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The Byzantine lead seals of the Barber Institute of Fine Arts number in total 146 pieces, mostly collected in the region of Trebizond. They offer valuable insights into the middle Byzantine society of the Pontos region, which despite its location on the easternmost borders was connected with other, even more remote, regions of the empire. The majority of these seals come from local officials and reflect their local preoccupations, perhaps as a backlash to the dominant culture of the capital. Fifteen selected pieces from the collection are published here and provided with commentary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the impetus for the armed separatism of the Indigenous Peoples Of Biafra (IPOB). Drawing from a mixed method design utilizing a cross-sectional survey and qualitative study, seventy five (75) agitators were purposively sampled to assess the trajectory of revivified armed struggle for the independence of Biafra in Southeast Nigeria. Informed conversations on neo-Biafra movements are mainly constructed around state repression, socio-political exclusion and terrorism. This study focused on how ancient Israel's providential war victories are renegotiated in IPOB's armed struggle against the Nigerian state. The article specifically assessed how the influences from Jewish triumphant war narratives and self-rule are re-enacted in the IPOB's armed struggle towards achieving Biafra's independence in Southeast Nigeria. The findings indicated that the more religiously motivated participants are, the more their zest and proclivity to armed struggle for an independent state of Biafra (β = 0.25; t = 2.12; P < 0.05). Hence, the renewed armed struggle for an independent state of Biafra was largely traced to religious motivation and proclivity to violence F (2, 74) = 2.26, P < 0.05. In line with the findings, conclusions were drawn and implications were examined. The study uncovers the motivation behind the reinvigoration of the IPOB movement and their perception of Elohim's (God) backing to have been drawn from the Jews' past armed insurrection, war successes and eventual political freedom. This account maps into the discourse on how religious beliefs frame the struggle for political independence in postcolonial settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes ethnic violence prompted by the election of an indigenous president for the first time in Bolivia. Remnants of Nazi discourse of racial purity emerged as ways to undermine and disavow the validity of an indigenous social movement resurgence and renaissance.

This article examines the causes and consequences of national conflicts in the North Caucasus. It addresses issues related to the sources of ethnic conflicts in contemporary times. The significance of the North Caucasus as a bridge connecting north to south and west to east is emphasized, highlighting its immense importance for the Russian Federation. From a geostrategic perspective, this region serves as a gateway to Central Asia while also providing access to Western markets. The paper pays particular attention to events that have transpired since the late 1980s in the Caucasus, where some of the most acute ethnopolitical conflicts and wars have occurred. Six out of eight armed ethnopolitical civil conflicts in the post-Soviet space unfolded in this region. The article raises the issue that, as a result of these events, the Caucasian region has become a battleground for separatist organizations within the post-Soviet context. Armed conflicts have led to numerous human casualties, material losses, economic downturns, and other tragedies. Based on the materials studied, it is concluded that ethnic conflicts are diverse in their manifestations. The conditions for the politicization of ethnic conflicts in the North Caucasus are also explored.

The article explores the constitutional and legal foundations of the territorial integrity of the federal states, focusing on historical and contemporary examples. The authors examine cases of successful and unsuccessful secession, as well as legal mechanisms used to prevent separatism. We take Spain, the USA, Canada, India, and Germany, as the examples to analyze the role of constitutional provisions in maintaining state unity. A key aspect of the study is the distribution of competencies between federal structures and federation subjects, which ensures a balance of interests and prevents internal conflicts. A great attention is paid to the principle of subsidiarity and the role of federation subjects in governance, contributing to the preservation of territorial integrity. The authors emphasize the importance of integration mechanisms and constitutional guarantees in maintaining the stability of the federal states. The article establishes that the territorial integrity of federal states is ensured through a set of constitutional and legal norms that regulate the relations between federal authorities and the subjects of the federation. These norms include a clear distribution of competencies, where federal authorities are responsible for national issues such as defense and foreign relations, while the subjects of the federation have powers in local governance. The principle of subsidiarity involves the participation of the federation’s subjects in state governance, ensuring a balance of interests and preventing internal conflicts. Additionally, the supreme legal authority of the federal constitution, mechanisms of federal intervention in case of threats to integrity, and the unity of the economic space all contribute to the stability and unity of the federal state, effectively countering separatist movements. It is determined that the participation of federation subjects in the process of constitutional amendments guarantees their representation and protection of interests, preventing unilateral changes in the state structure. The state language plays an important role, promoting national unity and preventing ethnic conflicts, which is critical for multinational federations. Furthermore, the representation of federation subjects in the national parliament ensures their influence on key decision-making, promoting more balanced policies and strengthening ties between the central government and the regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Book review: Khenkin S.M. Spain. Modern Unstable Society. – Moscow. Publishing house«Aspekt Press», 2023. – 383 p.

