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This article analyses the process of institutional structuring of the Spanish non-profit sector in the social services sphere. The study shows how non-profit organisations linked to the Spanish social services system have produced an institutional network of second and third level entities with representative and socio-political advocacy functions. We are interested in the characteristics of this process, the perceptions of those involved and its effects on the formation of the Spanish social welfare model, contextualized in the context of Southern European countries. We conclude that the non-profit sector has not been a subsidiary actor in the formation of the Spanish social services system, instead, it has played an active role in shaping the agenda and structure of public policy in this area. However, this process has also generated an internal tension between collaborative and advocacy positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Tras las últimas dictaduras militares ocurridas en Chile (1973-1990) y Argentina (1976-1983), nos encontramos con procesos sociales que movilizan sentidos sobre la violencia política del pasado reciente e impulsan las políticas de memoria llevadas a cabo por el Estado y por la sociedad civil. En este sentido, este trabajo es una primera aproximación al análisis de los casos de la Venda Sexy y la ex fábrica Fasacal, territorios que evocan memorias denegadas en cuanto a la complicidad empresarial y a la violencia política sexual. No cuentan con agencia activa por parte del Estado, de modo que son, a su vez, reivindicados por la sociedad civil, que ocupa un rol protagónico en la conformación de emprendimientos de memoria. Se observa que la demanda social por el reconocimiento institucional como sitios de memoria sigue siendo central en la agenda política de actores y grupos sociales, sin embargo, la institucionalización como dispositivo aislado no garantiza la promoción y el resguardo por parte del Estado. Es por medio de la agencia de la sociedad civil que se activa, en el presente, la dinámica por las significaciones en torno a los derechos humanos y las reparaciones judiciales a partir de estos territorios de memoria.

This article explores the complex relationship between civil society, social inequality, and nationhood through examining the motivations of elite members of Welsh civil society as they volunteer to serve on the boards of a wide range of Welsh charities. We interviewed nearly 60 trustees and patrons, all of whom enjoyed successful and influential careers in business, politics, or public service. Their narratives reveal diverse vocabularies of motive, but prominent within these is the desire to 'give something back', and not just to society in general but to Wales in particular. While their desire to 'give back' reflects an awareness of their own privileged position, their commitment to Wales can be seen as a response to the country's historic and current dominance by England, as well as a legacy of non-conformism and community. The article concludes by discussing the implications of these narratives for understanding the specificities of 'geographies of responsibility', civil society, and nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this writing, under the precepts of documentary theater, five works of recent Mexican dramaturgy are analyzed: El Jinete de la Divina Providencia (1984), de Óscar Liera; México, USA (1996), de Felipe Santander, Contrabando (1991), de Víctor Hugo Rascón Banda; Música de balas (2012), de Hugo Salcedo y Tártaro. Réquiem de cuerpo presente por el niño que aprendió a matar (2020), de Sergio López Vigueras. All of them address the issue of drug trafficking with the intention of highlighting the disorders it produces in the civilian population. For this reason, we maintain as a main premise that in these dramaturgies the perspective of the victims predominates, positioning the voices that are generally left out in the center. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Fondo Editorial Fundacion Universitaria Luis Amigo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Humanitarian diplomacy is a relatively recent concept that tries to characterize a long-standing process, the negotiations carried out by the different actors involved in a conflict or natural disaster to facilitate humanitarian access; ensure the protection of the civilian population and the humanitarian space itself; and advocate for the observance of international humanitarian law. This article attempts to reflect on the role of civil society organizations in humanitarian diplomacy, briefly analyzing four identified areas of action (intermediation in negotiations between humanitarian actors; political advocacy for the adoption of measures that prioritize humanitarian needs and the protection of vulnerable populations; and documentation and testimony of violations of international humanitarian law); and also addressing situations in which the organizations and their humanitarian staff become targets of attack, stigmatization and criminalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Las elecciones presidenciales de 2021 hicieron que se volviera común hablar de una derecha radical movilizada en Perú. Durante el Gobierno de Pedro Castillo, quien gobernó con bloques de izquierdas entre 2021 y 2022, diversos colectivos de derecha radical se movilizaron permanentemente en las calles de diferentes ciudades en rechazo al Gobierno y a quienes se veían como sus aliados. En un país con partidos y movimientos sociales débiles, donde es particularmente difícil sostener la acción colectiva contenciosa, ¿cómo fue posible que la oposición de derecha radical a Castillo sostuviera protestas durante todo su gobierno? En esta investigación se afirma que la preexistencia de un tejido social derechista, que pudo movilizar recursos, y la percepción de amenaza que implicó la candidatura y Gobierno de Castillo hicieron posible el sostenimiento de la campaña de protesta derechista de 19 meses. Este estudio de caso ofrece lecciones para entender la rapidez con la que se pueden desarrollar las derechas de base, inclusive en contextos con pocos antecedentes. Para avanzar este argumento, se construye una base de datos original de organizaciones y acciones colectivas de protesta de derecha radical, entre mayo de 2021 y noviembre de 2022. Además, se revisan las publicaciones en redes sociales de estos colectivos y se consulta tanto investigación académica como periodística relevante

