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Care is a practice and form of labour making human survival and flourishing possible. This Symposium explores the place and work of care within housing movements, asking how care operates as a politics, an ethics, and a set of practices through which tenants survive—and ultimately seek to transform—the structural violence of capitalist housing systems. Situated in US cities with abiding associations with Blackness and indigeneity, papers in the Symposium examine housing movements that take care as the starting point. As we discuss in this introduction to the Symposium, in such movements, care operates as connective tissue across households and modes of difference; challenges relations of racial capitalism and settler colonialism that underlie dominant understandings of who deserves and can demand care; and drives calls for public care and experiments with non-propertised forms of ownership. Housing systems are care infrastructures, making housing movements a vital place for care work.

Despite its centrality as a locus of both occupation and resistance in Kashmir, the inquiry into time has received scant academic attention. This essay undertakes two lines of inquiry. First, it attempts to foreground the temporal extraction integral to the Indian state's matrix of control, arguing that its military occupation and settler-colonial project in Kashmir operates not only through the logics of spatial control but also through a control over time. The state has not only tried to erase people out of their own futures but also weaponized the idea of future itself—as a site of a permanent and multimodal extraction. Second, Kashmir's liberation praxis is anchored on a rejection of an occupational and settler-colonial temporal order and, through two ethnographic fragments, this essay explores enactments of alternate temporal imaginaries and consciousness and foregrounds multiple registers of "in-betweenness" within this imaginary. The essay redirects attention from future as an event or a discrete unit of time, and from its not-yetness, toward the intimate and everyday articulations and enactments of future—a complex ongoing process of becoming and unbecoming unfolding in the everyday. Thus the essay calls for reimagining "ruptures"—instead of "futures"—as a locus of liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue inaugurates a scholarly and creative conversation that seeks to detach the future of Kashmir from the narrative, aesthetic, and political frames of powerful nation-states that have sought to keep Kashmiris confined to a long and seemingly enduring colonial present. It seeks, moreover, to inspire radical imaginations of possible futures in danger of foreclosure by occupying states, and asks us to think about occupation as a temporal as well as spatial regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The wartime imprisonment of Nikkei on Indigenous lands has been recognized as having produced a double displacement under the auspices of American settler colonialism. Less clearly understood are the forms of postwar political awareness that this displacement provoked in Nikkei inmates, especially those who were children or teenagers at the time. One determining factor in our lack of understanding is the fact that mass incarceration, like the mistreatment of Indigenous peoples before, alongside, and after it, obliviated much of the historical record. However, while the fragmentation of memory, both individual and shared, has been a hallmark of Nikkei experience in the US, it also has been a spur to political action, even alliance. This article addresses efforts at unearthing the memory of imprisonment on Indigenous lands. Its aim is to begin accounting for the longer-term impacts of contact between groups that imprisonment generated. That contact matters, not only because it defies the white settler-colonialist narrative of the time, but also because it has begun to generate important, if nascent and complex, intergroup alliances.

Coyotes (Canis latrans) exist throughout North America and increasingly thrive in dense urban spaces; they also cause controversies when they eat small pets or seem to pose a threat. Based on fieldwork in Los Angeles, and an archive of over 400 conversations collected from the online application Nextdoor (2015–2019), we theorize the emergence of what we call the cloud coyote. Cloud coyotes are not representations but lively actors in coyote politics animated by discussion, debate, and a settler logic of property relations in places like Los Angeles. They do this by performing a threat and justifying a response that includes various attempts at extermination, containment, and assimilation, all of which—even supposedly humane alternatives—further sediment forms of settler colonialism in urban Los Angeles. We diagnose this process, show how it works, and argue that anticolonial practices—in both Los Angeles and its cloudy territories like Nextdoor—are needed to escape from perpetuating its violence.

