the possibilities of parishes as regards organisation of free time of the faithful in order to consolidate societal security. The basis for formulating the presented conclusions were the results of empirical surveys conducted with members of the Society of Dogmatic Theologians operating in Poland (N=64). The test method used was a diagnostic survey, the technique - a questionnaire, and the research tool - a questionnaire form. A nonparametric chi-square (χ²) test and the Spearman correlation analysis were used to analyse the results. The paper is of an interdisciplinary nature. It fits in the area of research pertinent to (pastoral) theology and security studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While concepts like risk and crisis management have grown ubiquitous at all levels of government, they have also cemented their place in academia as interdisciplinary fields of study in higher education. In the Baltic Sea Region (BSR), these types of educational programmes are typically labelled under the umbrella term 'societal security' in English. This article provides a succinct depiction of the state of the art of societal security in higher education in this region. After a brief introduction of the concept, the article comprehensively analyses second level degree programmes (master's equivalent) in this field. Particularly, four conceptual and thematic areas appear to constitute the core of societal security degree programmes, though in different combinations and under a variety of labels, those being risk, crisis management, safety management, and resilience. We note, however, that these concepts and their respective research objectives exhibit extensive overlaps. This paradigm reflects how the field of societal security has emerged and evolved through a combination of different disciplinary and interdisciplinary traditions that closely follow changing policy needs. It is concluded, conceptual difficulties notwithstanding, that a common, or at least a more shared, understanding of what constitutes societal security in the BSR has emerged and continues to develop, particularly in its so-called functional understanding. This situation allows for truly transnational learning, and in so doing, also enhances cross-border cooperation in educating and training the next generation of risk and crisis managers in the BSR and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late December 2019 and early January 2020 the first cases of a new coronavirus occurred in Wuhan. It is a virus characterised by similarities to SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) and MERS (Middle East Respiratory Syndrome). On January 25, 2020 the initial case of infection by SARS-CoV-2 caused the disease COVID-19 in an Australian patient who later died from it. During my PhD thesis defence in September 2018 I would not have thought that one of the possible security scenarios which I designed for the South Pacific region, related to epidemic threats, would soon come true. Despite some obvious and high indicators resulting, for example, from a geopolitical location in the vicinity of China, the probability of an epidemic outbreak seemed nigh unbelievable. This article focuses on societal security. It is impossible to make a solid analysis of an epidemic impact on societal security in various countries in a single article; therefore, I concentrate specifically on the case of Australia. The goal of this article is to explain how Australians cope with the epidemic and if they are prepared for a drastic change in their lifestyles. Do they put trust in governmental institutions? What issues appear to be main societal threats in Australian society during the pandemic? I conclude with thoughts about new societal directions that are going to be implemented should the scale of the pandemic persist. Due to limited length, my overview is not exhaustive; instead, it focuses on core findings about the condition of Australian society during the pandemic.

The following article seeks to answer the main question: What security approach has the moderate government of Hassan Rouhani put in its agenda during the first term of its presidency (2013-2016)? And more clearly; what are the dimensions, components, and reference, purpose and security strategies in this security approach? The research hypothesis is that the security approach of Hassan Rouhani's government, influenced by the requirements of social fields, had a McNamara approach; In a way, the link between security and development, and especially economic, social and political development, has been a priority. The findings show that the Eleventh Government considers national power to be the result of a broader definition of security and considers it a strategic mistake to limit this concept to military power and the use of harsh tools. It has maximized the issue of security and has tried to improve the national security situation by relying on development policies in the fields of economy, society and politics. Qualitative research method of causal explanation and conceptual and theoretical tools for subject analysis, using the security theory of Barry Buzan and Weaver is one of the leading experts of the Copenhagen school. The method of data collection is also library and also the use of scientific resources of cyberspace.

