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During October 10–12, 1956, British Hong Kong was engulfed in a downward spiral of violence that pitted Kuomintang (KMT) supporters against men and women affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), forcing the People's Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of China (ROC), and Great Britain to engage in a series of tense diplomatic exchanges that could have escalated into a wider geopolitical conflict. The actions of KMT supporters precipitated the 1956 riots, thereby granting opportunities to the PRC to repeatedly and strongly criticize the colonial government for allegedly failing to protect Chinese who were loyal to Beijing. While the PRC did not intervene militarily to protect its supporters, the 1956 riots revealed to London the precarious nature of colonial rule and underscored the fact that the colony's very existence was dependent upon the acquiescence of Beijing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "The Cubs, Protestors, Bleacher Bums, and the Basket: The Wrigley Field Opening-Day Riot, 1970" recounts the chaotic events that unfolded during the Chicago Cubs' 1970 home opener at Wrigley Field. Amidst a backdrop of societal unrest and economic turmoil, the game was marred by fights in the stands, fans storming the field, and clashes with security. The aftermath led to significant changes in ticketing, security, and the addition of a wire-mesh extension to the bleacher wall. The incident highlighted the intersection of sports and society, reflecting the turbulent times of the late 1960s and early 1970s. [Extracted from the article]

How does newspaper-based event data compare to a government data source? While scholars have long recognized the importance of and biases present in newspaper-based event data, few studies have compared newspaper reports with official government data to better understand the severity and impact of such biases. We develop this comparison in the context of riots, a form of violent collective action that represents an important middle ground between peaceful protests and protracted civil conflict. Using newly collected police precinct-level government data from India, we compare these data to a high-quality newspaper source. Though similar at the aggregate level, newspaper riot reports correlate poorly with government data at the local level. We model the frequency of newspaper and government riot reports based on literacy, location, and other demographic characteristics to better understand the discrepancies between these two sources. We conclude that newspaper riot data does partially reflect aggregate riot trends, but the newspaper editorial process also plays an important role. Government data is better for within country comparisons and for analyzing event trends over time. Our findings suggest that using collective action event data from both sources may help ensure that results are not driven by biases in either data source. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black protest events in the United States have been characterised by police use of violence against protestors during periods, such as the widespread riots of the 1960s, when many white people and police see black people as posing a special danger to the status quo. It appears that the aftermath of the police killing of George Floyd, which triggered widespread Black Lives Matter protests, is another such time. However, social scientific evidence that addresses the question of whether police responded with unnecessary violence to these black-led protests remains in short supply. In this study, we conducted a content analysis of protest participants' federal court statements about their lived experience with police violence during Chicago, IL, protests. Their accounts suggest that police, rather than protestors, initiated violence and relied on it to control protestors in ways that violated Chicago Police Department policies and constitutional protections afforded citizens. Despite efforts to reform police management of protests over the last half century, our findings suggest that the historical pattern of police use of militaristic tactics and gratuitous violence to control black protest events persists today. We consider the implications of the findings for relations between the police and black communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sound's ability to impact the body and cross borders places it firmly within the remit of criminological concern. However, although sound continually emerges as a feature of far-right protests and riots—including through music, chants, singing, yelling and drumming—the role it fulfils for the far right has gone untheorized. To address this gap, this article introduces the concept of 'nationalist soundscapes', which describes the mechanisms through which far-right nationalists deploy sound to effectuate a politics of power, domination and nationalist superiority. Referencing a selection of events, I argue nationalists weaponize sound in a way that is unique to them, insofar as nationalist soundscapes are deployed to assert ownership over the nation, while simultaneously displacing racialized others through sonic violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Popular Revolt and Collective Violence in the War of Independence" analyzes the violent riots during the Napoleonic invasion in the Iberian Peninsula (1808-1810). It highlights the research project funded by the State Research Agency (2020-2024) on collective violence in Spain during the War of Independence. Specific cases in cities such as Valencia, Murcia, Évora, and Barcelona are addressed, showing the complexity of the motivations behind popular violence. The importance of studying this type of violence in the historical context of the time is emphasized. [Extracted from the article]

