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Currently, scholars hold that the government's principal contribution to the California wine industry's recovery from Prohibition in the 1930s was to get out of the way, freeing entrepreneurs to conduct business properly; according to this interpretation, the United States only taxed the product and impeded progress. But this article argues that in the areas of regulation, promotion, and protection of the wine industry, the federal government provided a framework for California winemakers to succeed and that, moreover, it often did so at their request and in cooperation with them. Though New Deal laws and regulations did not benefit all stakeholders equally, they did work to bring economic recovery to an industry that suffered from both Prohibition and the Depression.

Introduction. The problem of nationalism, national movements, their content and methods of achieving goals relates not only to the analysis of the historical past, but also has a vivid topical nature. In this sense, the example of Ireland can be considered classic, because, from the end of the 18th century until 1923, it displayed a full palette of ideas, mechanisms and various directions in nationalism. Likewise, British colonial policy chose Ireland as a testing ground for various methods of total oppression. In the 19th century, the spectrum of the Irish National movement presented virtually all possible attributes of the struggle for independence. One of the aspects was the politicization of society and the active activity of Nationalist leaders. In Russian literature, the problems of the Irish National movement have not yet received a complete analysis. Materials and Methods. The principle of objectivity and comparative historical methods were used in the analysis of original documents, which included the press, official materials, and memoirs. Methods of a political science orientation were used. A prosopographic method made it possible to illuminate the social psychology of leaders and the masses. Analysis. Consideration of the patterns and illogical developments of events, both in Irish society as a whole and within the Irish Nationalists, makes it possible to understand the critical discrepancy in the views and aspirations of the leaders of moderate and radical trends in the spectrum of Irish Nationalism. Results. The forced participation of the leaders of the moderate wing in the uprising was a manifestation of circumstances, but not of conviction in achieving the goal. There is a clear gap between the leaders of the uprising and the masses, revealing the lack of a strong connection between them. Of no small importance was a completely different interpretation of the concept of «independence» from self-government to a republic.

In 1991 the United Nations General Assembly voted to repeal United Nations Resolution 3379 that equated Zionism with "racism and racial discrimination". The revocation was described as the beginning of a "new era" and 3379 presented as a final relic of the Cold War. While the anti-Israel resolution had ostensibly been driven by Soviet-led initiatives against America's allies and thus was no longer relevant in 1991, that assessment overlooked the development of anti-Israel discourse well beyond the former Cold War-defined parameters. This article considers the reasons why the repeal of Res. 3379 ought to be construed primarily as a political breakthrough, rather than a turning point in doctrinal debate. Reframing the post-1991 "new era" in a way that is attuned to broader considerations may provide an explanation for how "Zionism as Racism" resurfaced barely ten years later at the World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses a highly relevant issue for the judicial system of the Milagro canton: the impact on legal certainty in judicial processes related to drug offenses following the repeal of the drug consumption table. This analytical research aims to examine how the absence of the consumption table has affected the development of judicial processes, investigating the implications for the legal certainty of the parties involved. The methodological design employed was a combination of qualitative and quantitative methodologies, using surveys and interviews as data collection techniques. Regarding the results, the research not only confirmed the achievement of the proposed objectives but also provided new insights into how the repeal of the drug consumption table has impacted legal certainty and the application of the law in the Milagro canton. The findings highlight the urgency of introducing new clear regulations, strengthening judicial training, reviewing anti-drug policies, and considering support from international organizations to improve the management of the judicial system in the context of the fight against drug trafficking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the speed with which US breweries responded to the legalisation of beer in the spring of 1933 as well as the factors that contributed to how long these 1933 breweries survived. We find that around 200 breweries were legally selling beer on 7 April – a majority of these breweries were producing 'near beer' during Prohibition – and that a relatively steady stream of around 50 breweries per month entered across the rest of 1933, bringing the total to 607 by the year's end. We find that larger breweries were able to both enter more quickly in 1933 and to survive longer post 1933. We also find that breweries that commenced sales more quickly within 1933 survived longer than otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Inciso is the property of Universidad La Gran Colombia, Seccional Armenia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the repeal of Singapore's Section 377A, the anti-gay sex law, which was announced by Prime Minister (PM) Lee Hsien Loong during the 2022 National Day Rally. I contend that the declaration by PM Lee demonstrates the possibilities and limits of advocacy coalition-building in Singapore. Utilizing the concept of calibrated social liberalization, I postulate that the repeal of Section 377A was the government's response to shifting societal attitudes and years of strategic and adroit advocacy coalitionbuilding. However, predicated upon this success is that LGBT issues are not critical to the People's Action Party's (PAP) legitimacy, which is why it is willing to allow for contestations in this sphere. The PAP engages in social liberalization, without significant political liberalization; even then, the cultural liberalization is not absolute, as the government attempts to strike a political-electoral compromise with conservatives. Ultimately, calibrated social liberalization occurs in areas where there is significant public support, and on issues regarding which the government has no clear ideological predispositions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 2019, the Indian Government introduced the Reorganisation Bill, which revoked the special status granted to Jammu and Kashmir by Article 370 and divided it into two Union Territories—Ladakh and J&K—under the direct control of the Union government. The government argued that this move would end separatism and terrorism in the region. This article assesses whether the repeal of Article 370 reduced separatism and militancy or intensified it. While analysing this analogy, it has been revealed that this decision was looked upon through the prism of ‘demographic change’ which exacerbated the situation. Although some positive governance changes resulted from the decision, it also discredited the mainstream politics in Kashmir, which relied on Article 370 for political survival. Lastly, this paper emphasises the need to address the political concerns of the people and revive the democratic process in the region as essential steps towards establishing peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The possibility of the administrative authority to repeal the administrative act is provided by the Romanian legislator in Law no. 554/2004 (art. 2, para. 1, let. j). For the normative act, considering its specific, regarding the conditions which must be accomplished to this end (to enter in the civil circuit and to generate effects) an analysis is necessary.The study aims to determine if the administrative normative act is able to enter into the civil circuit in the terms of the law, also considering the exception from the preliminary procedure provided by art. 7, para. 5 of the same law.

