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The object of study of this article is the Eastern vector of modern Russian foreign policy; the subject determines its main directions, mechanisms, and tools. The authors rely on the theory of neorealism, which allows to consider the foreign policy of states as a desire to ensure their national interests. The authors used the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliability, which made it possible to study the prerequisites of Russia’s policy of turning to the East, to establish cause-and-effect relations and to identify regularities in the development of Russia’s international relations with the countries of the East. A systematic approach was used, as well as a number of general scientific (analysis, synthesis) and special historical methods of research: comparative-historical and problem-chronological methods. The study highlights the role of the Russian Foreign Minister Y.M. Primakov in Russia’s return to the East. It emphasizes that Primakov was not in favor of breaking off relations with European countries and the USA but sought to find a counterbalance to the pro-Western course of foreign policy in the 1990s and to build up relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region (APR). The article notes the difficulties Russia faces in implementing its Eastern policy, including the geographical remoteness from most APR countries, cold climate, the small population of the Far East, the underdeveloped infrastructure of the Far East, and the socio-cultural differences between Russia and the APR countries. But the course to strengthen Russia’s positions in the Asia-Pacific region is becoming a key foreign policy direction, a vital factor in the preservation and development of Russia as a developed industrial country. The paper analyzes the measures taken by the country’s leadership to involve the Russian economy in the integration processes in the Asia-Pacific region and considers the dynamics of Russia’s trade relations with the main partners in this region. It concludes that the policy of turning to the East has taken place, as its successes are obvious.

Why did Serbia not impose sanctions against Russia following its aggression on Ukraine in February 2022? As a state seeking membership of the European Union (EU), Serbia's reluctance to join the sanction regime is puzzling. This paper draws from the ontological security literature to show how Serbia, as a political community, is divided between East and West, that is, between a vicarious attachment to Moscow and a relationship with Brussels driven primarily by the prospect of joining the benefits of membership of the EU. The problem of sanctions brought to the fore the conflicted identity of Serbia, showing how Belgrade's hedging in foreign policy reflects not only an attempt to extract concessions and advantages from both partners – the EU and Russia – but more fundamentally its efforts to come to terms with its liminal, ontologically insecure position within the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: is to study the reasons, possibilities and conditions for the transformation of the Russian economy during the period of overcoming the sanctions of the EU countries and the United States and the transition to a multipolar world order.Methods: the methodology used for conducting the research is based on a generalization of methods for analyzing the cause-and-effect relationships of complex systems using network methods, as well as information and logical models of the processes of development of socio-economic systems.Results: the article analyzes the reasons for the transformation of the Russian and world economy in the coming years. The author shows the conditions for the formation and establishment of a market economy in our country, as well as the factors that influenced its development. The successes achieved and the bottlenecks that have formed in the Russian economy are noted. The ways of eliminating problematic situations are considered, including the possibility of restoring innovative potential, the transition of companies to strategic planning of technological development, improving decision-making mechanisms and the formation of an economic model of development in the medium term. The main results of the study are to substantiate the reasons for the transformation of the liberal economic model that has evolved in Russia during the transition to the market economy.Conclusions and Relevance: the article emphasizes the modern inevitability of structural and technological changes in the Russian economy. The emphasis is placed on the need to eliminate bottlenecks in the domestic economy, which, first of all, include a decrease in the potential of the innovation sphere. According to the author, among the main conditions for the transformation of the Russian economy is the transition from the evolutionary development of companies to the normative planning of technological modernization processes, the improvement of target management mechanisms, as well as the formation of forecast estimates assessments of the prospects for technological development on an innovative basis.

This paper is an attempt to better understand a hard-core security issue through a feminist lens or to grasp a new “Great Game”3 emerging in central Eurasia by using a feminist understanding of power. The war in Ukraine is considered pivotal to the direction of world history, global order, and the very architecture of the international system. While NATO and Western powers are reluctant to go into a direct military confrontation with Russia over Ukraine, sanctions on Russia have repercussions that extend way beyond Russian borders. Specifically, the former Soviet republics of Central Asia and South Caucasus—which have continued to be almost an integrated part of the extended Russian economy—are experiencing a stronger impact of sanctions than initially planned by the international community. This paper aims to address the unintended consequences of sanctions against Russia on the extended Eurasian space. It claims that sanctions against Russia represent both a trap and an opportunity for the so-called small states in Central Asia and South Caucasus, subjecting them to the patterns of the world hierarchies on one hand and providing the space for maneuver, on the other. A question in focus here is what conditions the so-called small Eurasian actors may need to overcome to remove themselves from Russian dependency. This article relies on the ontology of feminist security studies by focusing on the marginal actors of the Great Game, discovering that resilience is another form of soft power in today’s international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the study of the role of the Olympic Games in the structure of the “soft power” of the state, as well as the transformation of the “soft power” tools associated with the Olympic movement in recent years. The article focuses on the political role of the initiatives to boycott the Olympic Games in Russia on the eve of the XXII Winter Olympic Games 2014 in Sochi and the XXIV Winter Olympic Games 2022 in Beijing, as well as the role of the Olympic agenda in international political discourse in the context of sanctions related to Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine.