AbstractAmerican Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) communities continue to experience health disparities and poor health outcomes, which are influenced by social determinants of health. The theory of settler colonialism provides a framework for understanding the structures that affect social determinants of health and the resulting health disparities. Western biomedicine and medical education have been implicated in perpetuating settler colonialism, and as a result Indigenous medical educators and leaders have called for increased education and understanding of the structural and social determinants of health affecting Indigenous populations. One important method is through community-based approaches to curriculum design. In collaboration with community leaders and experts, we identified the need for a curriculum on health in the context of settler colonialism, with a focus on resilience and community-directed efforts to improve wellness and care. Alongside Indigenous leaders and educators, we developed a unique curriculum focused on settler colonialism, the social determinants of health, and the assets inherent to the Native Nation where we work. Developed for non-Native learners and clinicians, the curriculum is designed to help provide context for the historical and political etiologies of health inequities experienced by the local community. Local educators helped shape a video lecture series associated with readings and experiential learning activities in 10 domains, providing an overview of settler colonialism and how it affects the social determinants of health. Our model of education draws upon the strengths and assets of communities and can improve health outcomes as well as learners’ understandings of AI/AN-specific needs. We expect that our collaborative approach results in improved relationships among the Non-Native learners and providers and community members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November and December of 2021, the Fraser Valley in southwest British Columbia suffered extreme flooding due to an atmospheric river. Although the event was attributed to climate change, I suggest that the recent floods must be understood through the historical geography of flood control infrastructure in the valley, particularly dikes. In this article, I trace the development of these infrastructures from the beginning of colonisation to the completion of the first state‐managed diking system in the early 20th century. I argue that at the same time as dikes secured land for settler farmers, they exposed Indigenous peoples to new hazards—ironically including floods—and multiplied the damage of future flood events. Building on geographic literature demonstrating the participation of dike infrastructure in racialised capital accumulation and settler colonialism, I highlight the way that dikes have abetted these projects through the uneven spatial production of vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores two well-known case studies involving the removal of Indigenous war captives from their places of origin to fortifications or to Mediterranean galley ships to do forced labor. I draw on known scholarship on Indigenous war captives in New England and New France during the seventeenth century to consider the local conditions in Europe and North America that created the possibility for the dispersal of captives. Europeans moved Indigenous captives for various reasons and responded to the actions and demands of Indigenous polities, particularly during times of warfare or raiding. Rather than placing Indigenous history into European power frameworks, I focus on how mobility-oriented punishments are simultaneously connected to events in interior continental Indigenous and the European mainland. By doing so, I offer a critique of the settler colonial paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the temporal tactics of continually renewed coloniality—where some impasses are made to appear insurmountable while others demand swift solutions—in relation to housing and mining at Borroloola in Australia's Northern Territory. Distinct policy and regulatory regimes encourage analyses that set housing and mining apart. Yet together they signal the settler state's simultaneous remedial and extractive orientations to remote Aboriginal communities. Mining leeches into housing, and housing is a promise extracted from late liberal recognition, for community members forced to wait for promised amenities while fighting for long‐term environmental protections. The analysis demonstrates the central significance of temporal control to settler colonialism: by selectively deferring action; by producing the appearance of actions that are not actually taken; and by intervening to expedite processes that serve the interests of extractive capital. We argue that the confection of intermittent urgency to intervene is a key feature of the deferrals enacted by Australian settler governance, as it rations remedial solutions and displaces harms into mortgaged futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis essay, a collaboration between a Euro-Canadian academic and an Indigenous (Blackfoot) educator, opens a window into the cultural persistence of the Blackfoot people through a photograph of leisure practices from 1944. This image, found in the Alberta provincial archives, shows a social dance held on the Blackfoot Reserve (now the Siksika Nation) during an era when Canada’s Department of Indian Affairs and their Christian missionary affiliates attempted to eradicate the cultural traditions of Indigenous peoples. In the prairies, they focused on eliminating the Sundance and related physical cultural practices. At first glance, this photograph might seem to be an unusual way to understand Blackfoot cultural resilience as