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Introduction: Our knowledge of the populations of sub‐Saharan Africa in the periods before European colonization is limited. Few archeological sites containing human remains have been identified, and written sources for these periods are rare. The discovery in 2018 of the Iroungou sepulchral cave (Gabon), whose use predates the arrival of the Portuguese (14th–15th centuries CE), is an exceptional source of information: at least 28 individuals associated with numerous metal artifacts were found there. The anthropobiological remains were left in situ, but the eight best preserved crania were digitized. Objectives: This study focuses on the population affinities of these crania, whose morphology was described using 237 landmarks. Materials and Methods: Geometric morphometric analyses were used to compare the eight Iroungou specimens with 154 individuals representing 12 well‐defined African populations. After alignment (Generalized Procrustes Analysis), morphological affinity was assessed using Euclidean and Mahalanobis distances, and posterior probabilities of population membership (discriminant analysis). Results: Results indicate that the eight Iroungou crania have, on average, more affinity with Bayaka Pygmy, followed by Central African Bantu. Nevertheless, individually, the Iroungou specimens show an important morphological variation and the eight crania can be separated into different affinity groups: Bayaka and Central African Bantu, KhoeSan, and East‐African Bantu. Finally, one individual presents strong affinity with Somalis. Conclusion: This phenetic mapping of the Iroungou sample raises questions about the profile of the individuals deposited in the cave in a geographical area known for the Loango pre‐colonial kingdom, which ruling class seemed to have had privileged relationships with the Pygmy populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1980 left-wing terrorism presented itself in a light that had remained under the radar until then, that of generational conflict. At the height of the subversive attacks that coincided with the beginning of its end a number of families of the ruling class, of politicians, journalists, professionals, experienced the drama of one of their sons militating in an armed organization. The most clamorous cases include the son of Carlo Donat-Cattin, one of the most influential politicians of the Republic, and two of the assassins of Walter Tobagi, who were sons of well-known Milanese bourgeois intellectuals. Through these and other stories, this article which draws on material from the trial sources focuses on terrorism as a reckoning between fathers and sons, when patriarchal society suffered a decisive blow. A revealing view of the characteristics and limits of Italian modernization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the overlooked aestheticism in Scotland, with a specific focus on Robert Louis Stevenson's bohemian aesthetics. While the Aesthetic Movement is commonly associated with English writers like Walter Pater and Oscar Wilde, Stevenson's contributions to aestheticism in Scotland are often disregarded. Influenced by Pater, Stevenson embraced a bohemian aesthetic that differed from the English version. The article argues that Stevenson's aesthetics should be classified as bohemian aestheticism, which originated in France, and examines his works to understand the development of his bohemian aesthetics. Stevenson's fascination with the medieval poet François Villon and his exploration of bohemian aesthetics are also discussed. Stevenson admired Villon as a precursor to the bohemian lifestyle and drew inspiration from him in his own writings. While critiquing Villon's tendency to complain about poverty, Stevenson also sought to create an improved version of Villon in his short story "A Lodging for the Night." Stevenson's adoption of bohemian aesthetics can be seen as a defiance against the hierarchical Victorian society. [Extracted from the article]

When the Turkish Republic was founded, it inherited a Western-oriented modernisation project from its predecessor, the Ottoman Empire. The republican ruling class was determined to further this legacy, and education was used as a tool for the eventuation of this project. One of the essential elements of this tool was textbook images. This article explores the relationship between textbook images and the modernisation project embraced by the ruling class. The study examines, by using Barthian semiology, 16 textbook images selected from 44 primary school textbooks taught between 1923 and 1945 in five thematic categories: men and boys, etiquette, women and girls, teachers, and architecture. Our analysis reveals that textbook images were deliberately edited to shape students’ perceptions, attitudes and lifestyles in alignment with the ideals of modernisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the conception and execution of paper currency schemes in Tokugawa Japan (1603–1868). Paper currency was widely used as a form of local money in early modern Japan, but has received close to no attention in Anglophone scholarship even amid a recent upsurge in interest in the global history of money. From the perspective of monetary history, Tokugawa paper currency presents an intriguing puzzle. Even as paper currencies repeatedly collapsed in value, they remained in common use as an essential component of the early modern monetary system. Using the case of Sendai domain, a large fiefdom in northeastern Japan, the article argues that the monetary practices and expectations of ordinary subjects transformed paper money, created through partnerships between the samurai ruling class and powerful merchant financiers, from a tool meant to serve the interests of state finances into a low‐denomination currency convenient for everyday transactions, resulting in the bills' surprising longevity as a form of small change. Drawing on approaches that centre the role of non‐state and marginal actors in the making of money, it sheds new light on the political economy of late Tokugawa Japan and offers new insights into the global history of money. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to look into the role played by the rulers and the merchant class in the emergence of exchange centers (or market centers) in Western India, particularly Rajasthan and Gujarat, during the early medieval period. The paper tries to examine the combined efforts made by both the ruling class and private individuals in the agrarian expansion, which in turn encouraged exchange (trade and commerce) and ultimately paved way for the rise of different exchange centers in different parts of Western India. The focus is on the rising agricultural productivity, commercial transactions, and initiatives by rulers and merchants, which together provided suitable climate for the emergence of exchange centers. Rulers being aware of the revenue-generating potential of commerce themselves encouraged trade by establishing markets. Not only rulers but the merchants too helped in the growth of trade and commerce during the period of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Edward Long (1734–1813), wrote the History of Jamaica (1774), in part, with the hope that his words would reshape the colony's frontier by drawing yeoman farmers from Britain to the island's unsettled interior. Long's vision was to remake the unimproved frontier into something approximating rural England, which would serve the planter class by reducing island food prices; denuding forested safe havens for runaways and rebels; and refashioning the colony into something that could better withstand nascent British antislavery critique. Long's rhetorical strategy obscured the harsh realities of Jamaica's slave economy while it pointed potential migrants away from commercial slave ownership. This article highlights how the planter-author juxtaposed his picturesque descriptions of the island with quantitative tables that were intended to attract migrants of a certain caste. It was Long's hope that these settlers would be liminally and forever fixed between the enslaved population and the ruling planter class. Long's plans for the creation of British settlements excited neither the ruling class nor potential migrants and therefore failed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the racial formation theory proposed by Omi and Winant from a Marxist perspective. It contends that the theory overlooks the class dimension of the social construction of race and the dynamics of racial formation in the United States. The article traces the historical role of class in the process of racial formation and shows how race and racism are linked to the evolution of capitalism in American society. It argues that the colonial ruling class created race and used racism as a tool to fragment the labouring class along racial and ethnic lines, preventing them from uniting against the colonial capitalist system. The invention of race set the stage for the persistence and reinforcement of race formation and racism by the subsequent American ruling class from post-independence to the present day. This article also challenges the idea of a racial state and asserts that it is a false concept that fails to capture the reality of racism and its solutions. It concludes that the theory is inadequate, biased, and ineffective in addressing and resolving the issues of race and racism in the social and everyday lives of the oppressed minorities in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the constitution of the Republic of Genoa was rewritten in 1528, the traditional distinction between nobili and popolari was abolished and the now unified ruling class was organised into 28 groups called alberghi, which were granted equal political representation by an elaborate and bizarre voting mechanism. Using data on the composition of the Genoese nobility in 1528, we simulate the rounds of voting, nominations, and sortition of the electoral protocol to reveal how they determined the allocation of power. Our analysis shows that the constitutional reform could not succeed in bringing concord to the nobility, as the system was heavily biased towards the popolari (later renamed nobili nuovi), who could gain control over all key magistracies. We also show that the use of the alberghi for office allocation made the system less favourable to the nobili nuovi, but only marginally so. These results help explain the persistence of political instability in Genoa after the 1528 reform, and they shed light on the voting system reforms that followed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the intervention of the State in the production of textbooks of the discipline Moral and Civic Education (EMC) through the Technical Book and Textbook Commission (COLTED) between the years 1965 to 1975. We aim to analyze this state interference in education and understand the ideals defended by the Military Regime from textbooks. This documentary research took as source the books used in the military period of the discipline to develop an analysis of the contents present there, and has as theoretical basis authors who address the same field in the historical context studied. As a result, we conclude that the books have become an instrument of dissemination of military principles and values (such as love for the Homeland, family and work) and the ruling class through COLTED. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asserts that paramilitary police reformers like former U.S. congressman and Confederate general Winfield Scott Featherston constituted an important class of New South thinkers and state builders. Topics discussed include the intellectual history of southern paramilitarism between 1877 and World War I, the political and ideological center that emerged from Mississippi's white ruling class after Reconstruction, and mob violence in Mississippi.