Citizen participation mechanisms refer to legally constituted dialogue spaces to deliberate or negotiate with public institutions. Here we offer the partial results of a broader investigation of these mechanisms against the government of Mexico between 2019 and 2022. The mechanisms that prevail in Mexico are indicated, with their main characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Planning Education & Research is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En América Latina las revueltas urbanas son cada vez más frecuentes y tienen importantes consecuencias. Sin embargo, la mayoría de las investigaciones existentes se basan en estudios de caso, lo cual impide obtener generalizaciones sobre sus causas, dinámicas y consecuencias. En este artículo discutimos la literatura sobre revueltas urbanas en América Latina y proponemos un marco conceptual para estudiarlas. Definimos las revueltas urbanas con base en cuatro atributos, las distinguimos de otras formas de política contenciosa y presentamos proposiciones sobre su desarrollo y dinámicas. Hipotetizamos que las revueltas urbanas son más probables cuando los sectores urbanos y populares no han sido completamente incluidos política, económica y culturalmente; cuando existen lazos débiles e inorgánicos entre élites políticas y ciudadanía; y cuando los sectores populares están débilmente articulados en asociaciones conectadas horizontalmente. Sin embargo, el momento y dinámica de las revueltas dependen de los factores precipitantes, las respuestas gubernamentales y las condiciones para la difusión de las protestas.

