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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: The research problem addressed in this study concerns the activities of social enterprises (SEs) within the framework of the social market economy (SME) in Poland during the crises triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine. Research objectives: The article aims to verify the hypothesis that SEs situated within the SME can mitigate the negative effects of crises by undertaking additional actions for recipients during the pandemic and Ukrainian refugees. Research design and methods: An interdisciplinary research model helped examine the stated problem. It synthesizes both the concepts of SME and SE. Moreover, part of the research was a nationwide quantitative study using the CAWI method supported by the CATI method and Dilman’s prompting method (mixed mode). Results: During the pandemic in Poland, 56% of SEs took additional actions for recipients, even though the situation worsened for 41% of them. During the war in Ukraine, 68% of SEs took action for refugees, while the situation worsened for 29% of SEs. Conclusions: Social enterprises experiencing the consequences of crises are also able to minimize their effects. Simultaneously, to an equal extent, they support environmental issues and sustainable development.

Introduction. The legal aspects of state regulation of economic relations are of high relevance for the Russian Federation due to the development of modern crisis situations. At present, it is necessary to study the general parameters of the interaction between law and economics, on the basis of which it is possible to develop specific recommendations for improving Russian legislation. Empirical analysis. The author presents general factors that have a serious (in the long term) impact on the Russian economy: gradual decarbonization; the emergence of the concept of sustainable development, establishing a link between GDP growth (gross domestic product) and concern for future generations; universal digitalization affecting all spheres of public life. Methods and concepts. The confrontation between the two global currents of libertarianism and Keynesianism has a serious impact on the limits of state intervention in economic relations. At the same time, the gradual convergence leads to the development of such concepts as the social market economy and libertarian paternalism, each of them involving a transition to indirect influence and taking into account social factors in creating a competitive environment. The absence of a direct consolidation of the foundations of the economic system in the Constitution of Russia implies the development of synthetic principles that need further constitutionalization. Theoretical analysis. In the Russian Federation, the further strengthening of the direct role of the state in the country’s economy has institutionalgrounds – a large bureaucratic apparatus and a significant public sector in the economic system. At the same time, legal support for various forms of deregulation (self-regulation, co-regulation, quasi-regulation, etc.) has been formed. The declared "regulatory guillotine", in isolation from the general directions of administrative reform, is unlikely to have a significant long-term effect. Results. The process of deconcentration of power (with deregulation being one of the aspects) in the Russian Federation cannot be considered complete. Deregulation is not the only form of deconcentration and reduction of the administrative burden on businesses.

The growing demand of the Ukrainian society to “reboot” the state actualizes the rethinking of the sources and content of the theory of the social state for the scientific justification of the post-war recovery, transformation of the economy and the socio-humanitarian space of Ukraine. The article aims to reveal the genesis of the theoretical concept of the social state and its economic interpretation based on the assessment and generalization of the assets of socio-economic thought in this area. Chronological boundaries cover the period from the birth of the ideas of a socially oriented state (XV–XVI centuries) to forming a coherent theory in the second half of the XX century. The methods of hermeneutics, comparative analysis and structural-logical synthesis are used. The results. The idea of a socially oriented state was born in the late Middle Ages. The supreme power’s social justice and economic efficiency were determined by the ability to ensure the public good. John Locke substantiated the concept of private property as a necessary prerequisite for civil society and the contractual interpretation of the powers of the state. The idea of building a state that regulates public life was established in the 18th century. F. Prokopovich defined the principle of public good as the basis for creating a “regular state”. The ruler’s power should be limited by law and aimed at ensuring the people’s education, security and welfare. Lorenz von Stein combined legal regulation and social orientation through the term “social state”. Representatives of the social direction in economic theory specified the regulation mechanisms of social and economic relations. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries a view of the state as a corporate union was formed. In the 20th century, the theory of the minimal state gained popularity as the opposite of statism. At the same time, implementing the concepts of the social state and the social market economy based on neoliberalism became the basis of the booming post-war reconstruction of Germany, the revival of Western Europe and the development of European economic integration. Conclusions. The synthesized concept of the social state results from a long process of development of scientific thought regarding interpreting the unity of the state, law and economy. The rule of law is the institutional basis and a prerequisite for building a social state. The economic basis of the welfare state is a socially oriented market economy. This direction is attractive for Ukraine when choosing a vector and defining the main features of the future institutional model of the economy.