The article presents a study of the role of Cuba and its influ-ence on the Catalan national movement in the late 19th to ear-ly 20th centuries. Complex socio-political processes, identity formation, and the development of separatist ideas in the con-text of Catalan-Cuban relations were analyzed. Catalonia sup-ported the Spanish government and Castilian nationalism as long as it held colonies, pursued protectionist policies, and acted in the interest of Catalan capital. The catastrophe of 1898 had a significant impact on Catalan nationalism, prompt-ing the development of the idea of regional independence and its desire for greater autonomy. Special attention is paid to the role of Catalan emigrants in Cuba, their influence on the for-mation of separatist organizations, and financial support for the independence movement. The study also highlights the importance of cultural exchanges between Catalonia and Cuba in preserving Catalan identity. It also underscores the key role of Catalan emigrants in the development of Catalan national-ism and the struggle for autonomy, as well as their contribu-tion to the creation of the 1932 Statut of Catalonia.

Objective: This study investigates correlates of black nationalist tendencies, defined as endorsing sentiments consistent with black nationalism. Black nationalism is an ideology that advocates for cultural, economic, political, and social separatism, and/or community autonomy and self‐reliance as survival tactics. Warrant for this study arises from the opinion black nationalism is an anachronism—a throwback to the 1920s, late 1960s, or early 1990s. Methods: We review correlates from prior studies. Then, using regression models and nationally representative data from black adults participating in the Outlook on Life Surveys, 2012, we address whether those correlates link with black nationalist tendencies today. Results: Few correlates from prior studies predict black nationalist tendencies today. However, correlates such as white antipathy and common fate remain robust predictors. Additionally, views of Barack Obama, whose political ascendency challenges certain tenets of black nationalism, are important correlates. Conclusion: White supremacy makes black nationalism durable and attractive; consequently, certain blacks will always endorse it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999, there have been renewed calls―predominantly amongst ethnic Igbos in southeast Nigeria―for the restoration of the defunct secessionist state of Biafra. The resurgent Biafran separatism has been explored through the prisms of relative marginalisation and material deprivation. However, some scholars have drifted away from dominant discussions on the rationale behind the re‐emergence of the secessionist agitations and instead focused on the myriad media that Biafran separatist movements utilise to make claims of self‐determination for Igbos. These scholars―typically linguists―invariably explore online activism by resorting to meticulous analysis of the discourses of pro‐Biafra separatists on the Internet. Whilst such robust discourse analyses of separatists’ speeches shed light on the discursive dynamics of Biafran separatism in contemporary Nigeria, they do not underscore the varied repertoires of collective action of Biafran separatists beyond Internet activism. This article fills this gap in the scholarly literature on resurgent Biafran separatism in democratic Nigeria. Drawing on the American sociologist Charles Tilly’s analytical framework of contentious contention and focusing on the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)―a transnational separatist movement―I argue that the various online and offline activities of Biafran separatists in the southeastern region be construed as repertoires of contention geared toward contesting the sovereignty of the Nigerian state in order to restore the short‐lived secessionist Biafran state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public discourse about autonomous regions and de facto ‐‐‐ or unrecognized ‐‐‐ states can influence the policies that parent states adopt to respond to these entities. I theorize that public discourse about autonomous regions will underscore commonalities with the parent state. Public discourse about de facto states will treat the state as a separate entity. I employ newspaper data as a measure of public discourse about Adjara and Abkhazia, Georgia. Using sentiment analysis and topic models, I show that public discourse about autonomous regions discusses domestic politics whereas discourse about de facto states emphasizes international relations. This analysis of public discourse offers insight into the ways in which people in parent states discuss separatist entities and how leaders may wish to steer public discourse about these regions in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing works on the sources of secessionist agitations in postcolonial Africa tend to be methodologically nationalist but also circumvent the diasporic dimension. Particularly, the resurgent ethnic separatism amongst Igbos in southeastern Nigeria has been predominantly analysed from the theoretical standpoints of relative marginalisation and material deprivation that focus on domestic politics in post-war Nigeria. We broaden this literature by underscoring the diasporic dimension of this secessionist conflict. Drawing on the literature on diaspora nationalism with a focus on the case of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)—a transnational separatist movement—we reveal evidence showing how the Igbo diaspora instigate and exacerbate separatist tensions in the homeland by reviving collective memories of the macabre Nigeria-Biafra war (1967–1970) and reimagining alternative political futures for ethnic Igbos devoid of the state's grand narratives of nationhood. We contend that the diasporic dimension is profoundly critical to comprehending separatist agitations in southeastern Nigeria with implications for wider postcolonial African contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TURKAV Institute of Public Adminsitration Journal of Social Sciences / TÜRKAV Kamu Yönetimi Enstitüsü Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of TURKAV Institute of Public Adminsitration Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since September 7, 2017, the two English-speaking regions of Cameroon have been brutalised by a separatist struggle variously called the Ambazonia War, the NOSO war or the Anglophone crisis. This conflict which opposes some separatist armed groups and government forces has involved the use by each side, of online-based visual propaganda aimed at framing their opponents in a negative light and wooing both domestic audiences and the international community in favour of their respective causes. This determination to negatively frame the opposite camp has led not only to a war of gloomy images but also the recrudescence of an aesthetic of violence in the video-assisted propaganda of the warring parties. This aesthetics of violence has so far remained understudied. This paper seeks to fill this gap by examining how specific violent images have circumstantially been constructed, deconstructed and mobilised by both separatist and anti-separatist forces in this conflict to frame or counter-frame their opponent. Using a qualitative content analysis of relevant online videos/footage, semiotics, documentary analysis and critical observations, the paper specifically addresses three questions: What has been the role of visual-based propaganda in the Ambazonia war? How have the domestic and the foreign audiences received this visual propaganda? And how have international observers – such as news agencies, politics observatories and other world organisations – mediated in the war of images that opposes government and the armed separatist groups in Cameroon?