it shows a social (recreational) dance, not a sacred occasion. Yet this image offers an entry point to examine not only how the Blackfoot resisted cultural repression, but also sheds light on the depth of Blackfoot history and the expansiveness of Blackfoot epistemologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In their claim to distance from reality, maps seek power from representation. Maps are constituted by a particular set of practices that are enmeshed within wider social relations. Maps, then, are a powerful vantage point for understanding the geometries of power. Under settler colonialism, geography is constantly reshaped and reconfigured by expansionist and eliminatory logics. Such is the case in Palestine, where Israeli settler colonialism has fragmented the map of historic Palestine into messily separated archipelagos. As Palestinian geographies are constantly being reconfigured under Israeli settler colonialism, can maps catch up? How do we locate Palestine on the map? I take up these questions by focusing on the 1948 and 1967 Palestinian territories as two spatio‐temporally differentiated locations of settler colonial spatial reconfiguration. Using a counter‐map designed by Palestinian artist Haya Zaatry, I highlight the importance of counter‐mapping in bringing into sharp relief the conjunctural layering of dispossession in Palestine. If dominant colonial maps are about the neat packaging of lived realities into dominant spatio‐temporal demarcations, counter‐maps are about highlighting the ghostly stories and embodied spatial practices and processes of living within and beyond such demarcations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study offers a new perspective on settler colonial theory through the case of Serbia/Kosovo. It develops two hypotheses: (1) settler colonial projects in neighboring territories differ markedly from those overseas, necessitating a revised conceptualization called here ‘contiguous settler colonialism,’ and (2) these projects may prompt settlers to remain amid decolonization despite adverse conditions. The empirical analysis identifies three key factors leading to this outcome: the 'Serbianization' of the physical environment, the (im)mobility arrangements of Kosovo Serbs, and Serbia's coercive cooptation system, resulting in a 'settler colonial make-believe space' between the former colonial state and the emerging decolonizing polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In April 2020, the British Columbia Utilities Commission released the Final Report of its Indigenous Utilities Regulation Inquiry. The Inquiry was tasked with determining the regulatory environment for Indigenous utility providers across the Canadian province. We analyse the Inquiry as a colonial encounter between Indigenous nations and the settler state, arguing that technical bodies like the Commission represent a sort of security professional working to depoliticize the reproduction of settler sovereignty, highlighting the operations of non-traditional security professionals in settler colonial contexts. Through the Inquiry, security comes through providing certainty for existing energy infrastructure and institutions as 'colonial beachheads', legitimizing the settler colonial political-economic order. However, the Inquiry also demonstrates that such processes offer opportunities for Indigenous nations to contest that order. Indeed, Indigenous nations used the Inquiry to both contest the legitimization of settler sovereignty and accumulation, and press for the capacity to build their own infrastructure and institutions, thereby enacting their decision-making authority. We explore this tension in the context of the contemporary reconciliation discourse, finding the Inquiry's final recommendations represent an attempt to reify settler sovereignty, while also deepening settler insecurity through the possibilities opened for greater Indigenous self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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How fires burn across British Columbia (BC), Canada is shaped by settler coloniality, timber capitalism, state forestry regimes, criminalization of burning, and Indigenous resistance. Despite the urgency of confronting the fire suppression paradox embedded in settler colonial fire management laws and practices, approaches to studying fire in Canada that foreground Indigenous law and de-center settler colonial governance is scarce. As political ecologists and geographers working and living in the context of unceded and ancestral lək̓ʷəŋən, W̱SÁNEĆ, xʷməθkʷəy̓əm, Sḵwx̱wú7mesh, səlilwətaɬ, and syilx territories, we engage with Indigenous feminist scholarship to expose how coloniality and gender intersect in attempts to erase Indigenous sovereignty to structure and naturalize provincial fire policy and its emplaced impacts on Indigenous legal orders. Our analysis contextualizes settler-colonial provincial fire management policy in the purview of Indigenous legal orders to foreground how racial-colonial and gendered politics are obscured when colonial fire and wildfire practices are naturalized. Revisiting key moments in the political development of fire suppression across so-called BC, we contend that the suppression paradox is embedded in and reproduces a colonial logic that widens existing social and economic gaps. These gaps are uniquely gendered, as settler coloniality operates upon patriarchal lines that have actively attempted to erase Indigenous women and Two-Spirit peoples, including the laws and legal authorities that they possess and practice. Considering the 1910 Fulton Commission, we highlight an example of how women and Indigenous people were excluded from the political decision-making structures that shaped colonial fire management practices in BC. These