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O objetivo deste artigo é analisar, a partir de fontes primárias e secundárias, o contexto histórico envolvido na implantação, evolução e extinção da Comissão Geográfica e Geológica (CGG) do estado de Minas Gerais, criada em 1891 e dissipada em 1898. Sendo Minas dependente de outros estados para o escoamento de seus produtos e marcada pela desigualdade regional que ameaçava sua unidade, urgia ao governo mineiro priorizar e dirimir o problema da ordem geopolítica. Destacou-se entre estes empreendimentos a política de reconhecimento e representação do território concretizada pela implantação da CGG. Correndo o risco de utilizar uma expressão anacrônica, o texto parte premissa de que estavam sendo gestadas as primeiras Políticas de Planejamento e Desenvolvimento (PPDs) no estado. Embebida por um olhar científico e influenciada por variados interesses econômicos e políticos, a CGG teria sido uma ação embrionária de PPD que buscava ordenar o espaço paisagístico, territorial e populacional. Sendo insuficientes os estudos científicos sobre as PPDs no Brasil, o que resulta na falta de legitimidade e credibilidade das iniciativas governamentais, o ensaio suscita novas perspectivas em torno de aspectos que são relevantes para compreensão dos liames que envolvem a criação, manutenção e extinção de uma PPD ao questionar verdades estabelecidas pela historiografia tradicional que tomava o Estado como uma estrutura unificada e coerente a ser reificada.

The work aims to critically portray the first journalistic writings of Euclides da Cunha. To this end, we look at the series "Acts and Words", published by the newspaper A Província de São Paulo, between January 10 and 24, 1889, as representative of the ideas, style and language that marked the entire intellectual trajectory of Euclides. da Cunha. At the time, the future author of Os Sertões had just arrived in São Paulo after the bayonet episode, which had cost him expulsion from the Military School, and at the invitation of Júlio Mesquita, then editor of that São Paulo republican periodical, he began to publish political articles under the pseudonym Proudhon, in allusion to the French philosopher. In this series it is already possible to perceive the Euclidean style of writing guided by dramatic language, a hallmark of all his work, by the use of a wide range of historical and philosophical-scientific references, demonstration of his broad mastery of different fields of knowledge, and by the ardent combat in favor of republican ideals, the political platform of an entire generation of Brazilian intellectuals, to which Euclides da Cunha belonged. The documentary-methodological path of the work deals not only with Euclides' original texts published in the press, but also with studies that address Euclidean critical fortune, such as the works of Walnice Nogueira Galvão (2009), Olímpio de Sousa Andrade (1960) and Roberto Ventura (2003). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to analyze, based on primary and secondary sources, the historical context involved in the establishment, evolution and extinction of the Geographical and Geological Commission (CGG) of the state of Minas Gerais, created in 1891 and dissipated in 1898. Since Minas Gerais was dependent on other states for the flow of its products and was marked by regional inequality that threatened its unity, it was urgent for the Minas Gerais government to prioritize the geopolitical problem. Prominent among these undertakings was the policy of recognizing and representing the territory through the implementation of the CGG. At the risk of using an anachronistic expression, the text starts from the premise that the first Planning and Development Policies (PPDs) were being developed in the state. Imbued by a scientific perspective and influenced by varied economic and political interests, the CGG would have been an embryonic PPD action that sought to organize the landscape, territorial and population space. As scientific studies on PPDs in Brazil are insufficient, the essay raises new perspectives around aspects that are relevant to understanding the links that involve the creation, maintenance and extinction of a PPD by questioning the idea that the State is a unified and coherent structure to be reified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the presentation of the theme of pleonexia (the desire to always have more) by Thrasymachus, a character in Plato’s Republic. It explores his description of the kratos (predominance) as he observes it in real cities and the normative conclusion he seems to draw from this diagnosis: having more (pleon ekhein) is the path to prosperity. From the point of view of his characterization, we will also note the competitive attitudes that Thrasymachus demonstrates in the dialogue with Socrates, making it seem that persuasion would be a dispute in which persuading is equivalent to winning, while being persuaded is equivalent to losing; but learning by mutual cooperation does not seem to be an option for him. The article is divided into three parts: I) Thrasymachus’ eristic treatment of persuasion, II) the presentation of the theme of the psycho-political motive through the use of the word kratos, III) Thrasymachus’, Glaucon’s and Socrates’ thematization of pleonexia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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O presente artigo pretende efetuar uma análise comparativa entre a Revolução de 25 de Abril de 1974 e as suas duas antecessoras no Portugal Contemporâneo (1910 e 1820), procurando compreender a importância relativa de cada uma delas, apreender os traços comuns a todas elas e as características distintas que as permitem individualizar e detetar os legados que estes fenómenos revolucionários deixaram à sociedade portuguesa.