Why do states use violence to repress dissent? When do opposition groups escalate conflict by employing violent tactics? We argue that not all opposition groups are created alike, and that understanding who is involved in protest is important for event outcomes. Because of their age and social status, student protesters are more likely to adopt confrontational behaviors, even when engaged in nominally peaceful protest. As such, students are more likely to be seen as threats by security forces tasked with responding to social unrest. Although frequently unplanned, spontaneous interactions between dissidents and regime forces can lead to an escalatory spiral. As such, we expect that student protests are more likely to escalate to violence than protests by other actors, and that security forces are more likely to use repression against students. This relationship will be especially pronounced when youth unemployment is high, leading to heightened grievances and fewer social constraints. Using event data combined with actor information on protest dynamics across seven countries in Africa and Latin America from 1990 to 2016, we find that although student groups are not more likely to engage in riots at the outset, when they do protest, violent interactions with police are more likely. Moreover, youth unemployment significantly increases the potential for violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Experts who study conflicts in Kazakhstan believe that local and foreign news outlets played a significant role in the construction of the social reality of these conflicts. This study identified the frames used to report news of the January 2022 riots in Kazakhstan. The study examined news reports from Kazakh, Russia, and British news sources to identify how news was framed, and how evidence was used. Twelve frames were identified, with a few that were unique to each medium. The use of evidence focused on official sources and was limited due to government control. The authors report there are no competing interests to declare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This interview was conducted in the Summer of 2024 as part of a publishing project about surplus populations and their modes of resistance for the Flemish literary journal nY. Lietje Bauwens and Tivadar Vervoort interviewed Daniel Loick for the occasion of his newest book, Die Überlegenheit der Unterlegenen (Suhrkamp 2024), which discusses a standpoint-theoretical approach to the politics of counter-communities—marginalized social groups that develop better forms of life than those typical of hegemonic social formations.

This article examines how Israelis used dual screening during two parallel violent conflicts in May 2021: the Gaza war between Israel and Hamas, and Arab-Jewish clashes within Israel. Based on a survey of 400 Israelis conducted during the crisis, it maps the news platforms and identifies the variables shaping dual screening. Though consumption patterns were the same for both conflicts, news consumption was less intensive for internal riots than for external military operations. The analysis revealed that fear and integrative needs predicted dual screening in both cases, while diversion and cognitive needs did not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special section aims to examine the relationship between succession and legitimation in post-Soviet Eurasia. Presidential successions in Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Azerbaijan offer valuable insights into the intricate nature of regime gaining and losing legitimacy in the aftermath of political succession. Since the early 2000s, the leaders of the four nations have advocated for constitutional amendments that have substantially enhanced presidential authority. In Kyiv, Minsk, Astana, and Baku, the established personal politics have favored the president, operating on principles of loyalty, cooptation, and clientelism, rather than relying solely on institutional regulations and electoral procedures. Elections in these states helped both to legitimize authoritarian rule and to spark violent uprisings against incumbent regimes. The coordinated succession in post-Soviet autocracies indicates that the reservoir of support to regime founders is robust, at least in the short term. The occurrence of post-electoral protests in Ukraine in 2004 and Belarus in 2020 and the Bloody January riots in Kazakhstan in 2022 serves as evidence of the erosion of personalistic rule. The lack of policy innovation or performative legitimation fosters a persistent desire for change, critical voices, and inter-elite rivalry. The incumbent regimes in Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Azerbaijan used the guise of democratic legitimation to conceal their autocratic inclinations; Ukraine broke this cycle of personalistic tendencies and adhered to a democratic path. Autocratic stability aligns with the compulsion to reevaluate policy priorities and patronage networks during periods of succession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the historical context of rioting in Baltimore, from the 19th century to the present day, focusing on the Baltimore Uprising in 2015. It discusses how rioting has been viewed as a form of democratic action, particularly in response to police violence and racial injustice. The text delves into the evolution of rioting as a political tool and the ways in which it has been policed and separated from democratic practices over time. The author suggests reevaluating the relationship between rioting and democracy, considering the historical context and the changing nature of democratic politics. [Extracted from the article]