We exploit a unique historical experiment to study how changes in political legitimacy affect economic performance. In historical China, solar eclipses were interpreted as Heaven's wrath incurred by wrongdoings of the ruling class, signaling a decline in the incumbent's legitimacy. Using an original dataset covering over 2000 years, we document that when total solar eclipses occurred, climate shocks had a greater negative impact on economic performance. The key mechanism appears to be that total eclipses significantly intensified the effect of climate shocks on civil conflict. Our findings thus highlight the importance of political legitimacy during periods of economic downturn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the reissue of the book "Deep South: A Social Anthropological Study of Caste and Class" written by Allison Davis, Burleight Gardner, and Mary Gardner in 1941. The author Isabel Wilkerson decides to promote its republication due to her admiration for it. The study conducted by Davis and his colleagues reveals that in the deep South of the United States, there is a caste system similar to that of India and Nazi Germany. The caste system intertwines with the class system, and although some African Americans may belong to the middle class, they will never be part of the ruling class. Additionally, the discrimination based on skin color and distinctions within African American groups are highlighted. [Extracted from the article]

The current Lebanese crisis, with its accumulated historical complexities, has transformed into a national catastrophe, turning the Lebanese state into a failed and fragmented entity. What remains of its formal unity is only the structures of paralyzed constitutional institutions and authorities. Rational solutions for extrication seem to vanish, given the tangible decline in the production of intellectual elites and the political unity movement's inertia in the face of anything nonnational in thought or action. Opportunities for a dignified life within the framework of a fair civil state governed by law have been lost. This study is an attempt to rethink the causes and realities that led to the failed state, and to envision the aspirations for building a successful state in fulfilling its duties towards its people and its Arab environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Primary and secondary education under capitalism serves as an ideological apparatus to construct productive workers who will participate in the extractive economy and consent to their own exploitation. However, some school children are marked as deficient--impaired, disabled, and mad--incapable of being good workers who facilitate capitalist accumulation. Just as capital banishes incapacitated workers to the reserve army of labor, so too do school children learn to "surplus" and "disable" their peers who do not meet school norms. In this paper, I use a revolutionary Marxist perspective to analyze empirical data from a grade 1 United States classroom where students were teasing a neurodivergent classmate and excluding her from participation. I explore how the teacher intervened by using critical literacy to design a curricular unit on hidden disabilities that would engage her students in transformative, disability justice, and how students built a community around their disabled peers. Along the way, I explore how disability is a relation under capitalism rather than an identity; how nature gives us diverse bodyminds but it is capitalism that disables us; how the education system in capitalist societies is a vehicle for the dissemination of ruling class ideologies of productivity; how some school children are surplused and labeled as incapable of being good workers who facilitate capitalist accumulation; and possible solutions--what educators, parents, caregivers, and others can do about it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pension reform implemented in Russia in 2018, primarily associated with raising the retirement age, has become evidence of a 'miscalculation' of media controllers. Such a 'miscalculation' is explained by the improvidence of the ongoing campaign in promoting pension reform. This is mainly due to the lack of elaboration during the prediction of the risks associated with naming the legislative initiative and the intensity of its representation. As a result, the 'pension reform' frame, constructed and subsequently promoted by Russian federal TV channels, caused the non-linearity of the media process, inspiring protest moods in the social environment. The media controllers had to modify their editorial policy strategy. After facing challenges, the 'Big Trio' was forced to choose a new frame and decide on a new approach and strategy of representation. This helped them to bring stability to the social environment, decrease the risk of reputational damage to the ruling class, and create a foundation to introduce more political initiatives successfully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racialisation is a Marxist concept that has been utilised to understand racism patterns and reproduction in Western societies for more than three decades. In Marxist parlance, racialisation is the ideological