The study is devoted to a retrospective analysis of separatism in Belgium and its development given the existing ethnic conflict between Flemish and Walloons. The research depicts the historical and contemporary dynamics of the problem. The aim of the study is to identify major factors that contributed to aggravation of the ethnic conflict and institutionalization of separatism, as well as influenced the further transformation of the separatist discourse in the country. To achieve this goal, the author uses an interdisciplinary approach with the use of historic, political science and economic categories and methods. The methodological basis of the work is formed by modern theoretical views on the types and causes of separatist sentiments, as well as options and strategies for dealing with the problem. The study relies on qualitative historical methods, it also uses statistical analysis, data from sociological surveys, and analyzes a wide range of documents, including the programs of political parties. One might argue that the evolution of ethnic separatism in Belgium was influenced by the following factors: linguistic division (as a fundamental precondition of the conflict), the factor of elites (which determined the main vector of the separatist discourse), the external factor (which contributed to the formation of Flemish separatism), the economic factor (which gave an impetus to the institutionalization of the country's division) and the ‘institutional’ factor itself. The latter is understood as the formation of ethnic groups in the country that are actually isolated from one another at the expense of the development of a full-fledged system of regional and community institutions. This factor seems to be extremely important, as it contributed to the ‘freezing’ of the ethnic conflict and at the same time incorporated a large number of imbalances associated with ethnic division into the system of consociational democracy. As a result, the stabilization of the conflict was achieved at the expense of destabilizing the central government in the country. In the modern political system of Belgium, the separatist discourse is widely instrumentalized. The ideas of dividing the country and reforming the state structure are gradually losing their impetus due to the emergence of new problems (migration, economic crisis, anti-establishment sentiments) and changing priorities of the right- wing political forces.

The subject of this research is the analysis of the impact that separatism in the department of Santa Cruz in Bolivia has on the destabilisation of this country, primarily through the study of two cases: the months-long rebellion of the rich and lowland eastern departments led by Santa Cruz against the central government in 2008 and the role played by separatist political forces from Santa Cruz in carrying out the coup d’état against Evo Morales in 2019. The research aims to validate the first hypothesis, which holds that Santa Cruz separatism is a historical category and that it causes social, political, and economic tensions between the western and eastern regions of Bolivia, which are geographically and culturally distinct from one another. The results of the research showed that separatism in the department of Santa Cruz is one of the key factors in the destabilisation of Bolivia because there are farright-oriented political parties and movements, as well as politicians and influential rich people who are strongly against the left-wing regime and who want to create an independent state on the soil of this department. The research’s conclusion highlights the historicalrivalry between Bolivia’s eastern and western parts while also emphasising the necessity of demystifying the superiority of the Santa Cruz identity over native identities and fostering dialogue to end it. We employed historical, case study, and comparative analytic methods during the research.