Copyright of Prudentia Iuris is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Catalana de Dret Públic is the property of Revista Catalana de Dret Public and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article elucidates the history of US law, known as Obamacare. Usually you find out that you are eligible for Medicaid when you fill out a health insurance application on the Affordable Care Act (ACA), which passes the information to Medicaid. Because you applied for health insurance on an Obamacare health insurance scholarship, you may be surprised to receive Medicaid instead of a private Obamacare plan. Following the inauguration, Donald Trump signed an order repealing the Affordable Care Act (the Obamacare Act). The decree is symbolic, being the first signed by Donald Trump when he officially took office. This repeal is perceived as a break with the previous government. However, in the face of opposition from the House of Representatives, the text aimed at repealing Obamacare was finally withdrawn on March 24th, 2017, at the request of the new president, who is thus suffering his first major political setback. On May 4th, 2017, the House of Representatives narrowly passed a bill to repeal Obamacare, but the bill was rejected by the Senate on July 28, following a decisive vote by Republican Sen. John McCain, who joined two of the two his fellow Republicans in the vote against repeal. On October 13th, 2017, Donald Trump issued a new decree to circumvent Obamacare. Finally, Donald Trump changed his tactics to repeal the Affordable Care Act, supporting legal initiatives against it, especially in Texas. On the other hand, he made a hobby for the 2020 US presidential election, promising an effective repeal if re-elected, which did not happen.

Prohibition (1920-1933) in the United States is generally viewed as a period with a defined beginning and end. When one factors state and local bans into the discussion, however, the issue is much more complicated. Local prohibitions began in the 1830s and state-level bans appeared in the 1850s. On the eve of federal Prohibition, thirty-two states already had statutory or constitutional prohibitions in place and fifteen more had local options whereby municipalities within those states could prohibit alcohol. Prohibition’s end is also not as clear-cut as typically assumed. Many states legalized beer prior to “Repeal” and state- (and municipal-) level prohibitions remained in effect in many parts of the US even after Repeal. Were it a metaphorical light bulb, prohibition’s glow in the US would be controlled by a continuous dimmer knob rather than a dichotomous on/off switch. This paper documents the brightening and dimming of this light in the eras both before and after federal Prohibition.