The article analyzes the intergation processes in the post-Soviet space and shows that their direction is determined by the competition of states in a specific organizational field of political values. The effectiveness of the governments in this field depends directly on their ability to switch between the political values of the country and universal aggregations. This ability is becoming a key attribute of the empirical sovereignty of the state today. It is shown that in the conditions of asymmetric integration into the EU space in post-socialist countries and insufficient integration in the former Soviet republics, the accomplishment of this function requires specific institutional adaptations: differentiation between buffer mechanisms responsible for communication with external value systems, and the core that holds the deep value complexes of the community. The stability of the organizational bundle of state sovereignty and identity, the specifics of its functionaries in the post-Soviet space are described as giving the Russian Federation an opportunity of value action, focused on the population of post-Soviet and post-socialist countries and bypassing communications with pro-European-oriented and subordinated power apparatuses.

In Ethiopia after 1991, ethnic identities are the fundamental governing principles of politics. Not only has the process provided the institutional basis, but it has also created ethnic groups in a variety of ways. The discursive construction of Amhara identity in Ethiopia is the topic of this research. For a long time, the Amhara have identified as Ethiopians. The Amhara have been portrayed as the opponent of Ethiopia's Nations, Nationalities and Peoples (NNPs) since the second part of the 20th century, according to the hegemonic discourse of national oppression. Anti‐Amhara sentiment, on the other hand, may be traced back to the Italian colonial period (1936–1941). Until recently, being and becoming Amhara was constructed from the outside and challenged from within. As a result, the characteristics of an ethnic political system that ushered in the post‐1991 era, continued demonisation and societal fears all play a role in the formation of Amhara identity. As a 'cultural security policy', embracing Amharaness has become a route out of these predicaments. Amharaness emerges from a counter‐narrative that resurrects historical and symbolic myths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objectives: The aim of this paper is to discuss from an interdisciplinary perspective some lessons learnt from the global COVID 19 pandemic in the area of security, social policy and culture. Prior Work: Theoretical and experimental research of the authors in these three fields. Approach: Overview and analysis of the data collected by the authors with the application of two methods - focus group and method of critical incidents. Results: The empirical results identify the respondents’ perceptions and attitudes towards a number of issues like: human safety, societal and social security, culturally specific reactions and behaviour, etc. Implications: The paper can stimulate a larger discussion in the scientific circles about the necessity of joint research on different aspects of COVID 19 pandemic and its reflections. Value: The study will contribute to positioning the global pandemic and its various dimensions as one of the most topical issues in the contemporary interdisciplinary research.

This study discusses whether the concept of societal security is embedded in the Russian formal and informal discourses as well as in the Russian strategic documents on national security and the Baltic Sea region. Particularly, the paper describes four paradigms of international relations (neorealism, neoliberalism, globalism and postpositivism) and theoretical approaches to the concept of societal security formulated in them. On a practical plane, Russia has managed to develop — together with other regional players — a common regional approach to understanding societal security threats and challenges in the Baltic Sea region. These challenges include uneven regional development, social and gender inequalities, unemployment, poverty, manifestations of intolerance, religious and political extremism, separatism, large-scale migration, climate change, natural and man-made catastrophes, transnational organized crime and cybercrime, international terrorism, so-called hybrid threats, disharmony between education systems, etc. In 2017, Russia and other Baltic countries agreed that the Council of the Baltic Sea States would be the regional institution to implement a common societal security strategy exemplified by the Baltic 2030 Agenda Action Plan.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the theoretical foundations of social security with an Islamic approach by the critical review of the texts in this regard. To this aim, the focus of the study is on the texts about social security with an Islamic approach and the relevant data were collected through documentary research. Besides, thematic analysis was used for the recognition of the main themes. According to the results, religious values were identified to be compatible with social identity and also the mental approach was prevalent as the most outstanding theme in social security with an Islamic approach. Furthermore, the positive, normative, individualistic, and evident rules-centered approaches were introduced to be the most important components in exiting the conceptual territory of social security. On the one hand, social security with an Islamic approach has denied the objective aspects of social security and on the other hand, it has overlooked the transformational concerns of society. Therefore, it has finally exited the conceptual territory of social security.