Although the legitimacy of an economic system is often dependent on citizen support, psychological research has paid little attention to attitudes toward economic systems. In the present study, we examined the link between two system-justifying ideologies, namely, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO), and attitudes toward the social market economy in Germany. Drawing on system justification theory, we hypothesized that RWA would be positively and SDO negatively associated with support for the social market economy because the social component of the German economic system conflicts with beliefs inherent in SDO favoring a group-based hierarchy. Based on a quota sample of German adults (N = 886), we found support for the predicted associations of both system-justifying ideologies with economic system support, except that RWA was negatively associated with support for the welfare component of the social market economy. However, the positive relationship of RWA with support for the social market economy only emerged after SDO was statistically controlled, suggesting a suppressor situation. These findings demonstrate that system-justifying ideologies bear different relations to pro-market attitudes depending on the type of economic regime. Implications for system justification theory are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The research problem addressed in this study concerns the activities of social enterprises (SEs) within the framework of the social market economy (SME) in Poland during the crises triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine. Research objectives: The article aims to verify the hypothesis that SEs situated within the SME can mitigate the negative effects of crises by undertaking additional actions for recipients during the pandemic and Ukrainian refugees. Research design and methods: An interdisciplinary research model helped examine the stated problem. It synthesizes both the concepts of SME and SE. Moreover, part of the research was a nationwide quantitative study using the CAWI method supported by the CATI method and Dilman's prompting method (mixed mode). Results: During the pandemic in Poland, 56% of SEs took additional actions for recipients, even though the situation worsened for 41% of them. During the war in Ukraine, 68% of SEs took action for refugees, while the situation worsened for 29% of SEs. Conclusions: Social enterprises experiencing the consequences of crises are also able to minimize their effects. Simultaneously, to an equal extent, they support environmental issues and sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Políticas is the property of Revista Faculdad de Derecho y Ciencias Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study argues that the Union maintains a double standard on working conditions in relation to the criteria established at international level, which allows to tolerate situations of labour exploitation as 'unserious', 'proportionated' or 'normal' phenomena. By analysing the gaps in the protection of the right to fair and just working conditions, the idea that an upward convergence of workers' rights would be supported (and required) by the general duty to protect human dignity and to ensure fair competition in the Single Market is advanced. The relationship between these fundamental principles in the implementation of the right to fair and just working conditions is examined through the notion of 'social market economy'. The aim is to illustrate what kind of measures could (or should) be taken to integrate the protection of human rights and market efficiency, and whether in practice there seems to be an articulation between these fundamental principles or, on the contrary, an insurmountable contradiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ORDO: Jahrbuch für die Ordnung von Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ORDO: Jahrbuch für die Ordnung von Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (13159518) is the property of Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad del Zulia Venezuela and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following a summary of the changes in the Hungarian political and labour law systems, this study reviews the changes in the regulation of the important collective labour law provisions codified in connection with the new social system. This paper shows how the joint presence of the trade union and the works council at the employer level causes functional confusion and problems of conflict of interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study argues that the Minimum Wages Directive reveals a shift in the Union's political-economic approach to the social competition in the Single Market, which introduces a creeping extension of the Treaty's scope and a potential enlargement of the Union's competences on social matters. While representing a timid starting point for the right to a minimum wage protection, it recognises that the dumping wages phenomena are partly triggered by an (unresolved) structural legal vacuum. By analysing the instrumental function of the fair remuneration towards human dignity, the idea of the right to fair and just working conditions as an open scoped right is advanced; the thesis of a general Union competence on working conditions is finally proposed. The aim is to illustrate what limits and perspectives the European upward social convergence is currently facing, and to what extent the Union is not necessarily a mere reflection of market completion interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Políticas