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We are going through uncertain times. The world crisis that we have been witnessing since 2007 and that was accentuated by the health emergency derived from COVID 19 has hit very hard the conditions of existence of the working classes and the popular sectors and has opened important debates on the ways to build a way out. The progressivisms of the 21st century, both first and second generation, have not been oblivious to this discussion. On the contrary, they have taken an active role and, in most cases, have turned to the slogan of solving the crisis. There are some differences between the two waves of alternative governments, both in terms of context and the challenges they face. It is not possible to approach them from a trajectory of continuity. It is not simply a matter of a second season of progressivism. The latter, for the most part, face a "recharged" right wing, a crisis that is taking on new nuances and desperate and impoverished societies that vitally cannot wait any longer. This article questions the general policy trends that have accompanied three of these governments: that of Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico, of Alberto Fernández in Argentina and more recently of Gustavo Petro in Colombia. And, although it does not attempt to present exhaustive assessments, it does seek to identify some issues that allow us to indicate trajectories and general trends of the political process experienced [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Global North, mass warfare created a huge demand for social protection, pushing governments to provide income for invalids, war victims, and the survivors of fallen soldiers. Most European colonial powers, including France and Great Britain, recruited soldiers and other security forces not only from their metropoles but also from their colonies during both World Wars. However, the question of how mass warfare influenced social reforms in former colonies has not been systematically addressed, particularly with respect to how these influences varied across colonial powers. To begin to address this gap, this paper explores the warfare–welfare nexus in the context of British and French colonies of West Africa around World War I (WWI). The paper finds that, while Britain and France had similar overarching imperial and military objectives in West Africa of securing their colonies, enforcing order within them, and promoting commerce to increase profit, they went about achieving them very differently, with direct and indirect implications for social reforms after WWI. While only a first step, research on the distinct nature of the warfare–welfare nexus in colonial contexts is critical in order to historicize and close research gaps by widening and deepening our understanding of social policy trajectories in countries of the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archivio Giuridico is the property of Mucchi Editore and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Among the documents that those who believe in passivity in the political system cling to is a narrative known as "Qulob al-Muluk" in which the people are advised to avoid cursing and confronting cruel and oppressive kings and only ask God through prayers and supplications. Make the hearts of the kings kind to them. The most important issue of this narrative is to be content with praying and not taking action to reform rulers and undesirable political affairs. The present research aims to answer the question of inactivity with a descriptive-analytical method and a critical approach, after mentioning the date of transmission of this hadith in the sources of the parties, it has investigated its documentary and textual validity. The authenticating of this narration shows that the aforementioned hadith has weak authenticity because its first appearance was in Sunni sources in the third century, and then it was transferred to Shiite sources and gradually entered the commentary and theological texts. Validation of the content of the narrative also shows that the Holy Quran and other religious teachings not only support this content, but also invite active participation in politics and criticism and supervision of the rulers. There are also authentic narrations in front of the said narration, which makes it a serious challenge in the test of presenting the hadith on the authentic Sunnah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the concepts of and proposals for constitutional reforms put forward by one of the Polish democratic political groups, which was established in exile after the fall of the November Uprising (1830-1831). Young Poland, which was a part of an international conspiratorial organisation founded by Giuseppe Mazzini (Young Europe), an organisation marked by revolutionary democratism, which, according to Polish emigrants, meant primarily striving for national character, seeing its goal in regaining national independence lost by Poland as a result of partitions. In addition, however, the concepts of members of Young Poland strongly emphasized both Christian and Utopian socialist themes. The foundation of these concepts referred to republican ideas that arose from the Great French Revolution and were based on the principles of freedom, equality and fraternity.