Introduction. Multinational Russia at various stages of its existence faces the playing out of the national question by opposing geopolitical centers. The discourse of “decolonization” and “deimperialization” of Russia has acquired a new level of relevance in the international arena after February 24, 2022. The purpose of the article is to identify and investigate the features of the destructive form of ethno-political mobilization in the regions of the Russian Federation through the construction and promotion of the discourse of “decolonization” and “deimperialization” of Russia by Western states. Materials and Methods. The materials used in the study include U.S. legal documents, resolutions of the European Parliament, publications and speeches of representatives of the Western political elite and scientific and expert community, materials of the United States Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, content of various organizations, foreign mass media and media foreign agents. The methodological basis of the study is represented by systemic, geopolitical and instrumentalist approaches, as well as such methods as monitoring, discourse analysis and content analysis. Results. The narrative of “deimperialization” and “decolonization” of Russia in the publications of the Western scientific and expert community and media materials is studied, and the political technologies of Western states oriented at the actualization of ethnic nationalism and, as a consequence, separatist tendencies in the regions of the Russian Federation are revealed. Western projects of practical policy oriented at actualization of national contradictions in the Russian Federation are implemented mainly through the following initiatives: holding events dedicated to “decolonization” and “deimperialization” of Russia; using representatives of Western-oriented national elites to actualize separatist tendencies in the regions of the Russian Federation; adopting declarations on “liberation” of the peoples of Russia from “colonial” dependence; popularization of information about the need for “decolonization”; and the use of the “decolonization” of Russia. Discussion and Conclusion. “Decolonization” and “deimperialization” of Russia are focused on the implementation of a destructive form of ethno-political mobilization and fragmentation of the Russian Federation along national lines of settlement. The authors identify five technologies for the formation of ethnic nationalism in the regions of the Russian Federation, which are used by Western states in the process of modern confrontation with Russia. The results of the study will be useful for public authorities at both regional and federal levels to develop a set of measures aimed at countering the playing of the “national card” on the territory of Russia by competing geopolitical centers.

The intersection of nationalism and inequality is undoubtedly gaining interest in current debates in nationalism studies. The effects of economic inequalities on nationalist politics are the most researched area; however, there are other ways to explore the relationship between nationalism and inequality. Focusing on economic and political aspects of inequality this state-of-the-field article offers an overview of existing research on the relationship between inequality and nationalism in various areas of nationalism studies, ranging from nationalist politics to exploring the symbolic construction of nationhood. Following the inequality scholars, we highlight the growing importance of capital accumulation and emphasize the spatial aspect of it. We argue that while being largely overlooked, the role of territory—and territorial politics more broadly—becomes crucial for the understanding of the intersection of nationalism and inequality today. Overall, we show that it is necessary for nationalism studies scholars to engage in contemporary literature on inequality and acknowledge the wider implications of growing inequality to various manifestations of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the October Crisis has often been analyzed through the lens of Quebec. This article wishes to broaden understanding of the repercussions of this crisis outside the borders of the francophone province by looking at the events that shook academic institutions in the Canadian Prairies and the reactions of the student youth that drove them. Based on analysis of student newspapers from Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, it attests to the turmoil on university campuses in the months following the implementation of the War Measures Act, when demonstrations, petitions, teach-ins, and intellectual exchanges followed one another. This analysis sheds light on a certain dichotomy of opinions in the West. While Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau was strongly criticized for his official language policy and his economic centralism by the people and governments, a lull occurred with the October events, whose management by the federal government was welcomed. Student newspapers offered another perspective, that of an engaged youth sensitive to the issues of Quebec, trying to show the perverse effects of this War Measures Act, deemed liberticidal, hostile to radical discourse, and affecting the entire country. In revisiting this era, this article also explores the student journalistic style of the era-- a style that sought to be on the fringes of mainstream media, seen as biased in its treatment of Quebec and of separatist movements. In the eyes of certain students, the liberation of Quebec could lead only to the liberation of Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the end of the Cold War, Russia and the West have engaged in fierce geopolitical competition over the post-Soviet space. Separatism in the post-Soviet space has become a hallmark of their relationship, even an accelerator of contradictions. This paper analyzes Russia’s policy evolution towards separatism in the post-Soviet space from the perspective of the interaction between power and norms to grasp the changes in power dynamics and territorial integrity norms in this region.

Between August and September 1989, Russian-speaking workers in Moldova went on strike against a series of laws that made Moldovan the sole official language of the republic. While workers from across the republic participated, it was only in the Transnistrian region that a group such as the United Soviet of Work Collectives (OSTK) was able to use the strikes to usurp power. This article questions why the strikes destabilised the Transnistrian region but not the other predominantly Russian-speaking regions that participated. The author argues that there were three reasons for this. Firstly, local political elites in Transnistria were largely inactive, creating a power vacuum the OSTK was willing and able to fill. Secondly, the OSTK launched an effective propaganda campaign aimed at undermining people’s trust in existing institutions. Finally, the Russian-speaking inhabitants of Transnistria were more hostile to Moldovan cultural demands than their counterparts elsewhere in the republic.