gendered and racialized exclusions bear directly on the exclusion of Indigenous women and gender-diverse folx, and Indigenous legal orders guided by matriarchal lines of fire knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the archaeology of one of the more recently excavated 'convict hut' sites, the structures associated with early convict occupation (c.1788–1818) of the colonised agricultural landscape of what is now Parramatta in New South Wales. The paper primarily examines what substantive conclusions can be drawn from what could be considered repetitious archaeological sites: one hut in a long line of huts. The work focuses on the temporal and spatial constraints of evidence from the Club Parramatta site, building on the legacy of excavations that have occurred over the last 40 years. The results are framed through a conceptual lens of assemblages of practice and make use of comparative artefact analysis of three huts. We argue that New Materialism is particularly helpful for avoiding dualistic interpretations, such as convict/free, and instead allows for more nuanced and active understandings of people in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an introduction to a forum on the topic of decolonizing Palestine. It discusses the call for unity among Palestinians in response to ongoing expulsions and bombings, and the emergence of new visions of liberation. The forum brings together diverse perspectives on the political and military strategies of Hamas, exploring the limits and possibilities of liberation in the context of settler colonialism. The contributors engage with the book "Decolonizing Palestine: Hamas between the anti-colonial and the postcolonial" by Somdeep Sen, examining the complexities of Palestinian sovereignty and governance. The forum highlights the need to think beyond linear notions of postcolonial, settler colonial, or decolonial time, and considers multiple visions and practices of decolonization. [Extracted from the article]

Since 2008, cryptocurrencies, or digital peer-to-peer currencies/assets, have amassed interest and proven unique in their ability to circumvent traditional financial institutions (disintermediation). The system can supersede the nation-state, while also garnering the attention of nation-states and marginalized groups. Indigenous individuals and Nations are among those interested in cryptocurrency, experimenting with it to express resistance to economic imposition beginning in the colonial era. Utilizing an Indigenous storytelling method, this article unveils the technological life and afterlife of an altcoin, MazaCoin, as a ghost of empire, insofar as it links the technological present of financial capital and the past (and ongoing present) of US settler colonialism. Throughout its various complicated reanimations, it expresses a relentless remembering of settler colonial injustices, performing productive haunting work within the twenty-first century cryptocurrency ecosystem. This article offers a reminder that there is much to learn about Indigenous alternative currencies in the cultural economy as the strings of racism, settler colonialism, poverty, financialization, and empire continue to tangle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on fieldwork in the West Bank (2007–2017) to understand how dispossession and ruination are not only spatialized, but engaged and remade. It examines experiences of a settler frontier in Faqu'a, a Palestinian village. People there have a visual vantage point onto the majority of the village lands, which have been expropriated by Israel. Following a demolition by Israel, Faqu'ans have transformed this frontier site from a place for home-building, first into a garbage dump and then, most recently, into a garden. Faqu'ans' shifting engagements with this site reveal that edgeness, which seems to characterize this location, is not a naturally occurring status. Edges are made. Faqu'ans periodically adjust their proximity to Faqu'a's eastern edge. By examining different people's engagements with one site over a long duration, what the article calls "absenting" comes into view as a primary means by which people adjust proximity to an edge. Proximity can be temporal, spatial, and affective. Absenting is a particularly useful technique under conditions of extreme duress, such as those arising out of life on a frontier that seeks one's disappearance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets the development of urban cultural scenes in Palestine within a global frame of uneven development. It draws on field work in Haifa (in the 1948 Palestinian territories) and Ramallah (in central West Bank) to argue that the shift toward neoliberalism in 1985 and its sedimentation through the Oslo Accords in 1993 amount to a “transformed settler colonialism,” one more intimately tied to flows of global capital. I use articulation as evoked by Stuart Hall and Gillian Hart to critically assess how historically embedded cultural practices conjoin and splinter around the political economic shifts toward neoliberalism in the post-Oslo conjuncture. The article foregrounds the urban cultural scenes as vantage points into a “relational comparison” that crosses the “Green Line” and remains attuned to the specific dynamics of urban spatial and cultural production in relation to settler colonialism and global capitalism. I situate the artists’ responses as practices of articulation that elaborate conjunctural possibilities within the confines of capitalist and colonial structural limits. The article argues that despite their critique of the key processes of neoliberalization and colonialism, Palestinian artists remain subsumed by the processes’ structuring logics. Thus, the article makes three contributions: (1) a centering of articulation and relational comparison as a method of understanding the constitutive relationship between colonial and global capitalist modes of accumulation; (2) an analysis of settler colonialism as a historically differentiated structure that changes and transforms in a given spatiohistorical conjuncture; and (3) a foregrounding of the role of Palestinian artists through a focus on conjunctural possibilities and practices of articulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