The objective of this article is to locate and analyze two practices that can be considered as experiences of social dialogue in the United States of America without the intervention of the State. For this study, it is considered that social dialogue transcends the tripartite definition of the International Labor Organization, employers, unions, and the public sector, by incorporating civil society organizations, or by limiting itself to a bipartite dialogue. Likewise, it assumes that the creation of public institutions for social dialogue is not necessary since simple alliances between sectors can allow the generation of common projects. With a qualitative methodology, the result of this study shows the recognition of rights and obligations of two labor movements: the Anti-Sweatshop movement and the movement of caregivers and home care nurses in the State of California. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we approach the link between political subjectivity and digital public expression among civil society actors in Guanajuato, Mexico. We understand political subjectivity as the ways of assuming oneself as a political subject. We consider three dimensions: action, relationship with others and communication. The discussion on digital public expression is framed there. Methodologically, we worked on a qualitative study, with a biographical-narrative orientation, through 12 semi-structured interviews with civil society actors. We identified key elements of their trajectories, allowing us to observe the ways in which they have been constructed themselves as political subjects, based on some event that motivated them to seek social change and that articulates the individual with the collective, as well as the ways in which this translates into actions, relationships, and practices of public expression. Finally, we identified a disenchantment with the phenomena of disinformation and polarization that have impoverished public debate. The study contributes to the analysis of the relationship between the individual and the collective, and details the tension between these two dimensions and its implications in the public space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the influence of the Pinochet dictatorship on the understanding of the commons in Chile, especially in terms of its social and civic expression. Following the course of the critical hermeneutics, the analysis focuses on two aspects of this influence: a) the legal aspect, which allows one type of social association while criminalizing another, and b) the economic aspect, which permeates the (self-)understanding of the individual as a subject who, in order to be free, must ensure that there is no external resistance to his or her actions. The results show the importance of interpretation and interpellation provided by the hermeneutic approach and the role of civil society in dynamizing social action and understanding the common. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a notable difference between the traditional studies on the notion of work in the Fathers of the Church, of an apologetic spirit, and the analyzes of the world of work in the Ancient Roman Empire. The former affirm that Christianity brought a positive conception of work and the latter minimize the influence of Christianity on the way in which the ancients valued work. A careful reading of the most significant texts shows that the influences were mutual and that with the passage of time the social conditions were modified, which caused an evolution of the positions adopted by each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Politicos is the property of Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (Revista Brasileira de Estudos Politicos) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Local governments have led the way on climate action in the United States. While the federal government has largely stood to the side, local governments have made great efforts to adopt policies aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions. A large and robust literature in urban politics has explored the variables that influence local government action on climate change in the United States. Issue severity and resident ideological preferences have been identified as two of the most important factors in local climate action. Governments that are more likely to face major impacts from climate, such as coastal communities, and governments serving more liberal residents have both been found to pursue climate policy at higher rates. In this paper we suggest that these relationships are better understood as conditional. We argue that the effect of issue severity will be moderated by ideology. When residents are liberal, issue severity will matter. When residents are conservative, the impact will be muted. We find strong evidence for this hypothesis. Coastal governments and governments that have experienced drought adopt more climate policies, but this is conditional on the ideology of residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En América Latina, el cáncer infantil incluye una serie de enfermedades que exigen muchos recursos y presentan desigualdades en el acceso a diagnóstico y tratamiento oportunos y adecuados. En este contexto, la sociedad civil juega un papel fundamental en la mejora de los cuidados del cáncer infantil. Las organizaciones de este sector se han fortalecido en la Región para cumplir un papel protagónico en la entrega de servicios y en la promoción de conciencia y defensa en pro de la salud infantil. La Iniciativa Global para el Cáncer Infantil, impulsada por la Organización Mundial de la Salud y otros actores relevantes, es una oportunidad para que los gobiernos y la sociedad civil trabajen juntos en la implementación de mejores prácticas en el control del cáncer infantil. En este sentido, en este artículo se aborda el papel de la sociedad civil en el cuidado del cáncer en la edad pediátrica en América Latina. Se destaca la importancia de su compromiso en la lucha contra esta enfermedad, participación en la concienciación y la defensa de políticas públicas que favorezcan el acceso a servicios de salud de calidad. Además, se destacan los problemas y las oportunidades que tiene la sociedad civil en la Región con relación a la implementación de estrategias para mejorar la sobrevida y la calidad de vida de los niños, niñas y adolescentes que padecen esta enfermedad.

Este trabajo analiza la evolución de la noción de paz en el orden internacional, algo que resulta preciso para identificar uno de sus aspectos esenciales en la actualidad: la dimensión humana de este concepto. El objetivo central del estudio es perfilar las consecuencias que la incorporación de la dimensión humana adquiere en el desarrollo de la paz en la sociedad internacional y, por ende, en el comportamiento de los Estados. Se utiliza la metodología propia del ordenamiento jurídico internacional (verdaderamente distinta a la de los ordenamientos jurídicos internos en función de los singulares procedimientos de creación de normas), partiendo del paradigma normativista y tomando como base los postulados y métodos de la práctica internacional que se expresan a través del comportamiento de los Estados y de las organizaciones internacionales; y las posiciones de la doctrina científica. Todo ello en una perspectiva analítica y hermenéutica. Los principales resultados de la investigación advierten que la paz ha evolucionado desde una posición en la que estaba vinculada en exclusividad al ámbito del uso de la fuerza y con el propósito de evitar los actos de agresión, a un enfoque en el que el respeto de los derechos humanos es imprescindible para garantizar la paz y la seguridad internacional. Desde ahí se sientan las bases para proclamar el reconocimiento de un derecho humano a la paz, que todavía no está plenamente consolidado en el orden internacional.