is the property of Revista Faculdad de Derecho y Ciencias Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article was to present the possibilities offered by the ordoliberal theory that predispose it to determine a socio-economic order which makes it possible to tackle the dysfunctions and crises that afflict today's economy and all human civilisation, especially in the ecological dimension. The analysis is based on critical study of the professional literature on the subject in question, which includes both publications on ordoliberal thought and texts which identify the threats present in the modern world. The ordoliberal theory of economic governance shows the potential for its development to include environmental issues, as well as its application as an intellectual basis for socio-economic policies capable of helping to solve contemporary problems. This article represents one of the first attempts to complement the ordoliberal theory of economic order and the concept of the Social Market Economy with ecological aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) is the property of International Institute of Innovation Science-Education-Development in Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper asks whether Walter Eucken, the founder of German ordoliberalism, should be considered to be a proponent of authoritarian liberalism. That term originally refers to a proposal for economic liberalization advanced by Carl Schmitt in 1932. Authoritarian liberalism also could be taken to mean that Eucken favors the rule of law and economic freedoms, but rejects democratic decision making. Both possible meanings are considered. We show that Eucken is not a representative of authoritarian liberalism in either sense of the term. While Eucken and Schmitt offer similar descriptions of the entanglement of state and economy in Weimar Germany, their proposed solutions are rather different. With regard to the second meaning, we argue that Eucken's critique of democracy refers to two universally recognized problems of democratic decision making, namely interest group influence and the tyranny of the majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's integration history is closely linked to economic challenges, particularly hardship. Over the course of more than 70 years, the economy has played a central role in both the narratives of the integration project (as a source of legitimisation) and its various episodes, from the Schuman Declaration to the Green Deal Industrial Plan. This article evaluates the importance of the internal market's promise of 'prosperity' and describes some of the main responses to economic hardship, both failures and successes. Based on these, it concludes with a list of internal and external factors that always seem to be part of the way that further European integration offers answers in times of economic hardship. Given the crucial need to protect the internal market, the role of the EU is to look for (and beyond) what is necessary to supplement and to empower (but not to replace) the role of the member states. If opposing views are channelled towards a synthesis that strengthens the common good and integrates the interests of all stakeholders, economic hardship could ultimately strengthen the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social market economy emphasizes that while protecting competition and maximizing market mechanisms, the government should intervene appropriately to ensure social justice. The establishment of German long - term care services reflects the state’s emphasis on social justice. Since the system not only includes redistribution in the form of insurance benefits but also involves the provision of social services, market participation inevitably needs to be considered. The balance between social justice and market efficiency has been reflected in establishing the Pflege - Versicherungsgesetz. With the changes in society, the system continues to evolve, bringing a gradual skew in the balance between social justice and market efficiency. The rising proportion of personal burden coupled with the increasing trends toward marketization of professional care institutions have increased social inequality. Therefore, market efficiency has been placed in a more crucial position in the long-term care system, thereby weakening social justice to a certain extent. China should further improve institutional construction, financial sustainability, and service supply to balance social equity and market efficiency better. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The social market economy is a conceptual category transposed to the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, within which it is defined as a principle. It constitutes an appropriate foundation for the construction and functioning of the system of public economic law. It is a starting point for actions of the state and its bodies and defines the range of influence on the economy, as well as directs state activity in the economy. The premises for the participation and influence of the state on the economy which, according to the assumptions, should be both market-oriented and responsive to social needs, result from the principle of a social market economy. The objective so outlined should be pursued through the rules of public economic law and the legal constructions and institutions introduced in this normative area. They must remain, in terms of their content and nature, in close connection with the essence of the principle in question and its constituent elements.