This paper addresses the question of why labour legislation produces diverse, often opposing, responses among sectors of the population that apparently benefit from it. In particular, it explores the changes in the attitudes of unionized Spanish workers to the social reforms between 1870 and 1930. These workers had previously rejected state intervention in labour relations. Since 1870, most continued without calling for social laws, but occasionally demanded the application of those already approved. A second current among them, organized in anarcho-syndicalist associations, reiterated their opposition to those reforms. A third trend, grouped around socialist organizations, initially rejected labour legislation, but ended up supporting it. The analysis presented here aims to explain these trade-union attitudes by examining their expressions in the press, in their manifestos and public statements, and in the labour conflicts. It shows that these attitudes were based on one of the two assumptions about the social relations that shaped workers conceptions and actions at the time: "sociable human nature" and "objective social structure." Its main thesis is that these two assumptions about what society was emerged from the partial reformulation or rejection of prior conceptions that had driven trade-union actions until the late nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the stage of the development of a new social welfare system in Ukraine, it is important to investigate all possible models and develop recommendations for the implementation of the most effective ones. The relevance of this paper lies in the study of the legal framework that operates in Ukraine and the possibilities of its improvement and consolidation into a more specific regulation. The purpose of the research was to study the principles of the social welfare system in Ukraine and to study foreign practices of the social welfare system. Within the framework of this study, the existing systems and models of social welfare systems in different countries were analyzed. The study identifies the most positive examples of social welfare policy for implementation in the current legal framework to improve and enhance the quality of social services in Ukraine. The analyzed foreign practices helped to identify the most effective models of social security. It was concluded that with the successful redistribution of funds, the introduction of a system of audit and control of social assistance financing, as well as being guided by foreign experience, Ukraine will be able to build a social welfare system that would satisfy all of the existing social needs of citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the concepts of and proposals for constitutional reforms put forward by one of the Polish democratic political groups, which was established in exile after the fall of the November Uprising (1830-1831). Young Poland, which was a part of an international conspiratorial organisation founded by Giuseppe Mazzini (Young Europe), an organisation marked by revolutionary democratism, which, according to Polish emigrants, meant primarily striving for national character, seeing its goal in regaining national independence lost by Poland as a result of partitions. In addition, however, the concepts of members of Young Poland strongly emphasized both Christian and Utopian socialist themes. The foundation of these concepts referred to republican ideas that arose from the Great French Revolution and were based on the principles of freedom, equality and fraternity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To evaluate Jeremy Shearmur and Piers Norris Turner's edited volume, Karl Popper: After the Open Society: Selected Social and Political Writings (2008), I seek to examine what Katrina Forrester saw as Popper's "later" views, and how this would deflect the central idea of liberalism expressed by Popper in The Open Society and Its Enemies and The Poverty of Historicism. Forrester's assertion suggests that the views expressed by Popper in After the Open Society appear more towards neoliberalism, and that Popper's membership of the Mont Pélerin Society alongside Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman in promoting free market, openness, and individual freedom, set him comfortably within the framework of classical liberalism and market fundamentalism. To appreciate Popper's liberal political philosophy, one only needs to come to a high level of understanding and a good appreciation of the values inherent in The Open Society and Its Enemies and The Poverty of Historicism by evaluating his liberal worldview in the context of Popper's critical rationalism. The primary goal of this essay is to show that Forrester's categorization of the 'later' Popper as a neoliberal is incorrect. Popper's ideas were strictly liberal, but they impacted the development of neoliberal ideas. In placing Popper properly within the realm of liberals, what is required is to understand that Popper's liberal concepts as articulated in all five versions of The Open Society and its Enemies, and the two editions of The Poverty of Historicism serve quite well his liberal outlooks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eugène Sue describes the miserable living conditions in the Parisian slums, where the story - set in 1838 - takes place, and he recognizes how the manual worker is degraded to the condition of beast of burden. The author pleads for a philanthropic intervention to put an end to that aberrant state of affairs clamoring for direct state intervention. Alongside a repressive state apparatus of crime (which thrives among the plebs), he advocates a protectionist juridical apparatus of the weakest by outlining a perspective that will come true in the welfare state, advocating a radical overcoming of the liberal gendarme-state. Sue debunks the myth of equality on which the law of the bourgeois state is based, denounces the social origin of the crime and questions the entire individualistic-liberal structure. A vision of promotion of the law must prevail, where the (positive) sanctions are aimed at the inclusion of the weaker classes, not at their further marginalization, which occurs through punishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the political biography of E.Kerber and his policy as the Prime Minister of Austria. Generally, the economic policy of E.Kerber was successful but he didn't manage to solve the national question in Austria at the beginning of the XX-th century.