process through which the state racialised a section of the population (ethnic minorities) for political purposes. The centrality of the state in racialisation discourse has inhibited the class basis that underpins racialisation. This article articulates the class analysis of racialisation, positing that racialisation stems from racism ideology that the Western ruling class utilised to divide the people along the ethnic line as a means of preserving and maintaining ruling class influence and prestige in society and protecting the capitalist system from being challenged by the unity of the people along the class line. Racialisation is utilised to reproduce racism, using media, laws, regulations and institutional practices to entrench division and disunity in society and preserve their control system under capitalism. In discussing the future of racism, this article critiques the current anti-racism campaign/movement founded and rooted in race discourse and race consciousness and argues that a shift from race consciousness to racialised consciousness is pivotal towards deconstruction and eradicating all vestiges of racism in the global society. The article concludes that racialised consciousness would act as a political unifier in anti-racism campaigns and connects the struggles of Black working and middle class with that of the White working and middle class in terms of collaboration and solidarity, to collectively challenge the capitalist system that is responsible for oppression, inequality and racism on class lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on Gramscian conceptualisations of power. It does so by introducing 'Hegemonic Excess Theory' as a tool for understanding political crises. For Antonio Gramsci and his adherents, the political and economic establishment fosters consent and allegiance amongst subordinate classes through the dissemination, inculcation and appropriation of seductive and pacifying ideologies. In this article, I argue that subordinate groups may adopt such ideals too well and to such an extent that it undermines key objectives of the establishment. As such, Hegemonic Excess Theory encapsulates the idea that the leading class's very success in imparting certain ideals among the population can magnify, become unwieldly, backfire and cause crisis for the political elite. I illustrate this through the 2016 Brexit vote, with a particular focus on how xenophobia and anti-migrant narratives and policy, including from the Remain campaign, played a pivotal role in sections of the electorate voting against the interests of the domestic and transnational establishment's commitment to the neoliberal enterprise of the EU. While not necessarily insurmountable, this has caused a significant crisis for the ruling class. In the conclusion, I contend that Hegemonic Excess Theory has considerable analytical value in understanding political crises far beyond Brexit. Un excès d'hégémonie : Vers une nouvelle conceptualisation des effets indésirables des discours dominants à travers l'étude de cas du Brexit [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a review of the book "Jeremiah. National Drama in Three Parts" written by Karol Wojtyla, also known as Pope John Paul II. The book, published in Krakow in 1940, is a play set in the 16th century and belongs to the first period of the Polish Pope's literary production. The plot focuses on characters who try to warn Poland's ruling class about the impending disaster if they do not change their behavior. The article also highlights the importance of Wojtyla's artistic activity in his intellectual and cultural formation. [Extracted from the article]

Just as Athanasius stood against Arianism (the ascendent faith of the ruling class of his day), Lewis stood against Modernism (the ascendent literary movement of his day). This paper will explore Lewis's pugnacious resistance to Modernism, both as a literary-critic and as a writer of fiction, in the light of his core theological convictions, which include, like Athanasius, a firm belief in Incarnation--in the embodiment of Logos in the material world. In treating this topic, this paper will consider Lewis's main opponent, Modernist poet T. S. Eliot, who seemingly represents all that Lewis fights against; it will explore the theological underpinnings of Lewis's disagreement with Eliot and will evaluate Lewis's desire to retain the image (broadly speaking) in the light of his profoundly Incarnational faith. What is more, it will aim to link that deeply Incarnational faith to his programme of literary re-enchantment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dominant Western narrative—now virtually obligatory within its media and foreign policy establishments—asserts that Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 was unprovoked, deriving from domestic political imperatives and messianic imperial nostalgia. Yet, while these factors must be included within a comprehensive causal argument, a deeper and more satisfactory explanation for the invasion situates the predicament of the Russian ruling class—and thus government—within the context of the systematic, decades-long project of NATO expansion and a series of specific provocative actions and decisions taken by Kyiv and Washington in the second half of 2021. The United States has consistently opposed integration between Russia and Western Europe. The key parameter of U.S. neo-imperial strategy in Europe-Asia remains embedded in Cold War geo-politics, namely that U.S. hegemony in Eurasia rests on the exclusion of Russia from European affairs and the prevention of a geo-economic axis between Berlin, Moscow and Beijing. However, even as the war may result in a final settling of accounts in the U.S.