The Australian gay liberation movement has been memorialized on-screen only relatively recently, with the production of the self-described telemovie Riot (dir. Jeffrey Walker, Australia, 2018). A fictional narrative based on the real-world activism that led to the first Sydney Mardi Gras, Riot authenticates the relation of its story to historical events in part by giving its characters the same names as some of the more prominent activists organizing in the seventies. Yet what is most striking about Riot is the way in which it privileges another kind of historical agent—television—in its story of queer activism. This article considers the significance that Riot accords television as a public, historically conscious, family-oriented, and nation-building medium that converges with and enables gay activism as well as new forms of sexual subjectivity and self-expression. Between its opening framing as televisual event and its riot sequence, the telemovie privileges television's past and future capacity to both document and dramatize historical events and also to broadcast queer visibility to the nation. Through its collage of archival effects and codes of liveness, Riot transmutes the televisual into a timeless medium of public vitality absorbed by its queer characters and made available to its contemporary queer audiences. Thus Riot, via its discourse of television, seeks to guarantee not only a narrative of liberal progress of public visibility and queer human rights, but also the existence of queer selves and communities—that is, queer social lives—across time and across generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does social cohesion explain variation in violence within divided cities? In line with insights drawn from the ethnic politics, criminology and urban geography literature we suggest that explaining variation in intergroup violence is not possible by relying on motivational elements alone, and attention to social cohesion is required as well. While cohesion can facilitate collective action that aids violent mobilization, it can also strengthen social order that contributes to the group's capability to control and prevent unrest. We test these relationships using an application of a latent variable model to an integration of survey results, crime data and expert-coded data in order to measure cohesion in East Jerusalem neighborhoods. We then analyze its impact on riots using three original geolocated datasets recording violence in the neighborhoods between the years 2013 and 2015. Our results reveal that even with controls for economic and political determinants of violence, as well as for spatial clustering and temporal explanations, neighborhood-level social cohesion is a robust explanatory variable that negatively correlates with riots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 1744, a series of riots broke out at Drury Lane theatre, forcing its proprietor, Charles Fleetwood, to sell his majority share of the theatrical patent. Theatre scholarship has long held that the riots were caused by Fleetwood's attempt to raise admission prices for old pantomimes, yet also, somewhat contradictorily, has maintained that admission prices definitively increased at London's patent theatres in the period around 1740. This article shows both points to be mistaken: prices did not rise in the period, and Fleetwood was forced out due to a range of grievances that had developed over the preceding decade. By revealing how pricing practices, Fleetwood's tenure, and the riots developed, this article provides new insights on a crucial period in London's theatre history (the 1730s–40s) and on the wider social and economic dynamics of Georgian theatregoing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How and when can religious times become focal points for communal violence? In the context of Hindu-Muslim riots in India, I argue that incompatible ritual holidays where one religion's rituals are at odds with another (e.g., sacrificing cows or engaging in processions with idolatry) help explain the positive effect of sacred time on religious rioting. Holidays with incompatible rituals provide doctrinal differences that make riots more likely. These types of holidays can be used by riot entrepreneurs to incite violence or can independently raise an individual's willingness to engage in violence. I provide support for this argument by analyzing data on Hindu-Muslim riots across 100 years. I investigate the mechanisms through additional analysis and examining historical and present-day cases of riots that occurred on holidays. By focusing on the content of religion, this paper demonstrates how particular religious holidays can provide the underlying conditions that elites use to incite religious violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict, manifesting as riots and protests, is a common occurrence in urban environments worldwide. Understanding their likely locations is crucial to policymakers, who may (for example) seek to provide overseas travelers with guidance on safe areas, or local policymakers with the ability to pre‐position medical aid or police presences to mediate negative impacts associated with riot events. Past efforts to forecast these events have focused on the use of news and social media, restricting applicability to areas with available data. This study utilizes a ResNet convolutional neural network and high‐resolution satellite imagery to estimate the spatial distribution of riots or protests within urban environments. At a global scale (N = 18,631 conflict events), by training our model to understand relationships between urban form and riot events, we are able to predict the likelihood that a given urban area will experience a riot or protest with accuracy as high as 97%. This research has the potential to improve our ability to forecast and understand the relationship between urban form and conflict events, even in data‐sparse regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much debate over whether former President Donald Trump should be disqualified under Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment focuses on matters tangential to whether the events of January 6, 2021, were an insurrection and whether Trump engaged in that insurrection. Debate centers on the role of Section 3 in the Reconstruction Project, whether Section 3 is self-executing, whether disqualification is a punishment that requires a criminal conviction, whether Section 3 is restricted to the Civil War, whether Presidents are