This article explores the experience of the Afro-Colombian movement over the course of two peace processes, investigating the relationship between opportunities for participation and effective inclusion. The 1991 Constituent Assembly that emerged from the peace processes of the late 1980s presented a particularly open opportunity for civil society participation, and yet the Afro-Colombian movement was unable to gain representation in negotiations for a new constitution. In the 2016 peace process with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, or FARC, despite insistence from the government that its negotiations with FARC were exclusively bilateral, the Afro movement was able to gain a seat at the table along with its Indigenous counterparts and generate a commitment from both parties to protect ethnic rights, known as the Capítulo Étnico (Ethnic Chapter). In contrast to existing literature that focuses on international actors as drivers of inclusion, we argue that effective inclusion reflects in large part the internal capacity, coherence, and unity of the movements themselves.

Resumen: El presente trabajo desarrollará algunas indagaciones en torno a la participación de organizaciones evangélicas dentro de redes de sociedad civil en el marco del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos (SIDH), a través de lo que denominamos como Redes Políticas Evangélicas (RPE), identificando algunas transformaciones en los modos de incidencia de estos colectivos, desde instancias multilaterales hacia anclajes locales, y viceversa. El objetivo es dar cuenta de las nuevas dinámicas transnacionales y multilaterales que operan en espacios ligados al campo evangélico latinoamericano, examinando la participación de Coaliciones Evangélicas en el Diálogo de Sociedad Civil de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) y su impacto en el impulso de narrativas político-morales dentro del llamado neoconservadurismo religioso, para luego analizar cómo estas instancias son instrumentalizadas y operativizadas por agentes locales chilenos.

El presente artículo abordará cómo la ética es un instrumento para combatir la corrupción, y porqué los códigos de ética son herramientas indispensables en esta tarea. En específico, se analizará la creación del Sistema Nacional Anticorrupción en México, el cual propone que la ciudadanía tenga un papel predominante. El objetivo principal es establecer si se cumple con la normatividad en cuanto a la participación de la sociedad civil en la realización de los lineamientos generales para los códigos de ética en el Estado mexicano.

La manera como concibe la paz el presidente Gustavo Francisco Petro Urrego en Colombia abre una puerta a la reconciliación, y al mismo tiempo posibilita la revisión de los elementos histórico-políticos que determinaron el surgimiento de la guerrilla del Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN) y los diversos procesos donde ha estado inmersa y por qué dichos procesos logran la firma y desmovilización de grupos en armas, pero a su vez abren la puerta a nuevos ciclos de violencia. Esta concepción tiene un punto de conexión con la propuesta del ELN, basada en que la sociedad participe y sea el centro de la negociación. Para desarrollar lo anterior, primero se hará un breve recorrido de la historia que dio origen al ELN, se revisaran los procesos de paz iniciados y no terminados, y finalmente se revisaran las actuales propuestas, mecanismos e instrumentos que hasta el momento avanzan en el proceso reiniciado por el Gobierno de Gustavo Petro