Romania’s extremely ambitious Recovery and Resilience Plan (RRP) was approved in November 2022. The plan is well written and articulated; it seems to correctly identify the critical points of the Romanian economy and society and to address them precisely. From a social point of view, the RRP includes reforms regarding the setting of the minimum wage and the modernisation of the Romanian social benefit system with the help of a subsistence minimum, aimed at combating poverty and creating fairer working conditions. In addition, the comprehensive pension reform is intended to help Romania meet its demographic aging challenges and to ensure compliance with the contribution principle as regards pension right beneficiaries. If applied, these measures would lead to substantial social changes. The main challenge for Romania, however, could be the implementation of the plan. The current political situation, as well as Romania's history as a late absorber of European funds, may give rise to a certain scepticism.

Abstract In the current scenario while everything seems digitalized, we often spend more time scrolling across various social platforms as compared to what we spend in any other real life activities. It becomes a matter of great concern when it comes to analyze what we see and how it is interpreted. Through this paper we aims to identify the influence of technology assisted social-reform initiatives on gender-based hate content generation. With the help of Twitter API, 112577 government-initiated and 58370 citizen-initiated movement(s) tweets have been extracted. This collected data is examined for hatred nature content in terms of emotions using a software programmed in R programming language, the scores for each emotion is counted and a comparison between both the moments is made. The study clearly shows that the Citizen-initiated moments shares comparatively more hate content than the Government-initiated movements as the scores particular to specific emotions like anger, disgust, and sadness is more. This cognitive study can be helpful in policy making, promoting gender based equality, defining strategies to rebuild citizen initiatives in a hate-free environment and controlling hate content generation.

The article examines the question of the extent to which the actions of the Pontic king Mithridates VI Eupator in relation to slaves serve as evidence of his plans for the social reconstruction of society. Ancient authors note that the king of Pontus first noted the role of slaves in his decree on the extermination of the Romans, issued in the city of Ephesus in 88 BCE. In this decree, the king calls on the slaves to inform on their masters. In subsequent decrees, the king frees the slaves and calls them into service in his army. The call of the king to inform on the masters, and the release of slaves for service in the army, according to the text of our sources, refer only to the slaves of the Roman province of Asia, conquered by Mithridates. Finally, Appian’s message indicates that Mithridates knew about the slave uprising in Italy under the leadership of Spartacus. Some authors interpret this information as the kind’s “large-scale plan of social reforms”. In a number of reports of ancient authors about the Mithridates’ wars, the actions of the Romans in relation to the slaves are also indicated, which practically do not differ from the actions of Mithridates. All this allows us to say that the king of Pontus did not have a plan for social reforms and his actions in relation to slaves were dictated exclusively by plans to fight against Rome.

A redistributive wave across Latin America provided credence to existing explanations that emphasize the importance of democracy and the political left for democratic redistribution. Yet, neither of these theories tells the entire story behind the contemporary politics of inequality in Latin America. This article stresses the importance of party systems for democratic redistribution, especially their role in increasing the scope of social policy as well as igniting competitive electoral environments that incentivize political elites to redistribute, leading to the amelioration of inequality over time. Utilizing a time-series cross-sectional dataset on fifteen Latin American countries covering the period of 1990-2015, and extending the analysis to sixty-five global democracies, this article finds that countries with institutionalized party systems exhibit greater income redistribution and lower levels of inequality than those with inchoate counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Naseri era, significant changes have taken place in most areas of Iranian life. the focus of these changes can be found in Zoroastrian’s Collective life of Iran and especially in Yazd because these changes did not just cover the worldly aspects of their lives, but also their collective life. The main issue of this research, which is based on the method of historical sociology, is to describe and explain this changes by emphasizing the role of the Indian Persians. The findings of the study indicate that the few elites were found willing to share their accomplishments in Iran, and particularly in Yazd, for these achievements. They used various methods for influencing the Zoroastrian society of the country and for advancing their changes through a variety of ways, such as: asking for help from Britain lure, bribe, flattery and threat the rulers of the time, take advantage of the Qajar kings' limited attention to social reform and their own initiatives. This Elites at first transform the Zoroastrian community of Yazd through the establishment of Panjaits and through this they were able to bring about wide-ranging reforms in the social, cultural, educational spheres, Zoroastrians restriction and revived religious rituals.