This article revisits the foundational years of 1989–1992 when the Republic of Moldova obtained its independence and simultaneously suffered territorial losses due to separatist movements. The quasi-official view in today’s Moldova holds that separatist movements of that era in Transnistria and Gagauzia were the results of Moscow’s meddling in Moldovan affairs aimed at punishing the Moldovans’ quest for independence. The paper argues that this interpretation attributes too much power to the decision-makers in Moscow, and also strips local actors of agency. Instead, the article calls for a renewed focus on the developments in Moldova itself and for discourses developed by separatist leaders and opinion-setters to be treated as representative of genuine popular sentiment. It argues that the Moldovan national movement alienated the non-Moldovan population whose primary means of communication was Russian. The article relies on personal recollections as well as numerous published primary and secondary sources.

The article analyzes the historical experience of organizing official activities of the gendarmerie police department of the Finnish Railways during the First World War. The study highlights the specifics of the Grand Duchy of Finland as national outskirts which largely influenced the work of the railway police of the Russian Empire in wartime. Based on the analysis of the body of archival documents, there are determined the main measures implemented by gendarmes to ensure the stable functioning of the railways of the Grand Duchy of Finland, to prevent damage and destruction of infrastructure facilities. Particular attention is paid to the prevention of subversive and espionage activities. There are shown the features of conducting counterintelligence activities by railway gendarmes at border stations and in the hinterlands of Finland. Some of the enemy's approaches to training and sending people to the Russian Empire in order to obtain military information are revealed. The consideration of the factors of the political situation in the Grand Duchy of Finland and the variety of tasks performed by railway gendarmes in wartime made it possible to conclude that their activities on the railroads of the national outskirts were of great strategic importance.

Can anger appeals create support for separatism? This article presents the results of a region-wide field experiment conducted by a third-party local organization during the 2017 Catalan regional elections, estimating the effect of anger-inducing campaign messages on actual electoral outcomes. The organization randomly assigned municipalities to three conditions: proindependence anger-inducing leaflets depicting state repression, proindependence emotionally neutral leaflets, or no leaflets. Results show that anger-inducing leaflets increased the prosecessionist parties' vote share by 1%–1.7% compared to a zero increase in municipalities that received emotionally neutral leaflets or no leaflets. I assess the mechanisms and generalizability of the field experimental results in two independent survey experiments. These findings demonstrate how anger-inducing reminders of state repression through electoral campaigns can shape voting behavior in the real world, even in highly polarized settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This theoretical review analyses digital nationalism in Catalonia. It describes the context of the confrontation between the proindependence movement and the Spanish government. This confrontation is characterised by a paradigm dominated by negotiations, mobilisations, and repression, which eventually led to the 2017 independence referendum. The failure of the independence process led grassroots groups and major parties to develop original digital strategies. Whilst grassroots groups relied on digital tools to organise spectacular protests, the Junts per Catalunya (Together for Catalonia) party and the Consell de la República (Council of the Republic) organisation promoted the República Digital (Digital Republic) project. The study frames Catalan nationalism in relation to previous research on digital nationalism. It underlines how, in terms of actors involved and ideologies promoted, the Catalan secessionist project does not fit into models described by the academic literature about digital nationalism. Furthermore, this research analyses how the Digital Republic has been articulated by Catalan institutions and nationalist organisations in order to create a “virtual state”. Finally, the study discusses the Digital Republic as a strategy to avoid direct confrontation with the Spanish authorities and its attempt to create a “digital surrogate” to independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Departing from the Italian critic, art historian, and feminist Carla Lonzi’s essay ”La critica è potere” (Critique is power) from 1970, this article discusses a crisis immanent to the concepts of art and history that dominated the late 1960s Italy. In line with Lonzi’s argumentation, this crisis resulted in what the communist Massimo Cacciari described as ”negative thinking” in 1969, and what Lonzi in her essay describes as a ”critique of the crisis”. Beyond a universal consciousness and its presupposed identities, as they were reproduced within the party form and at academic institutions during this period, artists, workers, and intellectuals turned away from formal organization, and to informal, collective practices. The separatist, decentralized and anti-authoritarian network Rivolta Femminile, founded by Lonzi in 1970, show how the subjects of crisis and critique emerge from a patriarchal and colonial regime of sexual repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how the Bulgarian community of southern Moldova experienced the collapse of the Soviet Union. It questions why Moldova's Bulgarian population refused offers from the Gagauz and Ukraine's Bulgarian minority to join them in their quest for autonomy. The fact they chose not to is somewhat puzzling, as Moldova's Bulgarian minority shared many of the same grievances as the Gagauz and Ukrainian Bulgarians, and they were offered considerable concessions to join each movement. I argue that there were several reasons for this. Firstly, Bulgarians in Taraclia distrusted the Gagauz and Ukrainian Bulgarians. Secondly, local political elites quickly realised they could extract greater concessions from Chișinău by aligning with the central government during such a tumultuous period. Finally, relations between Taraclia and Chișinău were characterized by a high degree of pragmatism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of this topic lies in the fact that due to the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula by Russia and the creation of terrorist formations within the Luhansk and Donetsk regions, the dynamics of crimes against the foundations of national security of Ukraine has increased, and therefore it is necessary to investigate the state of this problem. The purpose of this study was to investigate the state of crimes against the foundations of national security of Ukraine in 2014-2018, and to identify the reasons for this. During the study, several methods of theoretical cognition were used, specifically analysis, synthesis, concretisation, abstraction, and generalisation. The study found that in 2014-2018, there was an increase in the level of crime against state security, including an increase in the number of crimes and perpetrators. The results of this study can be used to create ways to address the problem of the spread of crimes against the foundations of national security in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party banning was developed in Spain in 2002, with the aim of combating the terrorism of ETA (1958-2018), an extreme left-wing and separatist Basque organisation that murdered more than 800 people. This instrument proved useful in defeating the terrorist group and its network of support organisations, including several parties. Today, there are strong separatist or pro-independence movements in Catalonia, the Basque Country and, to a lesser extent, Galicia, and other regions. Faced with this, there are parties that have proposed using the mechanism of banning parties. But is this viable, and would it be useful?