For this article, researchers analyzed "In Her Shoes" social media posts from January 15, 2018 to September 2, 2018 to ascertain how Ireland's anti-abortion legislation impacted women's everyday lived experiences from the 1980s to the 2018 referendum and beyond. Through "In Her Shoes," we argue, many women explicitly gave voice to topics and experiences that were common historically (and recently) but rarely recognized both by Irish society and by scholars. These themes center bodily experiences, such as bleeding and descriptions of pain; the notion of hiding alongside being on display or under surveillance; and containment and mobility. Our investigation thus provides evidence for the pervasiveness and importance of the body in Irish women's history and current lives. Narratives also underscore how finding a voice through "In Her Shoes" was accompanied by camaraderie with and support from other women, particularly family members across generations. This article thus demonstrates how movements such as "In Her Shoes" not only used storytelling to convince voters to support Repeal but also allowed women, with the support of others, to give voice to hidden historical and contemporary realities and thus contest the silence and shame that has dominated Irish society for so long. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I analyse the written testimonies submitted by pro-choice Irish women to the government in advance of the Referendum to Repeal the Eighth Amendment in May 2018. These testimonies are all in favour of legal reform to allow abortion access. However, the women's narratives are far from homogeneous in how they view abortion and how they present their abortion histories. Some offer a categorically pro-choice position with unapologetic calls for the liberatory potential of abortion in society to be recognized. Others, however, are far more cautious, far more conciliatory. Here, drawing on a powerful set of normative expectations around femininity, sexuality, class and family, such pro-choice women invoke a particular cultural meaning of abortion that, paradoxically perhaps, calls for the end to prohibitions on abortion while simultaneously provoking certain anti-abortion sentiments in detailing their individual abortion histories. I also suggest that adopting a defensive, almost apologetic endorsement of abortion may have significant anti-abortion side-effects in restricting future access to reproductive rights. Instead, what is called for, from a pro-choice advocacy perspective, is developing a culture of outspokenness around abortion to counter further anti-abortion inroads into women's reproductive lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A la luz de recientes casos, con apoyo en la propia jurisprudencia y en diversas opiniones doctrinales, en el presente trabajo se ha realizado un estudio sobre el valor interpretativo que pueden llegar a ostentar, dentro del ordenamiento jurídico español, las disposiciones sin vigor. Un valor que, si bien no puede considerarse normativo al no poseer vigencia las disposiciones hasta su publicación y transcurso del período de vacatio legis correspondiente, sí puede ser interpretativo, sirviendo para determinar la existencia de una realidad social desde la que interpretar disposiciones que, aun encontrándose actualmente vigentes, pueden llegar a ser consideradas --y, en efecto, así se ha mostrado en supuestos que analizaremos-- desfasadas, anacrónicas con respecto al momento de su aplicación, así como para visualizar la ratio legis de dicha disposición, que servirá, también, como método interpretativo de las disposiciones en vigor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of 'Constantin Brancusi' University of Targu-Jiu. Juridical Science Series is the property of Universitatea Constantin Brancusi din Targu-Jiu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abortion is illegal in almost all circumstances in Ireland, permitted only where there is a risk to the life of the woman due to the eighth amendment to the Irish Constitution. While abortion is banned, women living in Ireland do access abortion; they do so legally by travelling abroad, and illegally within Ireland by accessing the abortion pill online. This access is highly mediated by race, class and migration status. This article will consider the politics of Ireland’s abortion ban through the prism of public debates around abortion, reflecting on the discursive devices employed to both challenge and uphold the status quo on abortion. This conclusion will focus on different dimensions of the “Repeal” movement; a movement that propelled Ireland to finally face up to the reality of abortion and change it laws through removing the eighth amendment from the constitution.

The possibility of the administrative authority to repeal the administrative act is provided by the Romanian legislator in Law no. 554/2004 (art. 2, para. 1, let. j). For the normative act, considering its specific, regarding the conditions which must be accomplished to this end (to enter in the civil circuit and to generate effects) an analysis is necessary. The study aims to determine if the administrative normative act is able to enter into the civil circuit in the terms of the law, also considering the exception from the preliminary procedure provided by art. 7, para. 5 of the same law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The final cessation of the legal effects of administrative acts can be achieved by annulment and revocation. Both are legal operations that lead to the termination of legal effects of administrative acts. A controversial issue is the one regarding the authorities that may exercise the right of revocation and annulment of an administrative act. As concerns normative administrative acts, the specific manner of termination of enforcement of such acts is to repeal them. On the relationship between repeal on the one hand and cancellation and revocation on the other hand, various contradictory opinions were voiced in the legal doctrine. An aspect with important implications in the administrative practice is the one concerning the possibility of invalidating a normative administrative act before its entering into force. Finally, the article deals with the notion of non-existent administrative acts, which has become a constitutional institution as concerns administrative normative acts.