Objectives. To get a deeper knowledge of the informative accompaniment being a tool to get social reforms adopted. Background. Sociocultural dynamics as for the fluctuations of modernity in a new fashion pose the problems of government democratization, public control over it, being some part of the citizens commissioned. The appearance of modern informative and communicative technologies gives an opportunity to complete certain ways of social management using the new communicative formats and some types of social activity implying the transition to the subjects of the society being self-organized on the basis of jointly constructed public opinion. Methodology. A synergistic approach is used within the framework of which the society is regarded as a text constructed by a collective author on the basis of a sociocultural project it has. It made social reforms possible like some corrections of this project proposed by one of the subjects of the society being grouped. Conclusions. The informative accompaniment of the reforms is analyzed in a dual context: it is a necessary component of the process to get reforms adopted which become a part of some processes the society is being modernized as it turns out. It has led to an expansion of its interpretations when in addition to spreading of some information about the reforms and organizing some communications with a potential audience being interested in reforms’ promoting, the informative accompaniment becomes a part of some processes the society to be self-organized. In this case, it’s a feedback tool allowing different subjects to introduce some changes into proposed projects of the modernized society. The expansion of the informative accompaniment has been traced meaning its path from the tool of the customer, adapted for the solution of its goals, to the tool of the collective participant of social reforms, attracted with the perspectives of their application becoming a tool for the self-development of the society, allowing all the subjects of the society to be involved into this process.

The digital transformation has impacted society at different levels, mainly on the economic and governance levels. This paper investigates the impact of the digital economy on social governance mechanisms. Additionally, it captures the indirect effects or mediating forces such as social reforms and a sustainable digital economy. The study followed a positivism philosophy, and it is survey research influencing cross-sectional study. The unit of analysis in the current paper was employees from four different professions as economists, financial analysts, managers, and teachers. The random sampling technique was used as a sampling type, and a questionnaire was used for data collection. Structural equation modeling (SEM) was carried out as a data analysis technique. The research findings revealed that the digital economy has a favorable impact on the social governance mechanism. Likewise, the digital economy positively affects social reforms and a sustainable digital economy. Social reforms also proved to link with a sustainable digital economy positively. The output of the indirect effects and structural model confirmed that social reform played a partial mediation role between the digital economy and sustainable digital economy. Moreover, a sustainable digital economy confirmed a partial mediation between the digital economy and the social governance mechanism. Finally, analysis confirmed a serial mediation among digital economy, social reforms, sustainable digital economy, and social governance mechanism. Therefore, policymakers and government agents should improve the digital economy to have a strong social governance mechanism.