Objective. The purpose of this article is to study the impact of science and education on the efficiency of social production and quality of life in the context of global integration processes. Methods. The methods used in the study are literature review, statistical data analysis, and empirical research. To obtain the results, we analysed data on the quality of education and research in Ukraine and other European countries. Results. The study found that the quality of education and research is crucial for the competitiveness of society in the context of globalisation and rapid changes in the economy and technology. Scientific achievements and educational standards are key indicators of a state's readiness to meet the challenges of the present and its ability to attract investment, attract talented young people, and ensure sustainable economic dynamics. Conclusions. The obtained results emphasise the critical role of education and research in the process of achieving sustainable development of society. The need for targeted improvement of education and support for research is recognised as a key factor in achieving a high quality of life, competitiveness, and prosperity of the country. Prospects. Future research could expand the understanding of the interaction between education, science, and the economy in a globally competitive environment. The impact of digital transformation on educational and scientific processes should also be investigated, and practical models of cooperation between universities and the private sector should be developed to stimulate innovation and societal development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we intend to re-read and re-expose the work of Thomas Hobbes, with the aim of reinterpreting it from a particular field of knowledge, namely, the history of economic thought. We will depart from the following two hypothesis, while we try to justify them: 1) In a context of secularization of politics, reality and knowledge, within which religion begins to lose effect as a guarantee of moral viability, the authors of political philosophy, such as Hobbes, are wondering about the ground that guarantees the viability of this modern society; and, 2) Hobbes, in his state of nature, is performing a stylization of an individual that is specifically mercantile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on environmental education and water governance as two fields that allow for a synergy to transform local environmental problems. The objective is to present results of the systematization of a non-formal environmental education experience that involved participants from civil society organizations in the Laguna del Sauce basin (Maldonado, Uruguay). The methodological strategy was based on the facilitation of group processes of educational action research and participatory action research. The results arising from the registration of the process and the interviews conducted with participants include the generation of contextualized learning about environmental education, the environment, and the territory, as well as the strengthening of the relationships between the participating organizations. One of the conclusions is that a greater interaction is needed between the actors involved in environmental education and those involved in water governance, as well as greater social participation in both fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of História Unisinos is the property of Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El desarrollo integral de los mecanismos de participación ciudadana en el Órgano Legislativo de Panamá pasa por una revisión de la conceptualización de la participación ciudadana y ciudadanía, esto permite valorar la correspondencia entre estos conceptos con la realidad social. Este trabajo revisa algunos conceptos centrales de la participación ciudadana, así como el marco jurídico institucional que permite o impide en desarrollo de mecanismos de fiscalización de la gestión en la producción de leyes, uso y ejecución del presupuesto, la ausencia de rendición de cuentas de forma recurrente y de canales de información pública

This article explores the experience of the Afro-Colombian movement over the course of two peace processes, investigating the relationship between opportunities for participation and effective inclusion. The 1991 Constituent Assembly that emerged from the peace processes of the late 1980s presented a particularly open opportunity for civil society participation, and yet the AfroColombian movement was unable to gain representation in negotiations for a new constitution. In the 2016 peace process with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, or FARC, despite insistence from the government that its negotiations with FARC were exclusively bilateral, the Afro movement was able to gain a seat at the table along with its Indigenous counterparts and generate a commitment from both parties to protect ethnic rights, known as the Capítulo Étnico (Ethnic Chapter). In contrast to existing literature that focuses on international actors as drivers of inclusion, we argue that effective inclusion reflects in large part the internal capacity, coherence, and unity of the movements themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a need to build social environments for the protection of the press in contexts of violence targeted at journalists. In those social environments three spheres correlate: politicalinstitutional, justice and civil. Mexico is one of the nations with the most attacks on journalists, which forces us to rethink the ways of offering protection to the press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political allies, for example, parties, politicians, and civil society organizations, could be influential in grassroots mobilization. Yet, there are few empirical observations of whether and how these influential allies perform this role. I empirically examine the relationship between the influential allies and activists in Ukraine's Maidan. I focus on mobilizing structures at the local level, that is, 'local Maidans', that arose in 2013–2014. In this mixed-methods study, I combine administrative and protest event data to generalize across cases, and I use interviews with activists, party members, and knowledgeable observers in Ukraine's localities for conceptual and theoretical insights. The influential allies at the local level assisted in the mobilization of local Maidans across Ukraine. The presence of civil society organizations and opposition parties in localities, as well as interventions of local politicians created favorable conditions for mobilization, regardless of other factors such as the level of economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, various efforts have been made to analyze interfaces between social organizations and the institutional sphere. The establishment of the field of "socio-state interactions" can be seen recently in Brazil. Although there is no unified approach in this field, its contributions have shed light on border approaches, advancing theoretical, methodological, and empirical analyses about the involvement of social movements in public policy. Seeking a relational approach to emphasize the mutual constitution of the societal and state spheres, I reviewed the concept of civil society in the Habermas' tradition, to highlight three critical aspects: the denial of the political (depoliticization); optimism (a normative association between civil society and democracy); and relationism. The reflections reinforce the analytical limitations of the concept and highlight the importance of mutual constitution to the analysis of socio-state interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Linhas is the property of Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En este ensayo se exponen las tensiones y articulaciones en torno a los conceptos de gobernanza y gobernabilidad, y los desafíos que estas constituyen para la construcción de políticas públicas, la gestión de las demandas sociales, los intereses corporativos y el riesgo de «captura» del Estado. La tesis sostenida en el texto afirma la necesidad de superar esta falsa dicotomía conceptual para evitar abordajes sesgados sobre las construcciones políticas regionales y los diagnósticos sobre la «calidad democrática» de los países. En este marco, se efectúa una revisión del estado del arte, recuperando los principales contrapuntos que presentan estas propuestas y se ofrece una comparación de ambas perspectivas a partir de la cual se formula una postura crítica de cada uno de estos abordajes, especialmente, cuando alguno de ellos busca ser interpuesto por sobre el otro en el modo de definir la relación entre el Estado y los diferentes actores no estatales.