The United States is enduring an identity crisis characterized by a polarized political climate precipitating an American culture war. In this battle the Republican Party has been overtaken by "Anti‐wokeism" allied with antidemocratic "states' rights" beliefs claiming an exclusive, antipluralist definition of republic. The extremist right in America insists that America is not a democracy, but a "republic" built to respect the status of a minority characterized as white, nationalist and Christian. "Anti‐wokeism" is an extension of Trumpism and MAGA (Make America Great Again), gathering together antidemocratic forces, fueled by resentment and theories of racial displacement known as the Great Replacement Theory. These forces are overwhelming the modern Republican Party, inspiring homophobia, misogyny, racism, book bans, and violence. This essay addresses the following four elements of this crisis with an eye to a renewed vision of America: (1) the difference between an 18th Century and 21st Century definition of a republic; (2) the antidemocratic states' rights movement; (3) the nature of strongman populism in American politics; and (4) a vision of diversity as the core principle of the American Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El texto analiza la riqueza argumentativa del Discurso sobre los principios y ventajas del sistema federativo publicado por Miguel de Pombo en 1811, en la Nueva Granada. El análisis sugiere que el discurso de Pombo contiene mucho más que la propuesta de un régimen federal para la Nueva Granada; por eso examinamos su definición de la revolución política, su discusión con la obra de Montesquieu, su idea de libertad y, sobre todo, su ideal de una república basada en el sistema representativo. En este último aspecto, Pombo parece compartir, con el pensamiento político de la revolución norteamericana, una aproximación a la obra de Maquiavelo y su noción de vivere civile.

La construcción de las repúblicas latinoamericanas en el siglo XIX demandó el replanteamiento de las nociones democráticas de representación, pueblo y soberanía. El constitucionalismo moderno proporcionó un novedoso contenido al concepto de soberanía popular que fue rápidamente asimilado por los independentistas. El objetivo es examinar los fundamentos, sujetos e implicaciones de la soberanía en la provincia de Mariquita (Nueva Granada), 1808-1816. Mediante la histórico-conceptual de lo político, a través de esta perspectiva se exploraron los significados, contradicciones y límites de la soberanía local, partiendo de un corpus documental diverso. En el proceso, se pudo observar que la soberanía adoptada por la República de Mariquita tuvo como referencia el constitucionalismo francés y la tradición jurídica hispana, pero desarrolló una noción propia que incluyó una triple fundamentación conceptual. En conclusión, la soberanía de la provincia presentó una convergencia política-conceptual entre el marco jurídico de la administración hispana y la impronta del constitucionalismo moderno.

Este artigo analisa, através de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, a influência e difusão do pensamento humanista ibérico, representado pela Escola de Salamanca, na formação de uma cultura política republicana na América portuguesa baseada nas ideias de liberdade Política e de direito do povo à resistência. A circulação das Ideias humanistas latentes na Europa moderna atravessa o Atlântico e projeta-se em solo mineiro no século XVIII, através da ação de padres que, ao incentivarem e orientarem os potentados locais nas suas atividades de resistência contra os governadores coloniais, criaram um comportamento participativo para os envolvidos e uma consciência política baseada no direito do povo de impor as suas próprias leis. Essa ideia republicana foi consumada em plena guerra com a eleição popular do governador de Minas, em 1709, quando os vassalos rebeldes deram origem à república dos emboabas, configurada pelo poder civil, e impondo sucessivas rebeliões ao governo local da capitania em meados do século XVIII. Os resultados demonstraram serem os emboabas sujeitos atuantes no espaço colonial, não meros subprodutos de uma relação de poder colonialista.