exempt from disqualification, and whether the Presidency is exempt from disqualification. The existing literature rarely delves deeply into the historical sources, either assuming that the persons responsible for Section 3 were largely working from a tabula rasa or, in the manner of advocates, cherry-picking favorable citations, often wrenching them out of context. The following pages are part of a project that engages in an exhaustive survey of the Congressional Globe, case law, legal treatises, and contemporaneous commentaries to determine how persons when Section 3 was framed and ratified would have responded to contemporary questions about the implementation of that constitutional provision. This survey supports the following conclusions. First, the constitutional disqualification of government officials who violated their oath of office was central to the Fourteenth Amendment's goal of ensuring government by persons who could be trusted to be faithful to the Constitution. Second, with one notable exception, Americans during the 1860s regarded Section 3 as self-executing. Third, Section 3 when framed was thought to be an additional qualification for officeholding and not a punishment for crime. Fourth, Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment was intended to bar from office any past or present state or federal officeholder who engaged in an insurrection, not just persons who participated in what members of the 39th Congress referred to as "the late rebellion." Fifth, the persons who framed Section 3 thought Presidents of the United States are officers of the United States who are disqualified from holding present or future federal or state offices if they engage in an insurrection after or while holding office. Sixth, the persons who framed Section 3 thought that Presidency of the United States was among the offices under the United States that past and present officeholders who participated in insurrections were disqualified from holding. This paper speaks of what certain persons responsible for the Fourteenth Amendment thought and did rather than the original meaning of Section 3. Original meaning is a freighted term and often is used to compel contemporary constitutional decisions. In many cases, while we can determine what particular framers thought about some matters--for example, about whether Section 3 is self-executing--no good evidence exists as to what the average person thought or if the average person had any thoughts on the subject at all. Moreover, while the findings below are relevant to contemporary constitutional decision-making, they should not be decisive. The dead do not rule the living. The question for the present is whether any constitutional or political change has taken place between the time the Fourteenth Amendment was framed and ratified and the present that would justify acting inconsistently with the framing expectation that oathbreaking Presidents should be disqualified under Section 3. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing number of population-level stressors globally has raised concerns over their mental health consequences on young people. Few studies, however, have examined such factors in population-based youth samples, particularly with consideration of how different stressor types could affect mental health via their impacts on specific world assumptions. As part of a household-based epidemiological study, 766 young people (aged 15–25 years) participated in this study from June 2021 to 2022. We examined how negative world assumptions, assessed using the World Assumption Scale (WAS), and the subdomains of benevolence, meaningfulness, and self-worth, would mediate the impact of stressors on symptom expression. Stressors included population-level stressful events, such as those related to social unrest (TEs) and the COVID-19 pandemic (PEs), as well as personal stressful life events (SLEs) and adverse childhood experiences (ACEs). Meanwhile, symptoms included depressive, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms. Results showed that negative meaningfulness assumptions significantly mediated the effect of social unrest–related TEs on PTSD symptoms, while benevolence and self-worth mediated the effect of ACEs on depressive and anxiety symptoms. COVID-19 PEs and SLEs showed no significant association with world assumptions. Higher overall negative world assumptions were also significantly associated with poorer functioning and health-related quality of life. The findings suggest that world assumptions play specific mediating roles between different types of external stressors and symptom outcomes, with population-level human-induced stressors and childhood adversity playing more determining roles. These observations provide opportunities for designing interventions targeting negative world assumptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text explores the 1950s riots at North Carolina Women's Prison in Raleigh, where female inmates protested poor living conditions and lack of basic human rights. The riots were influenced by race, gender, and class discrimination, with incarcerated women feeling powerless and marginalized. The systemic issues of racial segregation and eugenics laws in North Carolina further exacerbated the vulnerability of incarcerated women, particularly women of color. The text sheds light on the challenges faced by incarcerated women and the societal responses to their protests, emphasizing the need to understand the historical context of gender, race, and class dynamics in the United States. [Extracted from the article]