-Russia relationship and beyond, it has also thrown into increasingly sharp relief the growing conflict of class interests and complex geopolitical asymmetries and contradictions in the transatlantic relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Independent development and social justice in any country is linked to the nature of the ruling class in it and the economic and social policies that this class usually adopts as an expression of its interests, and the extent to which these policies contribute to the productivity of the economy, providing job opportunities, the optimal use of natural and human resources, and ultimately in the equitable distribution of national wealth. This paper discusses development trends in Arab countries, the economic and monetary policies on which these trends are based, the major imbalances that Arab economies suffer from, and the economic and social effects that have resulted from them, which have created a clear disparity in various development indicators between one social group and another in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1860, Emine Hanım killed her husband Ferik İbrahim Pasha. In this article, I use her murder trial to examine the interrelation between slavery, the private lives of the Ottoman ruling class, and the complexities of the judicial system during the Tanzimat period (1839–1876). I identify the limitations of nineteenth-century legal reforms and the discrepancy between the reformist ideals and the real-world complexities experienced by individuals. By paying close attention to legal issues in the Ottoman Empire during the Tanzimat era, such as siyaseten katl (administrative death penalty) and the inconsistent application of kısas (retaliation in kind), I argue that Emine's story contributes to a better understanding of the Ottoman legal system during the reform era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This paper studies the first Chilean school newspapers led by women and the role of high school students as mediators of scientific knowledge at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. The analysis is part of the expansion and modernization of the press and publishing industry, as well as the in$uence of positivism and the educational reforms that were implemented in Chile during that period, a context in which the ruling class considered scientific knowledge, both its development and access to it by the population, as a priority. Methodology: The article is based on the studies of historians of science who have understood audiences as active agents in generating new knowledge, problematizing categories such as expert, amateur and layman, and examining the types of relationships they sustained. This theoretical perspective is applied to analyzing the magazines of four women's high schools that took advantage of the valid study plans to access the university in the period and is complemented with other sources, such as prospectuses and relevant administrative documents. Originality: The study makes visible the role of women in science and, specifically, Chilean schoolgirls in this context, which have not been studied from the perspective presented here. Conclusions: Despite the lack of attention given to this population group in terms of scientific contribution, it is shown that high school students were active readers, disseminators and producers of knowledge, managing magazines, generating networks and circulating the knowledge beyond the walls of their educational establishments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The liberal ruling class, with the constitution of the Kingdom of Italy and in the context of an emerging mass society, must face the unresolved problem of integrating citizens into the new national state. The constitutional forces, with a unitary process conducted substantially from above and without a party structure, entrust the task of creating a common feeling of identity around the newborn institutions to a vast and heterogeneous network of irredentist and patriotic organisations, bodies and circles. The purpose of this essay is to investigate, beyond the individual formations and the varied fields of action, the origin, the function and the multiple activities of this liberal association, advocate of a patriotic but not nationalist pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios de Desarrollo is the property of Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios de Desarrollo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies of China's ruling elites need to be set in the historical context of their formation and expansion, and the resurgence of the notion of "bloodline" (xuetong lun) and