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RESUMO Neste artigo, compreende-se a trajetória das Fábrica de Chapéus Mangueira (FCM) nas condições históricas e sociais da nova ordem republicana, nos anos de 1898 a 1920. Analisa-se o lugar dessa experiência histórica situada no contexto e na região do subúrbio da Mangueira, no Rio de Janeiro. Discorre-se sobre a projeção da FCM no cenário industrial e comercial juntamente com as greves que afetaram o setor chapeleiro, identificando-se os conflitos que se deram, dentro das condições do mundo do trabalho carioca. Por fim, discute-se o sentido construído de uma fábrica portadora de uma missão, sendo orgânica no nascente mundo protestante por meio do seu proprietário, José Luiz Fernandes Braga, demarcando, assim, a sua singularidade como missionária. Desse modo, aborda-se como uma unidade fabril esteve historicamente enredada aos mundos da produção, do trabalho e da religião, dentro da nova e conflituosa ordem republicana em construção. ABSTRACT This article approaches the journey of the Mangueira Hat Factory (FCM) in the historical and social conditions of the new Republican Order from 1898 to 1920. Theplaceof this historical experience is analyzed in the context and in the region of Mangueira suburbs in Rio de Janeiro. Theprojectionof the FCM in the industrial and commercial scenario is also presented here, as well as the strikes which affected the hat making sector, identifying theconflictsthat occurred due to the conditions of Rio de Janeiro’s workplace. Finally, this paper discusses thepurposeof a factory that had a mission, surging organically in the newborn Protestant worldthanks to its owner, José Luiz Fernandes Braga, thus highlighting its singularity asmissionary. Therefore, this article covers how this factory was historically entangled in the worlds of production, labor, and religion within the new and conflicting Republican Order, still under construction.

U ovom radu ispituje se Kantovo određenje prosvećenosti, kao i njegova aktuelnost u savremenoj filozofiji. Polazeći od Kantove čuvene definicije, prema kojoj samo onaj pojedinac koji se usudi da odbaci svoju nezrelost i poslušnost autoritetima može pretendovati da postane prosvećen, pokušaćemo da utvrdimo ko je glavni krivac za nedostatak prosvećenosti u modernim društvima. Iako svaki čovek snosi odgovornost za sopstvenu lenjost i nekorišćenje vlastitog uma, Kant naglašava veliku ulogu društvenog konteksta i državnog uređenja u kome pojedinac živi. Naime, svaka individua treba da bude autonomna prilikom mišljenja i donošenja odluka, ali lična autonomija može se ostvariti jedino u državi koja poštuje slobodu i jednakost svih svojih građana. Kant je verovao da samo republikansko državno uređenje ispunjava ove uslove i da se u njemu može garantovati slobodna javna upotreba uma svakom čoveku. Da bi se ostvarilo republikansko uređenje, potrebno je da se pređe iz prirodnog stanja u društveno stanje u kome je vlast podeljena na zakonodavnu, izvršnu i sudsku. Kant je smatrao da on ne živi u prosvećeno doba, nego u doba prosvećivanja, a opravdanje za ovu svoju tvrdnju nalazi u činjenici da Fridrih Drugi nije svojim podanicima nametao stavove vezane za pitanja religije, već im je dozvolio da se služe sopstvenim umom. Kantova definicija prosvećenosti aktuelna je i danas, jer zahtevi koje ona postavlja pred pojedinca i društvo i dalje predstavljaju ideale kojima težimo. This paper examines Kant’s definition of enlightenment as well as its actuality in contemporary philosophy. Starting from Kant’s famous definition, according to which only the individual who dares to reject his immaturity and obedience to authority can claim to become enlightened, we will try to determine who is the main culprit for the lack of enlightenment in modern society. Although each man bears the responsibility for his own laziness and not using his own reason, Kant emphasizes the role of the social context and state system in which the individual lives. Namely, every individual should be autonomous in thinking and making decisions, but this personal autonomy can only be achieved in a state that respects the freedom and equality of all its citizens. Kant believed that only a republican state system meets these requirements and that it can guarantee free public use of reason to every man. In order to achieve a republican order, it is necessary to move from a natural state to a social state in which power is divided into legislative, executive and judicial. Kant believed that he does not live in an enlightened age, but in an age of enlightenment, and the justification for this claim lies in the fact that Friedrich II did not impose attitudes on matters of religion to his citizens, but allowed them to use their own reason. Kant’s definition of enlightenment is still relevant today, because the demands it places on individuals and society continue to be the ideals we strive for

Al caer el gobierno central en 1820, las ciudades-provincias tuvieron que resolver la herencia colonial y los cambios iniciados por la Revolución. En este artículo abordamos la creación y/o reforma de las principales instituciones y prácticas políticas emprendidas con el fin de alcanzar la gobernabilidad del territorio de Tucumán. Desde la bibliografía especializada y a partir de nuestras propias investigaciones analizamos el desenvolvimiento del gobernador, la emergencia de la legislatura, la reorganización de la justicia, milicias y policía, como así también, la politización del espacio público. Estas variables revelaron un orden republicano sincrético entre lo nuevo y lo viejo, en donde la apelación constante a la “emergencia” fortaleció al gobernador y antepuso el orden común a los derechos y garantías individuales., When the central government was dissolved in 1820, the city-provinces had to resolve the colonial heritage and the changes initiated by the Revolution. In this article we analyze the creation or reform of certain institutions and political practices undertaken in order to achieve the governance of the territory of Tucumán. From the specialized bibliography and our own investigations we examine the development of the governor, the emergence of the legislature, the reorganization of justice, militias and police, as well as the politicization of public space. These variables revealed a syncretic republican order between the new and the old, where the constant appeal to "emergency" strengthened the governor and put the common order before individual rights and guarantees., Dossier: Las reformas político-institucionales en el Río de la Plata. Herencias, conflictividad, consensos y proyecciones, 1820-1852, Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