First Nations boys and men are heavily freighted with colonial stereotypes that give them to be antisocial, drug-addicted, violent, and harmful to their own communities. While men are consistently represented as neglectful or abusive fathers, Aboriginal boys are depicted as potential criminals whose childhood is blighted, and who lack guidance from suitable father figures or male role models. This article addresses three depictions of father-son relationships which engage different strategies for addressing negative stereotypes of Indigenous boys. Aaron Petersen and Alec Doomadgee’s Zach Ceremony (2016) is analysed in terms of its internalisation of settler-colonial problematisations of Indigenous masculinities and over-investment in the male role-model discourse that frames settler disparagement of Aboriginal communities. I then turn to In My Blood It Runs (2019) and Robbie Hood (2019) as examples of representations that articulate more complex and ambivalent navigations of colonial stereotypes and appropriations of ‘Indigenous masculinities’, and that largely avoid and critique settler discourse on Aboriginal boyhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay zooms in on the story of the Palestinian body condemned to suffer unspeakable injustices so that a system based on inequity keeps working for the few. It relies on poetic texts written or performed by those whose bodies are controlled by the interrelated forces of settler colonialism, authoritarianism, and imperialism. The storms these forces unleash and the prices they exact in terms of human life cement the condition of the body whose life bears witness to the fall of justice. The essay argues that these poets practice what we would like to call "seizing life from the teeth of death" wherein their determination to fight oppression exceeds national and regional boundaries to embrace and learn from the indigenous nations in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay stages an encounter between Michel Foucault and Franz Rosenzweig by juxtaposing their parallel observations on the continuity between history and war. While Foucault analyzes the strategies organizing seventeenth-century historical writing about the Norman conquest of England and the Frankish invasion of Gaul, Rosenzweig opposes the warlike progress of Christian history to the eternal peace of Jewish time. Through this comparison, the essay reevaluates the terms governing well-known debates about Jewish history and Jewish memory. It asks what role the concept of "war" has played in the emergence of modern Jewish historicism and the so-called Jewish return to history. The essay concludes by submitting the Israelite conquest of Canaan as a supplement to Foucault's examples and as a critical index of the bellicose grammar underwriting the representation of Jewish history as a field of struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between Canadian sovereignty and the removal of Indigenous children into non-native foster and adoptive homes. In it, I analyze how colonial child protection regimes following Residential Schools—from the Sixties Scoop (1951–1991) to the present Millennium Scoop—continue Canada's war against Indigenous lives and nations. From Sixties Scoop survivor narratives, ethnographic and archival data, and Indigenous and Black feminist theory, I highlight the gendered character of colonial sovereignty and capitalism. This paper argues that daily practices of refusal and care as an elaboration of Indigenous political orders unmake the grounds of colonial polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses ideas of causation and responsibility for long-term, structural harm perpetuated through settler colonial institutions. Examining the case of a human rights complaint over discrimination of First Nation children in Canada's child welfare system, the article looks at challenges of accommodating such complex harms in the framework of legal liability emphasizing immediate causation and impact. In 2016, the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal ruled that the federal government's funding policy of child welfare services on First Nation reserves leads to disproportionate removals of children from their homes, and in 2019 it ordered the government to financially compensate children and caregivers impacted. According to the government's defense no direct connection could be proved between the funding policy and the removals, and harm resulting from the removals could only be assessed individually. The article traces how the decisions challenge these arguments by extending the scope of the harm at stake from individual removals to historical and ongoing formation of circumstances that make them happen. Setting the case in the historical context of intergenerational harm caused to First Nation kin and community relations by colonial policies, I suggest, the decisions challenge discourses that locate responsibility for such harms in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the mountain man as a historical icon that illuminates how settler memory reverberates in the Rocky Mountain West and helps construct regional expressions of conservative political identity. Kevin Bruyneel's analytic of settler memory describes a habitualized process of selective remembrance, 'forgetting,' and disavowal of settler-Indigenous relationships, where