In August 2008, after the war against Georgia, Russia decided to recognize the sovereignty of the secessionist Georgian regions of Abkhazia and south Ossetia, which are de facto independent since the early 1990’s. This war, unleashed by the action of he Georgian president M. Saakashvili, was a consequence of a clash between contrasting geopolitical goals in Caucasus. This article adopts a multi-scale approach to explain the war, analyzing its various dimensions, starting with the Abkhazian and Ossetian separatisms and the Georgian policy, aimed at “unifying” and modernizing the country, but dealing as well with the complex relationship between Russia and Georgia and finally with the wider international geopolitical rivalries playing out in the Caucasus.

Purpose. The purpose of this study is to analyze the perception of the common pan-Romance state in the intellectual history of Romance philology. The author analyzes various viewpoints on the common pan-Romance state, including the arguments of supporters and opponents of its existence. Novelty. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of interpretations of the common pan-Romance state in contexts of the history of the Romance languages through the prism of intellectual history and the history of ideas. Materials and methods. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of interdisciplinary historiography proposed in intellectual and cultural history, which allows us to analyze the problems of the common pan-Romance state as part of the history of ideas and an invented historiographic tradition or intellectual construct. Results. The article analyzes 1) the arguments of supporters of the existence of a common Romance state as a stage between Latin and Romance languages, 2) the ideas of critics and opponents of the idea of a common Romance state, who tend to look for the origins of the Romance languages directly in Latin, 3) the possibilities and potency of revising early viewpoints in contexts the history of late Latin and the early genesis of the Romance languages. The article also analyzes 1) the arguments of supporters and opponents of the existence of the common Romance state through the prism of intellectual history and the history of ideas, 2) the history of Romance philology through the prism of the archaeology of ideas, which allows us to trace how the arguments of supporters and opponents of the common Romance state have changed, 3) the general logic of the development of Romance philology through the prism of the transformation of ideas about the general Romance state. Conclusions. The results of the study suggest that 1) ideas about the common Romance state in the history of Romance linguistic became a common historiographic place, turning into an invented intellectual and historiographical tradition, 2) discussions and debates about the existence or absence of a general Romance state stimulated the search for new ideas, contributing to the development of Romance philology, 3) the controversy and debatability of the concept of the general Romance state in the history of Romance philology will remain a factor contributing to intellectual discussions and actualization of the role of revisionism as a universal factor in the development of modern interdisciplinary linguistics.