Copyright of Economic & Political Thought / Myśl Ekonomiczna & Polityczna is the property of Lazarski University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The social market economy is a conceptual category transposed to the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, within which it is defined as a principle. It constitutes an appropriate foundation for the construction and functioning of the system of public economic law. It is a starting point for actions of the state and its bodies and defines the range of influence on the economy, as well as directs state activity in the economy. The premises for the participation and influence of the state on the economy which, according to the assumptions, should be both market-oriented and responsive to social needs, result from the principle of a social market economy. The objective so outlined should be pursued through the rules of public economic law and the legal constructions and institutions introduced in this normative area. They must remain, in terms of their content and nature, in close connection with the essence of the principle in question and its constituent elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes economic policy debates and parties' policy positions during the 2021 Bundestag election campaign, with an emphasis on shifting conceptions of the economic role of the state. Focusing on fiscal and labor market policy, it argues that the election campaign and the commitments of the new Ampel coalition reflect increasing support for more robust state involvement in the economy. It argues further that these shifts in elite discourse demonstrate a continuing rethinking of Germany's economic model and the need to rebalance the relationship between public authority and the decentralized model of social organization and policy responsibility central to German liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education & Law Review / Revista de Educación y Derecho is the property of Revista de Educacion y Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Walter Eucken (1891–1950), the founder of German ordoliberalism, is best known for his work on economic policy. According to the orthodox view, giving policy advice involves not only technical expertise but also judgments of value. Against this background, the present article investigates Eucken's stance on the principle of value freedom, that is, the claim that positive and normative statements should be kept separate. While Eucken defended the notion of scientific objectivity in his earlier writings, he later distanced himself from the principle of value freedom as formulated by Max Weber. This article maintains that a closer reading of Eucken and Weber reveals the similarity of their positions. Thus, Eucken should be seen as a proponent of the principle of value freedom. At the same time, his treatment of the subject suggests that his (implicit) model of policymaking is incomplete because it does not specify the ultimate source of value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first post-war years, the policy of the Western occupying powers towards Germany was aimed at preventing the economic revival of their former formidable competitor. As a result of these efforts, West Germany rebuilt its economy to the pre-war level later than Great Britain or France. The undoubted shift in the economic development of West Germany began in mid-1948. The impetus for the rapid growth of industrial production was the monetary reform carried out by the Western occupying powers, as well as the inflow of funds under the Marshall Plan. The monetary reform carried out in June 1948 favoured the strengthening of the financial market and was an incentive to invest. The influx of capital under the Marshall Plan had a similar impact on the West Germany’s economy during this period. The western zones of Germany played a special role in this plan. The United States, striving to strengthen its position in these zones as much as possible and use them as a strategic base (aimed, inter alia, against the communist bloc), provided West Germany with a sum of loans and subsidies significantly exceeding the amount of aid provided to other Western European countries. An extremely serious burden for the Western occupation zones was the influx of refugees from neighbouring areas (a total of about 10 million people) and the need to maintain the occupation troops, which directly led to a huge deficit in food resources. Agricultural production fell and ranged only from 66% to 75% of the pre-war production level.

Copyright of Revista Inciso is the property of Universidad La Gran Colombia, Seccional Armenia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of HAK İŞ International Journal of Labor & Society is the property of HAK-IS International Joumal of Labour & Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores how 'social market economy' became a quasi‐constitutional principle of the EU, highlighting the crucial role played in this process by the European Parliament. Based on multiple archival sources, we show that social market economy came to function as a limited repertoire: While it was advocated for various reasons by different actors, increasingly including social‐democrats, it nevertheless also solidified certain ways of conceiving the EU and its economic model. So doing, this article not only illuminates the role of the EP in the definition of a constitutionalized economic model for the EU; it also challenges the view of Europeanization as the progressive convergence around national preexisting models. Finally, two paradoxes emerge from the analysis: while supporters of the discourse of social market economy aimed at promoting the European social dimension and at addressing the EU democratic deficit, the adoption of this principle may have actually contributed to the subordination of both the 'social' and the 'political' to the 'economic'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]