In article the author, on the basis of the carried-out analysis, formulated modern energy risks of relationship with the countries of the European Union, the existing tendencies of development of gas sector of Russia are revealed. The priority directions of innovative development of the gas sphere are proved.

This article presents the history of metal products, pipes, and metalware manufacturing by Russian metallurgical companies and enterprises in 2019–22 as well as the pattern of apparent domestic consumption of rolled steel products and pipes. The pattern of imports and exports by kinds of pipes and rolled products is analyzed. The main areas and amounts of investment in the key projects of Russia's largest metallurgical companies are shown. The innovative activities of sectoral and academic research teams are revealed. The activities of Chermet Corporation in the domain of training and career enhancement of senior officers and specialists of Russia's metallurgical enterprises as well as in arranging interfactory academic sessions and seminars for best practice studies are distinguished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the recent Russian aggression in Ukraine, a significant part of the international community imposed sanctions against Russia and selected individuals. Russia is subject to sanctions already from its aggression against Ukraine in 2014. However, recently adopted measures are much more powerful. Sanctions in international law represent an important tool for its enforcement given to the hands of the members of the international community. This contribution explains the position of this legal concept in the system of international law and the conditions for its legal application. It also offers a brief insight into the legal framework of the EU and the Czech Republic, including the recent developments in Czech legislation. The contribution also offers short reflections on selected legal issues - confiscation of property as an international sanction and admissibility of thirdparty countermeasures in international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article deals with the features of contemporary political development of Serbia, including the main areas of cooperation with the European Union (EU). Since the early 2000s the strategic priority of the country's foreign policy is participation in the European integration process, which is accompanied by support of consistent and pragmatic relations with the other key partners, primarily with Russia. The principle of multi-vector foreign policy has been developed since the fi rst half of the 2010s, but its use is treated with the lack of uniqueness by different social strata and political movements. Mechanisms of acceleration or slowing down the integration process are used by offi cial Brussels depending on the current aims and political conjuncture (for example, to weaken Russian infl uence in the country and in the region). However, despite the success achieved on the path to the EU accession and the favorable dynamics of negotiation process, the level of support of pro-European policy has been decreasing in Serbian society since the end of the 2000s. The main challenges of the near future, in addition to the growth of euroscepticism, include problems of institutional harmonization with the EU and the compliance with the Copenhagen criteria, the enforcement of the Brussels agreement with Pristina, as well as maintaining of balanced foreign policy.

The Ukrainian crisis has been a test for the alignment of Romania and Bulgaria with the EU on the background of the Union's new foreign policy instruments as redesigned by the Lisbon Treaty. This paper aims to present the positions of Bulgaria and Romania towards the events of 2013-2015 in Ukraine. Our research target is to identify the driving forces that shaped these positions, to analyse and describe the main foreign policy goals and actions of Bucharest and Sofia regarding the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, and to compare the attitude of these two countries toward the Ukrainian crisis. The paper analyses first the Romanian and the Bulgarian perspectives on the dramatic events in Ukraine in the first half of 2014. The positions of the two countries are further placed in the wider international context of the Ukrainian crisis - the UN resolutions, the EU sanctions against Russia, NATO activities, and the security in the Black Sea region. In the third part Romania and Bulgaria are viewed as a "playground" for the competing narratives and propaganda in regards to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. We also examine the economic impact of the crisis on the two Balkan countries, as well as the efforts of both Bucharest and Sofia to protect their respective minorities in Ukraine. In conclusion, we summarize the results of our research and explain how the Ukrainian crisis has reshaped the foreign policy debates in Romania and Bulgaria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hileya: Scientific Bulletin / Gileya is the property of GILEYA Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)