its evolution in the last decade into the red-genes theory (hongse jiyin) have increased this need. Yet there is a gap between the scholarly literature in English on China's ruling elites and academic and non-academic publications in Chinese on the subject, especially on the Yan'an period (late 1935 until early 1948) of the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) expansion. Both advocates of the bloodline concept and the red genes theory are connected to Yan'an, as are numerous other contemporary ruling class families. Based on an analysis of Chinese publications, this article examines understudied aspects of the "going to Yan'an" phenomenon during the Anti-Japanese War from a social positioning perspective. Through considering Yan'an as part of social positioning options and how new groups developed there, this article offers a new perspective on the making of China's post-1949 ruling elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a book review of "Trump and the Deeper Crisis" edited by Kevin A Young, Michael Schwartz, and Richard Lachmann. The book explores the deeper crisis that Donald Trump represents, highlighting the continuity of issues across presidential administrations. It discusses various topics such as Trump's racism, alliance with White evangelicals, immigration policy, healthcare failures during the COVID-19 pandemic, and ruling class divisions over fossil fuel use. The book also examines Trump's foreign policy approach, comparing it to previous presidents and highlighting the transformation of US foreign policy over the years. The review concludes that the book provides a class-based analysis of the contemporary US political economy and places Trumpism in historical and material context. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Comparative & International Education is the property of Canadian & International Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent studies on income inequality have some characteristics that differentiate them from their earlier counterparts. The spotlight on high incomes has illuminated a new angle from which to view income inequality. Because estimates of top income shares can be used as a proxy for power inequality, they can enrich our comprehension of the role of the elite in Latin America's economic development. However, scholars interested in studying the history of economic inequality in Latin America face certain methodological and theoretical problems of their own: (1) because food and other commodities such as minerals represent the lion's share of exported goods in Latin America, cycles in commodity prices have shaped the region's economic history. Thus, the crux of income inequality in Latin America is who becomes richer and who becomes poorer when exports prices rise and fall; and (2) the sort of fiscal statistics typically used capture only a few countries and sometimes only limited periods. Thus, as I argue, scholars should use dynamic social tables to produce new information. I exemplify both points with a historical analysis of three Latin American countries: Chile, Colombia, and Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political agenda of eco-social policy seeks to create synergies between social justice and ecological goals, such as mitigating climate change. While the concept already has a strong theoretical foundation, and many concrete policy instruments have been proposed, support for eco-social policy is still insufficient to mobilize political action. We assume that one cause of this lack of action are the diverging interests and ideologies of different classes. In this article we apply a class perspective and conduct an empirical study to explore class support for and opposition to eco-social policy. We use data from a representative survey in Germany and identify nine class fractions, based on Bourdieu's concept of social space. We first compare the carbon footprints of the classes, to determine their varying degrees of responsibility for supporting political efforts to mitigate climate change. We then compare class support for eco-social policy, considering the dimensions of redistribution, regulation and rights. We find that the economic upper class – a fraction equating closely with the ruling class – and the old working class oppose eco-social policy the most. The cultural upper class are the strongest proponents of eco-social policy. The lower-class fractions showed considerable concern about the costs associated with eco-social policy. We conclude that a stronger focus on the social justice element when designing and advocating for eco-social policy could lead to greater support from the lower classes and help to build eco-social welfare states that offer protection in times of increasing social and ecological risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objectives of this study were to explore the linguistic changes, to discover the value of Pali (PL) and Sanskrit (SKT) loanwords in an old and important epic work entitled "Thao Hung or Cheuang", and to describe the society depicted in this work and its beliefs. The conceptual framework of this study consists of (1) usage of PL-SKT words through sound change theories (2) values