La presente investigación examinó la importancia de los actores sociales en el ordenamiento y gestión territorial de los gobiernos locales del Perú. Para este fin se empleó la revisión sistemática, que permitió analizar cuarenta y ocho publicaciones sobre el tema de estudio de los últimos cinco años. Actualmente, las normas legales sobre planificación urbana se dan a nivel nacional, a pesar de que la problemática es diferente en cada gobierno local, generando así conflictos sociales en el manejo y gestión de los territorios. Dichos problemas, son ocasionados por la falta de un ordenamiento territorial transversal en todos los sectores, el cual debe incluir lineamientos generales a ser desarrollados por cada gobierno local según sus características físicas y bioclimáticas. La principal conclusión del estudio es que los diferentes gobiernos locales enfrentan desafíos al momento de planificar sus territorios y, consecuentemente, en la zonificación y uso del suelo para futuras edificaciones en los diferentes sectores.

Objetivo. Identificar actores y narrativas que han impulsado a la experiencia artística en su posicionamiento como eje articulador de políticas de memoria y verdad en Colombia. Método. Investigación de tipo exploratorio; aplicando la técnica de análisis documental se rastreó actores y narrativas que involucraran a la experiencia artística como promotora de prácticas de memoria y verdad. Resultados. En el proceso de sistematización del corpus se evidencia que la academia, el Estado y las organizaciones culturales de la sociedad civil han sido los actores más relevantes y sus narrativas han estado orientadas a resaltar el potencial pedagógico, restaurador y catártico de las manifestaciones artísticas. Discusión. Si bien el arte es una expresión autónoma que goza de libertad de acción, necesita también de diálogos interdisciplinares, proyectos de inversión pública y reconocimiento de otros actores de la sociedad (medios de comunicación, empresarios, iglesia). Lo anterior, para fortalecer sus aportes en los retos y dilemas de políticas de memoria y verdad en el contexto del posacuerdo.

The article investigates internal strategies and struggles in civil society organizations' (CSOs') policy advocacy work from the vantage point of policy professionals by using the concepts of field, symbolic capital, and logics. A main claim is that mediatization acts as a strategic‐tension mechanism within a CSO, putting communicators at the center of policy units, which in turn is consequential for the strategies chosen for the organization's policy work. In this way, mediatization as a process celebrates certain professionals and strategies as particularly relevant, creating frustration among employees not specializing in communication. The study identifies a trend for organizations to put more resources and influence into communication and less into actual policy analysis. This article combines research on organizational logics, policy professionals, and mediatization by drawing on 38 interviews with, and ethnographic work among, policy professionals in Sweden, Latvia, and the Netherlands. Related Articles: Selling, Niels, and Stefan Svallfors. 2019. "The Lure of Power: Career Paths and Considerations among Policy Professionals in Sweden." Politics & Policy 47(5): 984–1012. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12325. Svallfors, Stefan. 2016. "Out of the Golden Cage: PR and the Career Opportunities of Policy Professionals." Politics & Policy 44(1): 56–73. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12149. Svallfors, Stefan, Erica Falkenström, Corrie Hammar, and Anna T. Höglund. 2022. "Networked Reports: Commissioning and Production of Expert Reports on Swedish Health Care Governance." Politics & Policy 50(3): 580–97. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12462. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La violencia contra las mujeres y las niñas es un problema que atañe a toda la sociedad. Su expresión máxima es el feminicidio. Las acciones realizadas por el Estado mexicano para su prevención, atención, y sanción no han sido suficientes. Los problemas generados de los feminicidios son diversos: ausencia de información y estadísticas,impunidad, altos costos económicos y sociales, y la permanencia de la estructura social patriarcal. Desde el Estado, se deben realizar acciones en diferentes ámbitos para garantizar el derecho de las mujeres a una vida libre de violencia, pero también se necesita la participación de la sociedad civil.