This article focuses on how marginalized young peoples knowledge and experiences can be brought into play and become a factor in the development of sustainable responses to societal marginalization processes. Marginalized is here understood as the knowledge and experiences that are not normally brought into play in the establishment of new initiatives and in decision-making processes, specifically both a knowledge of highly marginalized young people and their experiences of being highly marginalized, as well as the professionals' knowledge and experiences of work with this target audience. The starting point is the experience gained from the project 'Vild Velfærd', which involved a collaboration between two groups: young people who can be characterized as extremely marginalized and (welfare) professionals working in the field that concerns these young people. The article argues that limited knowledge and experiences may provide new answers to modern social problems. At the same time, it discusses on what basis conclusions may be established and to what extent - or in what ways these conclusions contribute to new sustainable solutions to modern social problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most powerful and crucial concept today is a sustainable digital economy. This research is aimed to investigate the predictors of a sustainable digital economy in China. In addition, the mediating roles of social reforms and economic policies were investigated between good governance and a sustainable digital economy. This cross-sectional research considered partial least square–structural equational modeling (PLS-SEM) as an analysis technique. The data were collected from 317 managerial staff of the e-commerce industry in China via a self-structured questionnaire. A random sampling technique was applied in the data collection process. Results showed that good governance positively impacts the sustainable digital economy, social reforms, and economic policies. Additionally, an increase in social reforms and economic policies led to a sustainable digital economy in China. Social reforms and economic policies partially mediated the relationship between good governance and a sustainable digital economy. This research contributes to the body of knowledge by identifying components of a sustainable digital economy and examining whether good governance may aid in attaining a sustainable digital economy. Nowadays, research on the sustainable digital economy has got attention from policymakers and researchers around the globe. These outcomes suggest several ways to improve the sustainable digital economy in China. This research is not without limitations, such as cross-sectional and based on responses of the respondents. Several research avenues were discussed and can be influenced by many factors for future perspectives.

The most powerful and crucial concept today is a sustainable digital economy. This research is aimed to investigate the predictors of a sustainable digital economy in China. In addition, the mediating roles of social reforms and economic policies were investigated between good governance and a sustainable digital economy. This cross-sectional research considered partial least square–structural equational modeling (PLS-SEM) as an analysis technique. The data were collected from 317 managerial staff of the e-commerce industry in China via a self-structured questionnaire. A random sampling technique was applied in the data collection process. Results showed that good governance positively impacts the sustainable digital economy, social reforms, and economic policies. Additionally, an increase in social reforms and economic policies led to a sustainable digital economy in China. Social reforms and economic policies partially mediated the relationship between good governance and a sustainable digital economy. This research contributes to the body of knowledge by identifying components of a sustainable digital economy and examining whether good governance may aid in attaining a sustainable digital economy. Nowadays, research on the sustainable digital economy has got attention from policymakers and researchers around the globe. These outcomes suggest several ways to improve the sustainable digital economy in China. This research is not without limitations, such as cross-sectional and based on responses of the respondents. Several research avenues were discussed and can be influenced by many factors for future perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the 20th century, Romania had become an important state in Europe and the Great Powers wanted it on their side. World War I strongly influenced Romania‟s geo-political status as the year 1918 marked the forging of the unified nation-state, after the unification of the Romanian provinces. The most important goal of all Romanians had been achieved. After 1918, the economy began to rapidly develop due to the social reforms taking place immediately after the war. One of the factors contributing to the modernization was the implication in the political life. The former governments in the provinces were replaced by a fully Romanian government, which resulted in an increased number of Romanian officials. In urban areas, occupations became more diverse. Education and culture developed due to the interest for culture. Cities expanded significantly. The living conditions in rural areas enhanced a lot. As far as leisure time was concerned, besides the interest for social life, the Romanians became attracted by other ways of spending their free time. Due to those changes, the level of civilization of the Romanians had so much increased that it could be compared, under certain aspects, to that in Europe‟s developed states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existence of any states based on reasons to exit and so true with Pakistan as well. Pakistan’s existence is related to her ideology which is based on being a truly democratic Islamic state. This research is carried out with an endeavour to find out the causes of extremism in Pakistan specially once it is link with religion Islam; with a view to suggest some social reforms to eradicate this evil from the society in the light of Islamic teachings. This qualitative research is carried out to find out the causes of extremism and its rapid growth in Pakistan’s social and cultural extents and it’s tagging with Islam and Muslims. Also the impact of extremism on social values and finally the remedies which state can take to overcome the menace of extremism. The study argues that ideological, political, social and economic reforms in the Islamic perspective are immediately required as nation’s response to take Pakistan out of the current fiasco and resort to basic principles of justice, equality, and freedom as enshrined in Islam.