today's settlers benefit from legacies of dispossession, violence, and genocidal policies. Using Carbon County, Wyoming, as a case study, I analyze mountain man symbolism in two contemporary contexts: regional tourism marketing and mountain man rendezvous (MMR) reenactment gatherings. Both contexts elevate the mountain man as a symbol of resilience and noble identity. Just as the construct of whiteness has provided a psychological wage against socioeconomic deficits for many Americans, I argue, settler memory of the mountain man compensates for much that settlers experience but won't name, such as the role the U.S. state in removing Indigenous communities; the hardship of economic precarity in regions marked by boom-and-bust cycles and dependent on tourism; and the reality that government provides the greatest share of employment in the region. Adding mountain man symbolism to our understanding of settler memory expands scholars' understanding of settler colonialism's intertwinement with contemporary place-making and political identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines mainstream media coverage of the Iroquois Nationals' withdrawal from the 2010 men's World Lacrosse Championship as a result of failing to meet the requirements of US and UK immigration authorities. While the team's refusal to use either US or Canadian passports in international travels raised important questions about Indigenous sovereignty in settler states, mainstream media largely framed the incident as an issue readily resolvable by short-term bureaucratic and technical solutions. The findings shed some light on the limitations of this coverage but also highlight the value of sport as a site where the underlying tensions within settler colonial states manifest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship from the nascent subfield of Indigenous politics illuminates an enduring tension between Indigenous politics and political science. Settler colonialism continues to configure the contemporary politics of the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia in profound ways that political science has been slow to grapple with. In a related concern, political science has little ability to engage in Indigenous knowledge production. This article reviews the structural exclusion of Indigenous knowledge despite increased inclusion of Indigenous scholarship and argues that Indigenous understandings of settler colonialism, sovereignty, and authority hold the potential to reconfigure political science's approach to Indigenous politics in research and teaching. This reconfiguration will not only impact the development of the Indigenous politics subfield but also expand the analytic potential of political science more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how Han Taiwanese myths and urban legends have been associated with the environment and native fauna in the best-selling popular non-fiction publication Monstrous Taiwan and the hit horror film The Tag-Along. This article also looks at how these works can be considered within the framework of settler colonial studies in East Asia. Both works are interested in intervening in popular culture and genre cinema while reframing the horror or supernatural genre as particularly Taiwanese, drawing on urban legends and traditional folk tales. However, the creators of these works persistently characterise Han Taiwanese legends as interchangeable with the native fauna of Taiwan. This move positions Han Taiwanese as inheritors of the natural environment of Taiwan while minimising or, in some cases, tokenising the presence of indigenous Taiwanese people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historiography of Norwegian migration to North America in the 19th and early 20th centuries had, until recently, largely ignored its impact on indigenous people. Taking as a point of departure the presentations of migration to America in Norwegian lower and upper secondary school textbooks in social studies and history, this article demonstrates that the displacement of Native Americans is mostly absent in these presentations, and almost none of the textbooks discuss it in terms of settler colonialism. Such a narrative sustains the perception of North America as a sparsely inhabited continent with enough space for everyone and ultimately justifies Europeans’ right to claim possession of the land. Given that the consequences of settler colonialism continue to persist to the present day, I argue that ignoring the fact that Norwegian migrants were also settlers reproduces historical power relations and oppressive epistemologies. Aligned with the view that history education based on a single master narrative hinders critical thinking, this article contends that there is a need to decolonize the teaching of Norwegian migration to America by incorporating the perspective of Native Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did we get here? What is the history of the land UCSD sits on? A look into UC San Diego’s land tenure and history, this work seeks to answer these questions. Tracing back the university’s land history reveals a prominent Kumeyaay village by the name of Ystagua alongside three military bases, two of which make up the land the university is now on. Further revealed are the various ways that the university erases its Indigenous past through the romanticization of San Diego’s Spanish past and the celebration of UCSD’s military history, as seen through the official university history book An Improbable Venture and the original site considerations. This thesis analyzes the processes through which Kumeyaay land is marked for national sacrifice, leaving a legacy of military and navy usage that continues until now–a celebration of militarism which attempts to erase UCSD’s Kumeyaay past.