El objetivo de este artículo es dar a conocer el enfoque de desarrollo: Mujeres en el Desarrollo (Med) y Género en el Desarrollo (Ged) Med/Ged que domina la representación de la ciudadanía en cuatro organizaciones civiles de mujeres en la zona maya, en el municipio de José María Morelos, Quintana Roo. Para ello se identifican cuáles son los roles, relaciones y jerarquías al interior de las organizaciones, así como los sentidos y significados de cada una de sus acciones relacionadas con la toma de decisiones y su vínculo con el gobierno local. La exploración que proponemos conjunta la posición de los estudios de políticas públicas dirigidas a la mujer con una metodología cualitativa.

Este artículo presenta un análisis del incremento de actos de represión del gobierno cubano dirigidos especialmente a jóvenes artistas. La represión generó un aumento de destierros, exilios y presos políticos desde 2018. Asociamos esta coyuntura a los monstruos –en sentido gramsciano– que han aparecido desde la oposición y desde el gobierno, sugiriendo que la revolución ha perdido la hegemonía cultural en manos de un grupo de jóvenes educados en las instituciones revolucionarias pero convencidos de su fracaso. Los artivistas –aquellos que, desde el arte, ejercen activismo– muestran el surgimiento de nuevos liderazgos que cuestionan a una revolución que no cumplió sus promesas. Recibido: 30 junio 2022 Aceptado: 02 mayo 2023

Dada la importancia de la participación política femenina y las dificultades que ha experimentado, este trabajo tiene por objetivo identificar los avances y retos de las mujeres para involucrarse en la escena pública, tanto desde los partidos políticos como desde las organizaciones de la sociedad civil (osc), destacando las diferencias existentes entre uno y otro espacio. A partir de un enfoque cualitativo se analizó información de entrevistas realizadas en el Estado de Colima a mujeres involucradas en cada uno de los dos escenarios. Los hallazgos del estudio señalan que, si bien la estructura normativa y los esfuerzos institucionales han generado mayor inclusión de las mujeres en la política, aún queda camino por recorrer dado que los lugares y actividades que desempeñan frecuentemente están asociados con roles de género, dificultando que gocen de iguales oportunidades respecto a los hombres.

Si bien las cúpulas eclesiales han protagonizado la reacción contra las demandas feministas y LGBTI en Latinoamérica, desde el campo de la sociedad civil se han organizado diversas agrupaciones que complementan el accionar de las iglesias. En muchos contextos han logrado incluso liderar los procesos de movilización contra los derechos sexuales y reproductivos (DDSSRR). Este trabajo analiza las principales formas de organización, identidades públicas y tipos de acción colectiva que privilegian las agrupaciones neoconservadoras de la sociedad civil para oponerse a los DDSSRR, en cuatro países que abarcan a la subregión Andina: Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador y Perú. En cada uno se identificaron y caracterizaron agrupaciones neoconservadoras de la sociedad civil mediante un rastreo en línea de organizaciones, relevando datos vinculados con sus formas de presentarse en el espacio público y sus acciones estratégicas. La información recabada permitió mostrar la complejidad de perfiles, identidades y tipologías de acciones del activismo neoconservador en la subregión Andina. Entre los principales hallazgos se destaca la mixtura de organizaciones religiosas y seculares, la fuerte presencia de agrupaciones de jóvenes y de padres/madres, y el trabajo significativo de incidencia que realizan tanto en la arena estatal como en la de la sociedad civil.

Tras intensas jornadas de movilización agraria en Colombia durante el año 2013, se instaló la Mesa Única Nacional, arena de política pública sectorial entre las organizaciones movilizadas y el gobierno nacional. Este artículo expone los resultados de una investigación que aborda este proceso desde los enfoques cognitivos de políticas públicas, su principal objetivo es analizar los contenidos cognitivos y normativos del referencial de implicación de la sociedad civil del gobierno colombiano evidenciado en la interlocución con la Cumbre Agraria, Étnica, Campesina y Popular en la Mesa Única Nacional durante el período 2013 – 2018. Se propone la caracterización de bloque de poder contrainsurgente y el concepto de revolución pasiva como elementos centrales para comprender el referencial evidenciado.