Contemporary international turbulence has created a wide range of uncertainty and launched the concept of societal resilience, as a possibility to deal with the turbulences and tectonic changes of the international relations and global security. But how do we measure and how do we enforce the resilience stay remains an important issue for researchers. Therefore we tried to enter into the depth of the resilience studies and approaches and use what we have in hand as studies in sociology, history of conflicts and economic turbulences, geopolitical capability of the states and specially societal security. The paper emphasizes also the main points of a RAND Corporation study on the societal foundation of nations competitiveness as a mean to identify criteria and indicators for societal resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this article is to examine how the issue of protecting critical infrastructure is addressed in Norway. To answer this question, the article addresses two important sub-questions – what is to be understood in the current historical and the specific Norwegian context as important elements of national critical infrastructure and what is the current understanding of risks and threats that this infrastructure should be protected against? This article is based on a detailed quantitative and qualitative examination of the official Norwegian documents and statements on questions related to various aspects of protecting critical infrastructure in Norway. In section one, structural factors that have played a major part in shaping Norwegian thinking about critical infrastructure are discussed. Section two provides a short summary of the current discussion on elements of critical infrastructure in Norway. In section three, the article discusses official Norwegian perceptions of threats and how they address questions related to critical infrastructure. The fourth section looks at the current official approach to protection of critical infrastructure in the country. The process of building the existing system for protecting critical infrastructure in Norway has been driven by both domestic and international concerns. The system should make it possible for citizens to meet their needs through access to various important societal functions, but it also needs to make it possible to address challenges that stem from the international environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the conditions of social change, new articles of opportunities for societal security appear, according to which new social archetypes are formed, which set the parameters of the innovative model of societal security system, which will not only overcome existing problems and threats, but also will promote the development of tools of prejudice, protection of society from their occurrence. The purpose of the study is to substantiate the theoretical basis of the conceptual foundations of societal security, which will allow the development of new approaches to societal security in order to preserve the livelihood of society. It has been studied that the conceptual foundations of societal security address issues such as identity, social cohesion, inclusion, exclusion and the security dilemma. The research areas of the concept of "societal security" are highlighted: the first studies the subjective construction and protection of identity, the second develops according to objectivist ontologies focused on imminent external threats and the importance of protecting social systems that support life. The methodological contribution is a clear and systematic design of the study to promote transparency, structure and understanding of future research on the conceptual foundations of societal security. New ideas and dimensions for the concepts of societal security in the context of social change are offered. The concept of "societal security", in contrast to the existing ones, is considered by us as a holistic system of interconnected elements, built on the relationship of social system and environment to prevent negative effects of social risks and reduce hazards and ensure the absence of social threats to human security. state, society and protection of their social interests, values and needs. According to the results of the study, the concept of "societal security" is comprehensive, contains economic, political, social, humanitarian and value aspects, reflects everything that affects life, including the human environment, quality of life, makes society sustainable, capable of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper situates the construction of ‘unlawful content’ in the Pakistani state’s design of legal frameworks under the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) 2016 and the Removal and Blocking of Unlawful Online Content Rules (RBUOC) 2021 in the broader context of statecentric ‘security’ argumentation. To this end, the processual nature of content regulation, embedded in the broader context of the country’s digitization drive, is used to examine the nature of state-citizen interaction in digital spaces. Thus, Pakistan’s nascent model of content regulation, embedded in a broader, overarching understanding of ‘digital governance,’ is problematized using the interplay between ‘national security’ and ‘human rights.’ The aim is to explore whether there is a disconnect in state-citizen perception of the primary referent object of security in the drive to structure the Pakistani digital public sphere, with state- versus humancentric approaches shaping policy priorities. Consequently, the paper engages with the idea of ‘situated meanings’ underlying policy design whereby social media platforms, as a phenomenon, hold different meanings for separate groups, and may give rise to divergent perspectives when it comes to prioritizing the objectives of public policy. In doing so, interpretive policy analysis (IPA), as a multidisciplinary approach, is adapted to explore the discursivity underlying policy design, with the language employed in PECA and RBUOC drafts seen as exercising a formative or generative influence in shaping the action of state and rights-based actors in digital content creation ‘spaces.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]