The present paper is the result of a scientific venture into the discursive construction of separatism in Cameroon’s English-speaking regions, which separatists refer to as Southern Cameroons or Ambazonia. My study aims specifically at identifying the linguistic and rhetorical strategies separatist leaders use in order to create a sense of unity amongst all English-speaking Cameroonians and make them join the fight for independence. To achieve this aim, I have analysed speeches authored between 2010 and 2015 by two Anglophone Cameroonian separatist leaders. The analysis of the speeches, which followed the Discourse Historical Approach (Wodak et al. 2009), reveals that Southern Cameroonian nationalists try to achieve unity by resorting to strategies such as nomination, predication, and argumentation through topoi. These strategies were realised by means of linguistic resources including lexicon, imperatives, deontic and epistemic modals.

This article examines the formation and continuity of the legal identity of Karabakh Armenians as a group, focusing on the challenges they faced after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. Trapped between two newly independent states, Karabakh Armenians managed to establish their own legal identity while lacking a connection to statehood or even external recognition of their state-like entity. The study combines a descriptive qualitative approach with doctrinal legal analysis, considering the external and internal dimensions of collective legal identity and the legal system constructed by the group. Unlike other cases such as, for example, Taiwan and Macau, Karabakh Armenians faced hostile conditions and challenges to their identity from Armenia, Azerbaijan, and the international community. The article argues that their legal identity should be viewed from the perspective of access to rights rather than the legality of their self-constructed (illegal) entity. Although their external legal identity is contested, the internal legal identity maintains continuity and structures. However, the vulnerability of such constructed legal identities becomes apparent due to challenges to the external identity of Karabakh Armenians, risking the group's ability to maintain its collective legal identity in case of reintegration into Azerbaijan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The five acts of jihadist violence between 2012–2020, particularly the 2015 Paris attacks, combined with an increasingly polarized political discourse in France, have pushed jihadist extremism to the center of government policy and public opinion. Approaches to jihadist extremism in the last decade have comprised two characteristics: claims amalgamating Islam and Muslim religious practice—especially in its stricter forms—with extremist violence, along with the idea that such forms of dangerous religious indoctrination are best battled through education. As a result, there has been a renewed debate concerning the principle of laïcité (secularism) within public schools and other public institutions. One of the leading efforts in this context has focused on processes of "deradicalization". These projects include various educational tools, rehabilitation attempts inside and outside of prisons, cultural and artistic initiatives, and administrative bans imposed on organizations inciting violence. However, the most ambitious of these efforts have also been subject to the greatest criticism. Projects within the public school system have been accused of securitizing education and stigmatizing Muslim students, whereas measures undertaken in prisons are currently limited to risk assessment of inmates linked with jihadist violence, while lacking more meaningful plans for their rehabilitation. Public–private partnerships have developed more promising initiatives, but their moderate success is still recent and requires further study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes ethnic violence prompted by the election of an indigenous president for the first time in Bolivia. Remnants of Nazi discourse of racial purity emerged as ways to undermine and disavow the validity of an indigenous social movement resurgence and renaissance.

Prezentul articol conturează geneza conflictului transnistrean, concentrându-se pe percepțiile în interiorul și în afara Moldovei și pe un proces de reglementare care nu a adus rezultate substanțiale. Lipsa unei soluții privind problema transnistreană ridică întrebări mai ample cu privire la utilitatea formatelor și proceselor existente de soluționare a conflictelor. Abordările pentru soluționarea conflictului au creat o poziție înșelătoare conform căreia problema este pur internă a Moldovei, Rusia jucând rolul de mediator imparțial și furnizor de forțe de menținere a păcii. Experiența Republicii Moldova arată că o soluție durabilă a unor astfel de conflicte, bazată pe respectarea dreptului internațional și a principiilor și angajamentelor Organizației pentru Securitate și Cooperare în Europa, este imposibilă fără un accent mai mare pe responsabilitatea Rusiei. Astfel, cheia pentru soluționarea conflictului, în conformitate cu dreptul internațional și principiile OSCE se află la Moscova și mai puțin la Chișinău sau Tiraspol.