Objective: To analyze the implementation of the European Strategy on Drugs 2013-2020 on the Spanish Action Plan on Drugs 2017-2020, especially the role of Civil Society Organizations, considering the perceived strengths and proposals for improvement. Methodology: The study was carried out using qualitative methodology. The focus group technique was used, formed by a panel of seven experts working in Civil Society Organizations. For this purpose, a grounded analysis was carried out, the main results of which revolve around a scheme of six themes, made up of sub-themes and codes. The selected themes were, firstly, a general approach; availability, accessibility and quality of interventions; harm reduction; alternative sanctions; research and evaluation; and finally, civil society participation. Results: The participants referred to an adequate design of the National Drug Plan, however, they detected a disconnection with practice in the different thematic areas. Among the points mentioned, the lack of economic resources is perceived as the main obstacle to implementation. Conclusions: The participation of civil society is necessary for the adaptation and implementation of public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: Much of the research on conflict resolution has focused on the conditions for getting parties involved in a conflict to sign a peace agreement. Less attention has been paid to what happens next. In this document, we offer a review of the factors shaping peace agreement implementation (PAI). Methodology: The paper is based on a review of the available academic literature on the factors that shape peace agreement implementation (PAI). Conclusions: We conceive the implementation process as composed of multiple temporal stages (short- to long-term), layers (from international to local), and dimensions (including politics, justice, the economy, and culture). In an implementation phase, all these need to be addressed in parallel, as they exert mutual impact and shape each other’s progress. Originality: The general overview presented here will provide scholars and policymakers with a broad sense of the most important debates within the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work analyzes the evolution of the peace notion in the international order. This is necessary to identify one of its most important aspects currently: the human dimension of this concept. The main goal of this study is to outline the consequences of incorporating the human dimension to the peace's development at the international society and, therefore, to the States' behaviour. To this end, the study uses the methodology of the international legal system on the basis of international practice postulates which is expressed through the States and International Organizations' behaviour and the doctrine's positions. The main findings of this research work are that peace has evolved from a traditional position, linked to the use of force and with the aim of preventing acts of aggression, to an approach in which respect for human rights is essential to ensuring international peace and security. It sets the foundations for proclaiming the recognition of a human right to peace which is not yet fully consolidated in the international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America, childhood cancer includes a number of resource-intensive diseases, with inequalities in access to timely and appropriate diagnosis and treatment. In this context, civil society plays a fundamental role in improving childhood cancer care. The Region's organizations in this sector have become stronger and they now play a leading role in the delivery of services and in the promotion of awareness and advocacy for children's health. The Global Initiative for Childhood Cancer, promoted by the World Health Organization and other relevant actors, is an opportunity for governments and civil society to work together to implement best practices in the control of childhood cancer. This article addresses the role of civil society in the care of pediatric cancer in Latin America, highlighting the importance of its commitment to the fight against cancer, participation in awareness-raising, and defense of public policies that favor access to quality health services. It also focuses on the problems and opportunities for civil society in the Region in relation to the implementation of strategies to improve the survival and quality of life of children and adolescents living with cancer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role played by associations in Morocco has always been linked to the political and socioeconomic context of the country. The launch of the National Initiative for Human Development (INDH) is a boost, a shock for the Moroccan associative fabric. This work analyzes the distribution of associations in the province of Chefchaouen as well as their participation in the NHRI through their projects in the period 2011-2018. A first quantitative analysis is carried out based on the investments made and the subsidies received, which is complemented by another of a qualitative nature based on the interviews with those responsible. The data reveals that the distribution of associations, investments and subsidies within the framework of this initiative present a great disparity, benefiting more the less poor territories. Likewise, it is verified that the money of the NHRI has been fundamental for the realization of these projects and the achievement of its objectives, being necessary to modify its territorial distribution in favor of the poorest territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]