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates the experiences of activists during Ireland's Repeal the 8th campaign, which secured abortion rights in Ireland through a 2018 referendum. The focus is on activists' experiences of self-care and collective care during their activism. Differences between attitudes and approaches to self-care are investigated, the emphasis on work versus care in movement culture is explored, and the need for a move from self-care to collective care for continued feminist activism is suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State prevailing wage law repeals have been shown to lower wages and benefits—including benefits providing safety training and associated with worker retention in construction. This study tests whether prevailing wage repeals affect construction injury rates and/or the prevalence of disabilities among construction workers. Controlling for time trends in injuries and disabilities, differences between construction industry subsectors, the business cycle, and time-invariant differences between states, we find that repealing state prevailing wage laws increase construction injury rates across various types of injuries from 11.6% to 13.1% as the seriousness of injuries increases. Disabilities increase by 7.5% to 8.2% depending on the model specification. Conjoining an analysis of the effects of prevailing wage law repeals on injury rates with disability rates in construction provides alternative measures of the effects of prevailing wage laws on construction workplace safety, which addresses a well-known problem of underreporting construction injuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we try to analyze the crime of negligence in service in the light of the draft law amending the criminal law. In this regard, we emphasize the fact that the law amending the criminal law repeals the text regarding the crime of negligence in service. However, in relation to this repeal, there is no single opinion. Under these conditions, we will show each opinion separately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the author analyzes the change occurred with regard to the response to the statement of defence, by point 27 of the Law No 310/2018 amending and supplementing the Law No 134/2010 on the Civil Procedure Code, as well as for amending and supplementing other normative acts. In the old Civil Procedure Code this act of procedure was not regulated, but it was customary to submit a response to the statement of defence. The author presents how the act of procedure called the „response to the statement of defence" has been regulated, being introduced by the Law No 134/2010 on the Civil Procedure Code. Initially, in Article 201 (2) of the Civil Procedure Code, it was provided the obligativity of the applicant to submit the response to the statement of defence, after having communicated it. This obligation postponed the setting of the first trial term. The obligation to formulate a response to the statement of defence was also provided in Article 471 (6) of the Civil Procedure Code, for the settlement of the means of appeal, as well as in Article 490 (2) of the Civil Procedure Code, for the settlement of the extraordinary remedy of the review. As regards the appeal and the review, the provisions of the Civil Procedure Code have not entered into force, but it has been applied the intermediary regime regulated by Article XV (4), for the appeal, and Article XVII (3), for the review, of the Law No 2/2013 on some measures to relieve the courts, as well as to prepare for the implementation of the Law No 134/2010. By point 27 of the Law No 310/2018 the facultative character of the response to the statement of defence was enshrined. This amendment has also been extended to the case of settlement of the appeal and of the review. The author presents the arguments for which she considers that the legislator should have abandoned this procedural act, being sufficient to express the position of the applicant by way of the request for summons and of the defendant by way of statement of defence. The conclusions of the study are reflected in the opinion that the response to the statement of defence is not justified in the civil trial, creating an imbalance between the parties, the applicant being able to justify his claims both by the request for summons and by the response to the statement of defence, while the defendant has available only the statement of defence. Even if by abandoning the binding character of the response to the statement of defence, the fixing of the first term, respectively that for appeal and for review, takes place more quickly, the author proposes to fully abandon this act of procedure and considers that the legislator should have repealed the response to the statement of defence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pandectele Române is the property of Wolters Kluwer Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While considerable research has examined the effects of prevailing wage law repeals on construction wages, little has been done on the repeals effect on benefits. Based on state-level data from the quinquennial Economic Census for construction from 1972 to 2012, we find that depending on sample and model specification, statewide annual average construction blue-collar income fell by 1.9% to 4.2%. Statewide annual average legally required benefits (social security, workers injury-compensation insurance, and unemployment insurance contributions) for blue- and white-collar construction employees combined fell from 3.8% to 10.1%. Statewide annual average voluntary benefits (primarily health insurance, pension contributions, and apprenticeship training) for blue- and white-collar construction employees combined fell from 11.2% to 16.0%. Because prevailing wage laws govern only blue-collar construction remuneration, blue-collar benefits probably fell more than blue- and white-collar benefits taken together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abortion is illegal in almost all circumstances in Ireland, permitted only where there is a risk to the life of the woman due to the eighth amendment to the Irish Constitution. While abortion is banned, women living in Ireland do access abortion; they do so legally by travelling abroad, and illegally within Ireland by accessing the abortion pill online. This access is highly mediated by race, class and migration status. This article will consider the politics of Ireland's abortion ban through the prism of public debates around abortion, reflecting on the discursive devices employed to both challenge and uphold the status quo on abortion. This conclusion will focus on different dimensions of the "Repeal" movement; a movement that propelled Ireland to finally face up to the reality of abortion and change it laws through removing the eighth amendment from the constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the enactment of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in 2010, conservatives have sought to undermine the law's entrenchment. While they have failed in their ambitious quest to repeal the ACA, opponents have succeeded in overturning one major provision (the individual mandate penalty), narrowing the law's reach, complicating its implementation, and fomenting doubts about its political sustainability. This essay places the postenactment battle over the ACA in historical-institutional perspective by juxtaposing the strategic choices that conservatives have made to limit the role of the federal government in the core social welfare areas of pensions and health since the New Deal. Our central argument is that conservatives' varying strategies of postenactment opposition, resistance, and accommodation for Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, and the ACA have been shaped by shifts in conservative ideology, changes in control of institutional resources, and the nature of policy feedback. Attention to these contextual factors helps explain why ACA opponents viewed the law as a threat despite its moderate policy design, why opposition did not subside after the law's enactment, and how conservatives managed to keep the conflict going across multiple election cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]