Liberal reforms of Tsar Alexander II after Russia’s defeat in the Crimean War gave the Poles great hopes for satisfying their state-building aspirations. Russians also demanded reformation of all spheres of life of the empire. But from the middle of 1862, the Russian press succeeded to rouse pro-imperial sentiments among the Russian public, using anti-Polish rhetoric. This so-called “Polish threat” became a means of mobilizing Russians to defend their «motherland», which was identical in their understanding to the concept of empire. Reputable Russian publicists stated the conviction that allowing the Poles to create a state is equivalent to provoking a collapse of the Russian state. Thus, the Poles should be left in the Russian Empire, but at the same time, they should become Slavs again, that is, to “awake” in them the specific Slavic culture they had lost, becoming Catholics and cultivating their gentry noble values. Polish peasantry was considered being the basis of the «re-education» of Polish society, and, according to the Russians, preserved a specific Slavic identity, therefore had allegedly “pro-Russian” sentiments that only need to be supported with the correct reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discovery of oil in the Arab peninsula in late 1930s had a pronounced effect on social life in all Gulf States. Saudi Arabia, being the largest country of the Peninsula, started its national journey on 23rd September, 1932 with very limited resources. At the end of 19th century as state coffers kept overflowing with Petro dollars. This easy money supported state finances for almost eight decades; however, at the turn of the century, its financial landscape changed. Oil prices remained under pressure for over a decade, negatively affecting Saudi economy and social welfare system. As the cash flows, slowly desiccated, national policy planners were compelled to diversify economy through industrialization and restructuring of Saudi 'cradle to grave' welfare system for resource generation and its better management. It analyses the possibility of success of the strategy stipulating social change due to economic downturn. The conceived change will be implemented through Royal Vision during the next decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

»Krieg und Wohlfahrt in französisch-afrikanischen Kolonien im Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieg«. The effect of warfare on welfare state development in Western democracies has been a matter of growing interest among scholars. The question of how mass warfare influenced social reforms in former colonies on the other hand, has been completely neglected. This is astounding, considering the fact that most European colonial powers relied on colonial troops to maintain the colonial order, to conquer new territories, and to repress struggles for independence and colonial revolts. This contribution addresses the role of the military, warfare, and conscription for the provision of social protection in former French African colonies, particularly in French West Africa from the beginning of the 20th century until shortly after World War II. French African colonies are most likely cases to exhibit such an effect, as no other imperial power militarized its colonial societies to the extent France did. The results show that World War I and the introduction of mass conscription did not lead to any systematic handling of social issues in French West Africa. However, the militarization and the experience of the First World War formed soldiers and veterans as a societal group that started to demand social rights. This development paved the way for later social changes and major reforms in the course of World War II such as the introduction of uniform pensions for soldiers throughout the Empire and the expansion of education and health services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using primary sources in Russian and British historiography, the author analyzes the evolution of public thought in Great Britain in the second half of the 19th century, its turn from individualism and principle of “night-watchman state” to a more socially-oriented position. This transformation, which occurred under the influence of both evident and hidden factors, was one of the key prerequisites for formation in the seventh decade of the 19th century of the New Toryism and “social liberalism” doctrines, the framework of which was used by the British government to chart a course for systematic social reforms in the areas of health care, elementary education, residential development and labor law. By analyzing the views of J. Bentham, J.S. Mill and T.H. Green, as well as literary works of the period in question, the author traces the process of alienation of the “laissez-faire” policy (the classical principle of state non-interference in economy) by a certain part of the British society and the readiness to reassess the role of the state in the social sphere. The article presents in detail the search for philosophical, social and socialistic thought, aimed at solving the deepest social problems and predicating, in many aspects, the cycle of social reforms carried out by the Disraeli and Gladstone cabinets under the auspices of the state in the middle of the late Victorian period. The author points out that the social policy of the prime ministers W. Gladstone in 1868-1874 and B. Disraeli in 1874-1800 was historically the first precedent when the liberal doctrine which took the shape of the so-called Manchester liberalism in Great Britain had to recognize the principles of social state, economic regulation and a stronger role of the state in the British society. The author notes that the foundations of most of the social reforms that are now perceived as integral components of a modern democratic society were laid precisely in this historical period. Thanks to the flexibility of the English establishment, that was able to assess the strength of public opinion and to offer social doctrines aimed at meeting the growing social demands, the British government demonstrated the art of subtle political maneuver and the possibility of a bloodless way of carrying out social reforms.