La introducción del presente dossier radica en mostrar los puntos de contacto entre la historiografía de las últimas décadas y los nuevos enfoques sobre las reformas en el Río de la Plata entre los años 1820 y 1852. La emergencia de las soberanías provinciales, los procesos electorales, los conflictos, las disidencias y los consensos alcanzados, constituyen algunos de los ejes abordados. Así, los artículos aquí reunidos proponen restituir y reconstruir las claves de la reflexión política, jurídica e institucional en ambos lados del atlántico y su inserción en Buenos Aires (ciudad y campaña), Mendoza, Tucumán y las provincias del litoral. The introduction to this dossier shows the points of contact between the historiography of the last decades and the new approaches regarding reforms in Río de la Plata between 1820 and 1852. The emergence of provincial sovereignties, electoral processes, conflicts, dissents and the consensuses reached constitute some of the core ideas of our approach. Thus, the articles contained here seek to restitute and reconstruct the keys to political, judicial and institutional reflection on both sides of the Atlantic and their insertion in Buenos Aires (city and countryside), Mendoza, Tucumán and the littoral provinces. Fil: Salvatto, Fabricio Gabriel. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

National audience; Que reste-t-il aujourd'hui de l'héritage juridique de Vichy 70 ans après l'ordonnance du 9 août 1944 relative au rétablissement de la légalité républicaine ? Les différentes contributions à cet ouvrage tentent l'analyse, à travers l'étude de différentes branches du droit, des modalités comme du contexte institutionnel, ayant permis à l'intense production normative du régime de Vichy de se greffer au corpus législatif républicain. Puis comment, à la Libération, se sont perpétuées nombre de mesures vichystes, souvent intégralement conservées dans le nouvel ordre légal sans guère d'adaptations. Reprise accidentelle ou intentionnelle ? Oubli inhérent à l'urgence ou au contraire marque, sur certains points, d'une indéniable concordance idéologique ? Peut-on encore évoquer aujourd'hui, de fait, une rupture radicale plutôt qu'une continuité partielle entre la IIIe République agonisante et Vichy, puis entre Vichy et les IVe et Ve Républiques ?Telles sont les questions auxquelles s'efforce de répondre ce volume d'actes du colloque pluridisciplinaire tenu à l'Université Savoie Mont Blanc les 23 - 24 octobre 2014, à l'invitation du Centre de Droit Public et Privé des Obligations et de la Consommation (CDPPOC) de la Faculté de droit de Chambéry, en partenariat avec le Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Comparatives sur les Constitutions, les Libertés et l'Etat (CERCCLE), et le Centre de Recherche et de Documentation Européenne et internationales (CRDEI) de l'Université de Bordeaux.

International audience; En opposition aux analyses qui définissent la société contemporaine comme une société marchandeou capitaliste, éventuellement altérée par la présence d’éléments hétérogènes, l’article la définit commeforme particulière d’articulation entre deux ordres principaux caractéristiques de la modernité, l’ordremarchand et l’ordre républicain. Il caractérise chacun de ces ordres et décrit leurs caractères pluri-dimensionnel, incomplet et imparfait. Il précise en quoi l’hypothèse du dualisme permet de penserl’incomplétude du marché, comme celle du capital, et d’analyser les formes non-marchandes en n’enfaisant pas une simple extension des logiques du marché et/ou du capital ou une béquille à leur service.

En el proceso que da lugar a la construcción de la república, la sociedad chilena experimenta una fuerte mutación cultural cuyo núcleo estructurador es el estatuto de la modernidad, asociado a las ideas de estado, nación y ciudadanía. En este artículo se explora esta perspectiva de transformación modernizadora desde el ámbito de la música, considerando específicamente la experiencia de la zamacueca en la primera mitad del siglo XIX. Este género de baile y música mestiza se vinculará indisolublemente con la construcción de símbolos nacionales de fuerte poder identitario; la consolidación y expansión de un sistema artístico moderno, urbano e intermedial, cuyo eje principal es el espectáculo teatral, asociado a la creación de un público masivo, y el desarrollo moderno de músicas y bailes populares locales, articulado con una incipiente industria cultural. During the process ofthe creation ofthe Republican system in Chile, the Chilean society went through a strong cultural change. The structural core ofthis change is the notion ofmodernity, as it relates to the ideas ofstate, nation and citizenship. This article deals with this modernizing transformation from the standpoint of music, focusing speciflcally on the histórica! making ofthe zamacueca, a mestizo genre combining dance and music. The zamacueca is inextricable bound with the creation of nacional symbols closely identified with the nation, as well as with the establishment and expansión ofa modern artistic system, which was both urban and intermedíate. The main basis ofthis system is the theatrical representation associated with the creation of massive audiences, and with the modern development of local repertoires ofboth music and dances, linked with an incipient cultural industry.