In this article, I propose uncanniness as a defining characteristic of return as I explore the settler colonial context of Palestine/Israel, where return has starkly ethno-nationalistic connotations. For Palestinians, return is associated with the liberation of Palestine, while for Israelis, it is part of Zionist foundational narratives. By explicating academic research and biographical literature, I consider how the concept of uncanny can further our understanding of what it means to return in this context, and beyond. Uncanniness brings attention to feelings of disorientation, strangeness, and not-at-homeness, and by approaching return as uncanny, I suggest, it is possible to tap into the volatility of "being-at-home" and thus unsettle exclusive and essentialist notions of belonging that define settler colonialism. Consequently, the article offers a way to consider return in a manner that gets from nostalgia to a new beginning and, in the settler colonial context of Palestine/Israel, from settler anxiety to decolonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unique among marginalized groups, American Indians are both citizens of the United States and citizens of sovereign tribal nations, as recognized (but not granted) by federal Indian law. However, even as tribal nations exert increasing economic and political power, criminal legal outcomes for tribal members—who interface with an array of tribal, local, state, and federal law enforcement and justice systems—remain detrimental or are worsened. These outcomes also include increased contact with state courts and the delegitimization of tribal courts, which uniquely implicate the civil justice context. We use the settler colonial framework to investigate how tools of state criminal law, such as heavy policing and disparate punishment, may impact the civil justice needs of Indigenous people, and more broadly, the very sovereignty these policies aim to protect. Drawing on interviews and observations in tribal and county-level courts, we examine the experiences of American Indians and other stakeholders in Indian country. We identify how enforcement practices, surveillance of space, and the complexities of layered policing within a "jurisdictional maze" contribute to the deterioration of tribal sovereignty. We contextualize our findings by considering the historical, cultural, and socio-economic factors that influence the experiences of American Indians in the criminal justice system, and by examining the civil justice implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Substantial and necessary research examining the violence perpetrated against Native women continues to flourish, while violence and masculinity studies focused on Native men draws little attention. Meanwhile the murder rate of Native men is three times higher than Native women, twice as high as white men, and occurs at the hands of police more often than any other U.S. racialized group per capita. Colonization divided ‘Christians’ (white) and ‘heathens’ (Native), with settler whites identifying Native men as wild and threatening. I suggest the construct of settler colonialism and the ‘toxic gendering’ of Native masculinity continues today and impacts Native men internally (psychologically) and externally (rationally), contributing to violence perpetrated against and by them. This paper is an interpretive analysis of “Scary Brown Man” and Reservation Blues as examined through the intersection of the toxic gendering bias intrinsic to settler colonialism. Alexie’s novel offers a depiction of ‘typical’ reservation life and the conflicting struggle to maintain a healthy Native identity, while Ross’s article brings real-life situations into the conversation, encouraging the entry of intersectional discourse around Native masculinity into the arena of gender/bias research as applied to settler colonial studies while questioning the role of identity politics within disciplines.

This article explores narratives of humanitarian compassion as rendered intelligible through the relational intersecting concerns about Syrian refugees and the suicide crisis in the Indigenous community of Attawapiskat, Ontario. Fuelled by a combination of anti-refugee rhetoric, racism and ongoing colonialism experienced by Indigenous people and communities, public and media discourse reveals how humanitarian governance is constitutive of the genealogy of settler colonialism. I suggest that examining the political genealogy of humanitarian governance in white settler colonialism assists in revealing the centrality of racial colonial violence in producing public and media discourse that is contingent upon the relational currencies of anti-refugee rhetoric, racism and humanitarian compassion. As expressions of a grammar of racial difference in liberal settler colonialism, these discourses ultimately reveal how racial colonial violence is constituted through the genealogy of humanitarianism.