In the same time that it took France to win the 2018 World Cup final, Ladj Ly's film, Les Misérables (2019), takes viewers from jubilant football crowd scenes to protest in the streets. Produced as a response to the 2005 riots in France, Ly takes an urgent look at inequality and police violence in the banlieue or impoverished suburbs. His aim is both to debunk the Republic's claim to universalism and to contest the representation of the banlieue in mainstream media and banlieue film. I argue that in claiming heritage from Victor Hugo, Ly explores the effectiveness of various media platforms for challenging social exclusion in the high-rise estates on the margins of the city, with their large immigrant populations. I look firstly at Republican values and marginalization in the banlieue , before considering banlieue film and how Les Misérables moves from nineteenth-century literature to twenty-first century digital activism in order to embrace a more inclusive society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Selahattin Demirtaş, head of the left‐wing pro‐Kurdish People's Democratic Party (HDP) in Turkey, was arrested in 2016; his detention stemmed from fabricated charges, allegedly originating from his speeches, political statements, and purported involvement in the Kurdish riots of October 2014, known as the Kobani Protests, across northern Kurdistan. The following excerpts are derived from Demirtaş's extensive testimony before the Turkish court, spanning nine days between December 2023 and January 2024. He and his legal representatives facilitated the compilation of these statements and the subsequent exchange of edited copies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The constellation of public gatherings known as the 1992 Los Angeles Riots / Uprising included a massive multigenerational, multiracial rally in the city's Koreatown. Over 30,000 people marched through Koreatown in what some have called the largest Asian American protest in US history. This article reads the rally through a performative lens as an instance of Asian American political thought in practice. It argues that the rally unified its diverse participants as a singular, if tenuously held, force—Korean America—and enacted anew a visibility and civic membership that did not precede the gathering. In so doing, it founded a counterpublic for participants to see themselves in their collective power. That this rally is virtually ignored in hegemonic historical narratives about the 1992 events, however, indicates that such enactments are made in a social world where audiences may or may not engage our performative acts. The language of performative invitation provides a better frame for theorizing the rally's enactive force, given the plurality of the shared world, public contestation, and the possibilities of audience refusal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evidence regarding the intergenerational effects of the Holocaust points to a heightened sensitivity to traumatic and stressful events, as well as to threats. These effects were found across at least three generations: the survivors themselves, their children, and their grandchildren. More specifically, this sensitivity is manifested in increased psychological reactions to adverse circumstances, especially when such situations trigger associations with the Holocaust. During 2023 Israel has experienced unprecedented civil unrest and protests following the government's plan to promote a judicial overhaul. Many expressed fears for Israeli democracy and the integrity of the social fabric in Israel. The current study examined how Holocaust descendants (i.e., children and grandchildren of Holocaust survivors) experienced this prolonged social unrest. A web‐based random sample of 706 Israeli Jews born after World War II completed questionnaires several months before the unrest began (Wave 1, 2022) and seven months into the unrest (Wave 2, 2023). Supporting most of our hypotheses, Holocaust descendants reported higher civil unrest salience (i.e., more preoccupation with the political and social upheaval) relative to comparison descendants (i.e., children and grandchildren of those not directly exposed to the Holocaust). Relative to comparison descendants, Holocaust descendants were also at a greater risk of reporting exacerbation in anxiety since the judicial overhaul was introduced, but not in depression or somatisation symptoms. Results remained significant after controlling Wave 1 distress level, background characteristics, level of engagement in civil unrest, and participants' viewpoint on the judicial overhaul. The findings further corroborate unique reactions to stress among Holocaust descendants, this time by highlighting increased preoccupation and increased exacerbation in anxiety during a period of prolonged political and social turmoil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reproduces the contents of a small notebook detailing, in a highly abbreviated form, the house of commons debate of 29 March 1756 regarding the use of Hanoverian and Hessian troops to defend Britain from invasion by the French, necessitated by the abysmal state of the home defences. In a separate, very short, section, the notebook details amendments to be made to the Militia Bill, which was enacted in 1757, to reform the militia in England and Wales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The figure of the “citizen journalist” burst onto the global audiovisual scene in the wake of a series of revolts targeted by a media blackout (in Burma in 2007, in Iran in 2009 and in the Arab world in 2011). In France, the emergence of these non-professionals covering mobilizations and their repression on the frontlines coincided, a few years later, with the appearance of new mobile applications for live broadcasting on social media. Based on an ethnography of these independent reporters, the primary aim of this article is to sketch out the sociological contours of this media phenomenon, questioning the boundaries between journalism and activism, but also between amateurism and professionalism. Emphasizing the tacit rules that govern this community of practice, the article also reveals the recurring dilemmas surrounding the commercialization of audiovisual content produced by these independent reporters. It concludes with the irreducible autonomy of images (and the sound that accompanies them), whose uses frequently escape the intentions of their authors.