In mainstream academic discourse, the emergence of national identities has mostly been explained from a powerful modernist approach, claiming that nations, as we know them today, are modern and constructed phenomena. This implies that the spotlight of research has been on interest-based homogenization motives and how they can create mass loyalty as an efficient socio-cultural basis for political elites and capitalist markets. Nevertheless, attention might be slightly diverted from the possible emotional and cognitive motives of national identities. According to the conceptualization in this paper, interest-based motives can be paired with these emotional and intellectual motives, together constituting a generally relevant tripartite concept of national self-identification, where emotionality can be revealed through the "irrational" separatist feature of modern nationalisms, while cognitive motives are embodied in the expectations towards nations to offer intellectually defendable meaningful explanations about a collective origin and "our" place within the world. Without questioning the significance of means-end rationality behind the national homogenization processes, all of this points to a rather interrelated entanglement of motives where the development of the attitude of "belonging to a nation" is fueled not solely by interest, but emotional ("separatist") motives and cognitive-intellectual ("historizing") motives alike. As a result, we can establish a conceptual framework, not stressing the primacy of any of these motives within nationalisms, but instead focusing on the possible ways in which interest-based need for homogenization can collude with the emotional need of cultural boundary-making (separatism) as well as with the intellectual need for coherent explanations of state of affairs (historicism). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper is the result of a scientific venture into the discursive construction of separatism in Cameroon's English-speaking regions, which separatists refer to as Southern Cameroons or Ambazonia. My study aims specifically at identifying the linguistic and rhetorical strategies separatist leaders use in order to create a sense of unity amongst all Englishspeaking Cameroonians and make them join the fight for independence. To achieve this aim, I have analysed speeches authored between 2010 and 2015 by two Anglophone Cameroonian separatist leaders. The analysis of the speeches, which followed the Discourse Historical Approach (Wodak et al. 2009), reveals that Southern Cameroonian nationalists try to achieve unity by resorting to strategies such as nomination, predication, and argumentation through topoi. These strategies were realised by means of linguistic resources including lexicon, imperatives, deontic and epistemic modals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the pursuit of eudaimonia, which encompasses well-being, prosperity, and happiness, war has historically been paradoxically utilized to promote economic growth, political dominance, and religious aspirations. War arises from failed attempts to establish mutually beneficial relationships, leading to heightened competition and eventual conflicts. The influence of past wars continues to shape future conflicts, exposing vulnerabilities that adversaries exploit through evolving methods of warfare, influenced by global geopolitics, international agreements, and advancements in science and technology. With the end of the Cold War, the world has moved beyond the division between the Western and Eastern blocs. Rapid advancements in science and technology have fostered increased interconnectedness among nations, blurring geographical boundaries and giving rise to the multidimensional VUCA (volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity) phenomenon. As a result, global geopolitics and warfare strategies have evolved towards interconnectedness and hybrid warfare, with an emphasis on targeting societies. In response to these transformations, governments and societies must adapt by disseminating the Pancasila ideology, embracing the Bhinneka Tunggal Ika Tanhana Dharmma Mangrva motto, cultivating noble character and morality, and establishing innovative synergistic work patterns. By embracing these changes, Indonesia can effectively navigate the dynamics of the global environment and work towards achieving a Golden Indonesia by 2045. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The music festival Statement was initiated as a response to sexual violence towards women at other festivals, and during the work of creating a safe festival, separatism became a central strategy. In this paper we analyse media reporting from Statement, with a focus on the desire for safety. Using psychoanalytical discourse theory, we analyse different media materials, focusing on emotive language and fantasmatic narratives. We argue that in the media representations, a desire for safety is linked to enjoyment, opportunities to be oneself, predictability and lack of conflict. Safety is also strongly represented as linked to a focus on security and the absent man is continuously present in the media articulations. While the media representations tend to reconstruct a heterosexual Woman with a universal experience, the focus on the patriarchy, a common 'we' and the emotive language might nevertheless spur political mobilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the appearance in the context of the development of the English Reformation in the middle of the 16th century of supporters of the further reformation of the Church of England following the example of the European continental reformed churches and the conceptual understanding of the views and practices characteristic of the supporters of the continuation of the Reformation in the country, by contemporaries and subsequent researchers. It is analyzed how, conceptually, descriptively and conceptually, the views and characteristic features of the activities of the supporters of the continuation of the Reformation were fixed, and it is shown under what circumstances the terminological designations of the supporters of the further Reformation by their opponents began to appear and how these more radical reformers called themselves. The emergence of the concept of "Puritanism" and the theological views, doctrinal and ritual practices characteristic of the Puritans are considered. The difficulties with the definition of the concept of "Puritanism" and discussions among researchers in determining the relationship between Puritans, supporters of the Church of England, and Separatists are shown. A review and analysis of opinions on the question of the interpretation and definition of Puritanism in modern historical science is presented, demonstrating the semantic components and aspects of the concept of "Puritanism" in the entire spectrum of its meanings. The continuing diversity of opinions and the lack of a single generally accepted definition of Puritanism, according to the author, still exists due to the complexity of this phenomenon. For further work in the interpretation of Puritanism, the author considers the contextual-operational approach heuristically productive, which is currently taking shape in the practice of concrete historical research on this problem.