Myanmar is moving rapidly in the direction of a more democratic and economically strong future. However, many challenges remain and constructive change will require the cooperation of the corporate sector. Many foreign businesses are interested in investing in Myanmar as a result of political reforms. The government could take a pivotal role, leading the agenda by setting Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) standards as a tool for social development. This paper explores how CSR could be embedded in government business strategy, how business practice could exceed public expectations, how labour laws could strengthen employee packages and benefits, and how foreign investors could be encouraged to bring CSR expertise to strengthen domestic capabilities. Finally, this paper argues that a CSR code of conduct should be imposed to ensure that business practices are tailored to national economic and social interests, and the form such a code of conduct could take.

The article deals with the major political problems of Latin America recently: the right drift, the conflict potential of political systems leading to the so called “divided power” (conflict between the Executive and Legislative branches of government), the function of the judicial power etc.

In February 1914, the Agricultural Associations of Housewives, operating in the Eastern provinces of Prussia since the 1890s, were subordinated to organisations responsible for the development of agriculture in Prussia, which were dominated by conservatives and noble landowners. This came about on the initiative of some influential agrarians, who, in this way, wanted to strengthen their influence in rural areas, as well as to include the women’s agrarian movement in combating the outflow of labour from agriculture. The women’s organizations, having been politicized in this way and adopted by agrarian leaders after 1908, were to implement a new strategy for preventing the migration of rural population to cities. This is as a resulted of the partial support for Heinrich Sohnrey’s programme and his concept of improving the quality of life in rural areas. Elisabet Boehm, the founder of the associations, from the very beginning of their existence, sought to cooperate with agricultural organizations. She believed that this would be the only way for members to gain access to the expertise for implementing the main point of the association’s agenda, i.e. the professionalization of women’s work in rural areas. The article focuses on explaining the circumstances that led to the interest of the agrarians in the women’s agrarian movement and its inclusion in the reform programme for rural prosperity launched just before the war and showing that the cooperation was primarily aimed at using the associations to strengthen their influence in rural areas.