of the PL-SKT loanwords applied in Thao Hung or Cheuang and (3) reflections on the society and beliefs of the people in this epic. A qualitative method was employed and the data were collected from volumes 1-4 of the Dictionary of the Vocabulary in the Northeastern Thai Literary Work Thao Hung or Thao Cheuang published by the Royal Society of Thailand. The findings revealed that there are 679 PL-SKT loanwords in the work. The vowel and consonant sound changes were made for the sake melodiousness of the poetry of the work. The values of PL-SKT words can be categorized into five dimensions, namely, 1) language usage 2) word usage 3) sound usage 4) semantic usage and 5) aesthetic usage. The work also reflects the society it depicts, namely: urban society on a plateau which is class-based and agricultural, in which there is gender inequality between men and women and marriage between relatives of the ruling class, and in which there are multiple cultural influences. The following two types of beliefs were found in the society, namely: old beliefs and Brahman and Buddhist beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Making Our Own History: A User's Guide to Marx's Historical Materialism" by Jonathan White is a book that aims to correct the omission of history in mainstream economics. White introduces the concept of historical and dialectical materialism, which explains societal development through contradictions in the material world rather than contradicting ideas. He argues that history is shaped by the contradictions between technological forces and property relations of production, rather than great leaders and their ideas. The book also explores the practical application of historical materialism in society, history, and politics, using examples such as the 1851 French coup d'état and the Soviet Union. While the book provides a valuable introduction to historical materialism, it does not address its critics. Overall, "Making Our Own History" is recommended for students and scholars interested in understanding Marxist thought. [Extracted from the article]

From the 16th century to the 18th century, in order to realize the goal of promoting its propaganda and strengthening the influence of Christianity in China and Vietnam, Western missionaries, especially Jesuit missionaries, applied the method of “missionary academic” and “missionary bibliography” thoroughly, effectively and creatively. As a result, Western science and technology in general, and astronomy in particular, were gradually introduced into these two countries. The ruling class in China and Vietnam still had a few critical and negative reactions to such moves, but in general openness to and active acceptance of Western astronomical achievements were always the dominant attitudes of emperors, kings and mandarins in these two countries. On the basis of taking advantage of the original historical data sources and research achievements of Chinese, Vietnamese and international scholars, and at the same time combining the application of the research method of historical science along with other approaches, especially the comparative research method, this article will thoroughly analyse the attitude of the ruling class of China and Vietnam in receiving Western astronomy. This article also clarifies the main cause for the difference in the reception of Western astronomy by emperors, kings and mandarins in these two countries, thereby making a contribution to the study of the history of East-West cultural exchanges in China and Vietnam in the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries.

How did Jewish refugees who fled Nazi Europe relate to colonial regimes in Africa? While the scholarly studies of Nazism and European colonialism usually belong to separate academic fields, this article by Cassen examines their intersection through the story of the author's grandparents, Henri and Pola Katzengold, who survived the Holocaust by fleeing to the Belgian Congo. In the Congo, where white people constituted the ruling class, they experienced a sudden transition from being hunted by Nazis in Europe to becoming Belgian colonialists. But while their whiteness gave them power and status over black Africans, their Jewishness rendered their privilege ambiguous, relegating them to the margins of white colonial society. Using the memoir of the author's grandmother as a source, this article provides a window into understanding racism and social relations between different groups in the Belgian colony during the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Song Dynasty was an era of introspection, with refinement tendency and thriving market culture. At the same time, its culture was relatively closed and introverted, and elegant. Under such a background, tea culture of the Song Dynasty was gentle, soft and clear, whose tea ceremony pursued simplicity and valued aspirations. Due to the increasing demand on highquality tea of the ruling class, the tribute tea system gradually improved, and the tea-whisking drinking method became popular with focus on cleanliness, simplicity and elegance. Besides, the use of tea utensils was also quite meticulous. Tea held a unique position in court politic