AbstractThis paper reflects on the Housing Justice in Unjust Cities Project that unfolded in so-called brisbane in 2021, in response to concerns over how the framing of demands and solutions to the present housing crisis in so-called australia can reinvest in and further legitimise colonial-carceral-capitalist logics and structures. Using critical co-constructed autoethnography as methodology, the authors reflect on their own involvement in housing struggles as settlers on unceded Aboriginal land, the recent history of these struggles in so-called brisbane, and the lessons and reflections that instigated the Housing Justice in Unjust Cities Project, and which emerged from our experiences organising together. The project, comprising a series of radio interviews and broadcasts followed by a public forum, was an attempt to foreground what ongoing Aboriginal sovereignty means for struggles for housing justice, and to challenge the colonial logics and common sense that often permeates settler-led housing politics. Drawing on Indigenist research approaches and police and prison abolition discourse, we offer some partial reflections on building communities of struggle that refuse to accept a housing justice that begins and ends with a more equitable distribution of stolen land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an ethnographic account of ongoing border conflicts in south Lebanon between members of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and residents in a south Lebanese border village. It emphasizes the specific experiences of this border population with foreign intervention and land expropriations. It places UNIFIL's current intervention in a long history of Western imperialism in the region. It underlines how UNIFIL weakens the Lebanese state by taking over the sovereign functions a state typically performs. It examines current border contestations in a context of Israeli settler colonialism and its long-term role in shaping the livelihoods in south Lebanese border villages. It argues for the importance of understanding border conflicts and the work of international interventions in their specific local and historical contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from a 2013 Student Diversity Survey, this place-based analysis examines the cultural values, beliefs, and logics of postsecondary students from an Hispanic Land Grant Institution in southern New Mexico. The analysis explores the diverse social profiles of the students in the sample and how race, gender, and class statuses shape student's cultural logics related to educational democracy. Relying on the concepts of cultural citizenship and settler colonialism, the author imagines a post-assimilationist education trajectory that celebrates the cultural wealth of working-class, students of color, and women students as they diversify US higher education. The findings show that these postsecondary students embrace cultural logics centering on interdependence and collectivism and reject cultural logics centering on individualism and independence. The author makes a case for expanding neoliberal Diversity, Equity and Inclusion approaches in US higher education to grapple with the foundational violences of Indigenous land dispossession and ongoing settler colonialism that maintains systemic inequities and exclusions in US public education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the role of emotions and the conceptual use of peace to justify martial violence. Drawing upon empirical evidence collected at the Canadian War Museum, the article explores how representations of war history present militarized violence as both a threat to, and the solution for, global peace. Building on scholarship in IR and Peace Studies that theorizes the relationship between war and peace, this article puts forward a novel analytical concept – martial peace – to investigate this paradox. It theorizes that manoeuvring peace as a justification for military activities not only results in depoliticizing the contexts of conflicts and war, but also serves to euphemize the violence that occurs in the name of peace and within so-called peaceful societies. Using Canada as a case study, the article explores how martial peace obscures settler colonialism and generates affective militarism as key components of nationalist projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes two distinct periods in the migratory flow of the Japanese to Mexico under the framework of settler colonialism. A historical review revealed that some agriculture colonies were formed by the Japanese in the south of Mexico with the goal to settle those lands. This was possible thanks to inter-governmental agreements in the early 1900s. Recently, the migration flow of the Japanese to Mexico is due to corporate mobility, mainly in the Bajío region in Mexico where many Japanese automakers are located. The implications of both types of immigration in both regions are described as part of this research. This research contributes to the understanding of migration flows and mobility patterns of the Japanese in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the evolution of Palestine Studies from its nascent stages in the 1960s to its current status as a recognized and integral part of global academic discourse. It highlights the field's vital role in dissecting the multifaceted structures and functions of Israeli settler colonialism, and standing firm amidst well-funded and systematic counter-efforts to delegitimize it. The ensuing discussion foregrounds Palestinian scholarly achievements in advancing their narrative and countering marginalization, particularly within the academic institutions of the Global North. By examining the political dynamics shaping research methodologies in Palestine Studies, this article elucidates how the field has emerged as a legitimate academic discipline, offering new pathways in graduate education. In asserting that Palestine Studies is inherently linked to activism, aiming for transformative change, decolonization, and liberation, this article underlines the contribution of the field to challenging dominant colonial epistemologies and methodologies and reshaping power dynamics. Thus, Palestine Studies not only elucidates the realities faced by indigenous Palestinian populations but also vocalizes their struggles and aspirations, positioning itself as a critical lens to understand, and engage with, Palestinian scholarship and its broader anti-colonial implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]