Copyright of Proceedings in Archeology & History of Ancient & Medieval Black Sea Region is the property of Cimmeria Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In February 1914, the Agricultural Associations of Housewives, operating in the Eastern provinces of Prussia since the 1890s, were subordinated to organisations responsible for the development of agriculture in Prussia, which were dominated by conservatives and noble landowners. This came about on the initiative of some influential agrarians, who, in this way, wanted to strengthen their influence in rural areas, as well as to include the women's agrarian movement in combating the outflow of labour from agriculture. The women's organizations, having been politicized in this way and adopted by agrarian leaders after 1908, were to implement a new strategy for preventing the migration of rural population to cities. This is as a resulted of the partial support for Heinrich Sohnrey's programme and his concept of improving the quality of life in rural areas. Elisabet Boehm, the founder of the associations, from the very beginning of their existence, sought to cooperate with agricultural organizations. She believed that this would be the only way for members to gain access to the expertise for implementing the main point of the association's agenda, i.e. the professionalization of women's work in rural areas. The article focuses on explaining the circumstances that led to the interest of the agrarians in the women's agrarian movement and its inclusion in the reform programme for rural prosperity launched just before the war and showing that the cooperation was primarily aimed at using the associations to strengthen their influence in rural areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is the research of theoretical and methodological aspects of social policy as the factor of institutional state statuses. Methodology. The researching in institutional providing of state social policy which may be considered as the base for performance of correspond reforms which are directed to the life level increasing, is enough popular task in scientific, theoretical and practical aspects. The scientific search of social policy as the factor of institutional status of state is carried out at the base of classical, neoclassical and institutional methodology. At the base of classical methodology it were defined the general approaches with help of dialectical analysis tools and synthesis of social relations array as historical action. With the help of system, structurally-functional analysis of social policy tasks, it’s opened its internal nature and ways of institutional providing. Institutional and neoclassical approaches allowed the specials analysing tools in modelling of dynamics and institute of social policy institute results in the conditions of market transformations. Also in the research process it were used the economic articles about the question of analysis in state social policy and given the statistic data about the analytical report to the annual President’s of Ukraine message to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine „About internal and external condition of Ukraine in year 2015”. Research results showed what in the conditions of socially-economic and political instability, the social sphere Ukraine became the hostage of common crisis in economic, catastrophic decreasing of life level, increasing of social confrontation and rough system mistakes in the process of social institution formation. All of this neutralizes the methods efficiency about improvement of socially-economic condition of population and prevents to the implementation of necessary reforms. Practical value lays in the clear definition of priorities and directions of social policy at the state level, outlining of the main efficient ways and forms for citizens problems solving, coordinating of different social institutions activity, considering of socially-economic state development features and appearing of conditions for life level increasing. By the striving for integration to European space and building of own development strategy has to clearly understand own possibilities and external factors of influence. By the choosing the possible alternatives, the main idea of social policy should stay the strive for social justice of society and providing of stable market which doesn’t make worse the conditions and possibilities of future generations. Value/originality in the research process it’s proves that one of the primary task must be magnificent change of social policy vector and performance of urgent economic and social reforms. Looking to this, social policy institute needs serious modernization, especially in its functional displays which could be more directed to the for state social development closing for European standards. Closing of Ukraine to the economic and social standards of developed countries needs the building of socially justice society, providing of suite life conditions for socially vulnerable levels of population and increasing in efficiency of human rights protection system. In this direction, the government has to decrease the social expenses to the budget by means of private investments, transmission targeted support needy. In conditions of budget means economy, it should be carried out the transmission from paternalism in the social sphere to partnership between state, business and citizens in all aspects of social support, the result of successful functioning of social policy functioning as factor of institutional state status must be general development of Ukrainians life level.

In this article I discuss preliminary outcomes of an ongoing research that focuses on the process of institutionalization of the BolsaFamília program (BFP), a Brazilian conditional cash transfer policy launched in 2003. Since then this policy has achieved considerable results in regard to the decrease of poverty and fight against hunger. Nevertheless its potential to change social structures of inequality in the country is still under discussion. Considering the program in the Latin American context, the aim of this paper is to bring together a set of studies conducted in the field of Law and Development that analyses the role of legal regulation within BFP and critical inputs from the Latin American social thought in order to offer an alternative research agenda about the role of law in social reforms.

The starting premise of the paper is that for the development of a sustainable recovery of the republic of Serbia one needs to replace the welfare state paradigm with socially responsible state paradigm. The main tasks of the socially responsible state are: (1) Socially acceptable way of dealing with redundant work force, (2) Reduction in the differences of income distribution which are not linked to the manufacturing enterprises, (3) Social Security (pensions, health care, social protection), and (4) Implementation of the National strategy for poverty reduction. In this context, the socially responsible state should cover: (1) Pension system, (2) Health (3) Unemployment insurance, (4) Financial and related support to the poor and the children, and (5) Homes for orphans, disabled and the elderly. The problem of building the model of regulation of social-economic sphere according to the socially responsible state encompasses four dimensions: The first is a determination of the area of activity of the state, as well as the basic principles of how to carry out reforms in the socio-economic sphere. The second is to improve the economic rationality of the structure and quality of social security services on the basis of a compromise between the minimum criteria of the European Union. The third focuses on implementing spatial distribution of regulation functions of the social and economic spheres in four levels (central, regional, sub-regional and local). The fourth is the precise determination of a relationship between the content of the attributes of social, economic and development policies.

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