diplomacy, and even in daily etiquette. At the same time, tea had also been endowed with many spiritual connotations, permeating into the cultural entertainment life of monarchs and ministers in the court, thus giving birth to many elegant tea drinking techniques and cultural masterpieces. The tea culture of the court in the Song Dynasty led the new trend of the times in the promotion and popularization of tea drinking customs among the people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the homilies of the Bishop of Cuernavaca, Sergio Méndez Arceo, in the 1970s. The objective is to deepen the multiple messages that economic problems take up, by contextualizing these ideas, within the general framework of Liberation Theology. The main axes of the homilies focus on two positions: 1) conversion and 2) dualism. By conversion, Méndez Arceo constantly returns to the idea of “class struggle”, at the same time, from the perspective of Holy Scripture, he emphasizes the Liberation of the man. While by dualism he insists on the division between a ruling class of wealthy businessmen or landowners and a dominated class of workers and peasants, dividing society into good and bad Christians. It is worth highlighting that this article takes up a novel theme, considering that an in-depth analysis of the economic problems in the homilies has not been carried out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lenin said, 'We do not regard Marx's theory as something completed and inviolable; on the contrary, we are convinced that it has only laid the foundation stone of the science which socialists must develop in all directions if they wish to keep pace with life'. Marx himself believed in the principle of 'ruthless criticism' of everything existing. Critiquing and revising certain ideas to strengthen an approach to society is a constructive act. But the legitimate act of revision becomes revision-ism, when the fundamental tenets of Marxism are revised in order to attack – negate – its very explanatory or scientific foundation and to justify political reformism. Indeed, since Lenin's time, scientific socialism has been under attack from not only the ruling class and its ideologues, but also those who associate themselves with Marxism itself, including in academia. The latter are revisionist Marxists. For them, Marxism has some usefulness. But they deny the superiority of Marxism as a way of critically and scientifically interpreting the world and transforming that world in the interest of the exploited and oppressed masses in a revolutionary socialist manner. This denial of Marxism's superiority takes the form of the denial of Marxism's central concepts: class and capitalism. The article discusses, and critiques, various forms of revisionist Marxism (e.g. Analytical Marxism, Polanyian Marxism, Post-Modernist Marxism, and Geographical Marxism). Revisionism does respond to some recent developments in the world (e.g. the defeat of class-based movements; the complexity of class structure), but it seeks to explain these not on the basis of Marxist foundations but on the basis of scientifically inadequate ideas and in a manner that is politically reformist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The editorial in Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies reflects on the history and mission of the journal, which was founded to challenge and upend the global structure of exploitation that has affected Africa and its diaspora. The editorial discusses the socialist character of the movement for African sovereignty and liberation, as well as the challenges faced by anti-imperialist forces in the face of neoliberal reform and the overthrow of socialist governments. It also highlights the current geopolitical landscape in Africa, including the rise of multipolarity and the potential for an independent and anti-imperialist realignment on the continent. The editorial concludes by emphasizing the need for Africa to achieve sovereignty and find its own organic intellectuals and revolutionary theories in order to address pressing challenges such as climate change, migration, and poverty. [Extracted from the article]

This article aims to examine the context surrounding the establishment of sanhak (算學) within the Ministry of Revenue (Hojo 戶曹) during the reign of King Sejo (r. 1455-1468) by reviewing the process of change in the institutional system for mathematics from the Goryeo Dynasty to the Joseon Dynasty. Previous studies have suggested that the ruling class's neglect of miscellaneous knowledge (雜學) and King Sejo's reorganization of the state bureaucracy caused a decline in the level and status of mathematics after its pinnacle during the reign of King Sejong (r. 1418-1450). This article argues that the establishment of sanhak during the 12th year of King Sejo's reign had a multifaceted background that cannot be simply attributed to the neglect of miscellaneous knowledge. Furthermore, it posits that the establishment of the Sanhak Institute marked the birth of a mathematical organization and elevated the status of the “sanwon (算員)” belonging to the organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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