The study of electoral disputes and the transformation of power structures has been notably lacking in the historiography of republican universities during the first half of the 19th century. This article delves into the experiences of faculty members elected through the vote, which played a significant role in reshaping leadership and expanding intellectual culture at Universidad del Magdalena e Istmo between 1827 and 1840. During this period, somewhat uniquely, enlightened republicans established universities at the departmental (provincial) level in what is now the Republic of Colombia. However, there has been limited examination of the trajectories and selection processes of the educated elite from the standpoint of intellectual history. This article argues that the use of the electoral mechanism, in addition to determining representativeness and the rise of representative government in universities, was a pivotal factor in the affirmation of an education and a secular power. This, on one hand, eroded the clerical influence in higher education and, on the other, displaced ecclesiastics from positions of authority. The advent of the university within the framework of representative democracy also led to the emergence of other types of intellectuals, linked to humanistic knowledge, medicine, and even military education in the navy. Methodologically, the goal is to explore the political journeys of these intellectuals who managed to enter the university in the context of electoral disputes that reshaped academic leadership roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ideas y Valores is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the article is to examine two political texts by the marquis de Sade that propose a procedure to be instituted in the elaboration of laws, in such a way that the law can effectively be made to be the expression of popular sovereignty, as intended by the French republican constitution of 1793. The texts in question are the Adresse au roi des français (1791), written before the proclamation of the constitution of that same year, and the Idée sur le mode de la sanction des lois (1792), that precedes the republican constitution promulgated in 1793. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The liberal reading of Montesquieu not only evokes his conception of checks and balances, it insists on the distance taken by Montesquieu from the republican conception of liberty. Montesquieu would express his choice in favor of the "modern republic", representative and merchant in the English style, to the detriment of the "participatory republic" of the ancients and the absolutist monarchy of the French style. The Spirit of the Laws would make the English model the regime most in keeping with human nature, the one that would best guarantee the security of individuals. If we accept this view of things, positive liberty gives way here to negative liberty, defined as independence within a sphere protected by law, guaranteed by the separation of powers within the representative system. In order to assess the relevance of this interpretation, this article will examine (I) the definitions of political liberty that Montesquieu distinguishes from so-called "philosophical" liberty; secondly, it will consider the "solution" he proposes in The Spirit of the Laws to the risk that despotism poses to all governments. The purpose here will be to assess the status of the "English model" (II). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sesenta años después del fallecimiento de Martínez Barrio y Giral, exponemos sus experiencias en el exilio republicano con especial atención a dos variables: praxis política y vivencias personales. Con ese objetivo, los inicios de nuestro análisis se sitúan en su paso a Francia en febrero de 1939, dentro del cortejo que acompañó en su salida de España a Manuel Azaña. Desde entonces, iniciaron un peregrinaje profesional con coincidencias en su primera etapa: fijaron residencia en México y ahí protagonizaron la restauración de las instituciones republicanas. Posteriormente estuvieron alejados geográficamente el uno del otro, pero cercanos en la amistad y en su acendrado republicanismo. Principios a los que nunca renunciaron, como tampoco a sus deseos de ver derrocado el régimen franquista y restaurada la República en España. Sus sensaciones, cuando no amargura, al no ver hechos realidad esos objetivos se describen en estas páginas, tras la consulta de una documentación inédita.

El objetivo de este trabajo es clarificar el sentido de los argumentos que elabora Aristóteles contra la concepción de la Idea del Bien propuesta por Platón. También se calibra el alcance de dichos argumentos tomando como fundamento lo que sostiene Platón en sus Diálogos a propósito de la Idea de Bien.

Versión escrita, traducida al castellano, de la conferencia “Menéndez Pidal, Castela e as identidades medievais”, dictada el 7 de noviembre de 2019, en el marco del “Bienio Pidalino en Galiza”, en la Facultade de Xeografía e Historia de Santiago de Compostela, organizada por la Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal, la USC y la Dirección Xeral de Política Lingüística (Xunta de Galicia).

O presente artigo reflete acerca da educação republicana, considerando os pressupostos fundamentais que estão em sua base e que, em virtude disso, definem a sua especificidade. Seu objetivo é dar destaque à dimensão conservadora da escola republicana como um de seus traços característicos e cuja efetividade encontra-se na inegociável tarefa de ensinar. Desta perspectiva, o texto tematiza questões acerca da condição humana, do caráter conservador da escola e da função da transmissão subjacente ao ensinar.

Una idea muy extendida entre autores monárquicos, que nosotros no compartimos, es que la Corona es parte esencial del pacto constituyente de 1978, de modo que el cambio en la forma de jefatura de Estado no sería una revisión de la Constitución, sino una destrucción de la misma que obligaría a iniciar un nuevo proceso constituyente de consecuencias imprevisibles. Discrepamos de esta opinión, pues –a nuestro juicio– reformar la Constitución de 1978 para que España se convierta en una república parlamentaria no significaría, ni mucho menos, liquidar el régimen político que nació con la misma, sino reforzarlo, acentuando su carácter democrático. Cambiaría una pieza meramente simbólica para profundizar en la democracia sin subvertir el orden constitucional vigente. La proclamación de la III República que proponemos no acabaría con el régimen surgido con la Constitución de 1978, sino que culminaría una labor que la Transición no fue capaz de abordar. Por eso, nuestro republicanismo no tiene nada que ver con los ruidosos proyectos revisionistas de la Transición y nuestra propuesta en absoluto puede tacharse de antisistema.

El artículo trata de responder a la cuestión de si la forma de gobierno en España debe ser una monarquía «parlamentaria» o una república. A tal efecto, en primer lugar el texto analiza dos elementos que perturban el examen científico del tema. En segundo término, recuerda la posición del constituyente español. Finalmente, rebate las dos principales objeciones en contra de la monarquía.

O ensaio tem como objetivo compreender um determinado aspecto da cena literária do Rio Grande do Norte no alvorecer da República, mais especificamente, de que maneira o intelectual potiguar, Alberto Maranhão, apropriou-se de uma das discussões literárias de grande circulação nacional à época: a crítica de Silvio Romero à obra de Machado de Assis. Para a consecução dessa empreitada, será analisada a resenha bibliográfica que Alberto Maranhão publicou na Revista do Rio Grande do Norte, em 1898, sobre o livro Machado de Assis – um estudo comparativo de literatura brasileira (1897) de Sílvio Romero.

Neste artigo apresenta-se e desenvolve-se as linhas gerais do conceito de autonomia universitária a partir do referencial teórico desenvolvido pela filosofia de Kant. Nesse contexto, argumenta-se que o significado normativo de liberdade acadêmica deve ser entendido em contraposição, de um lado, à interferência indevida do estado ou da sociedade e, de outro lado, como oposta também ao libertinismo acadêmico. Num segundo momento apresenta-se as principais máximas da irracionalidade acadêmica, ou seja, as máximas irracionais que minam a possibilidade da autonomia da universidade. Ao final, desenvolve-se algumas reflexões sobre como seria a relação da universidade com o estado e a sociedade no um contexto de uma república ou estado justo.

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Copyright of Revista de Catalunya is the property of Fundacio Revista de Catalunya and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El presente trabajo es un análisis desde una perspectiva de género de la evolución del concepto de pax asociado al dios Jano en la Roma antigua. Se pone el foco en aquellos elementos asociados a lo masculino y femenino en el lenguaje de pax romano, y en su evolución y resignificación. Durante la época romana las puertas de Jano simbolizaron las relaciones externas de la ciudad de Roma, abriéndose cuando había guerra y cerrándose cuando había paz externa. Este ritual del cierre de las puertas se revitalizó durante el principado de Augusto, lo que se plasmó en la literatura e iconografía augustea, asociándolo además a la idea de pax y saeculum aureum. El concepto de pax hasta entonces había aludido a la sumisión del otro a lo largo de la República; fue durante la crisis de la misma cuando se usó como promesa política que implícitamente significaba el final de los enfrentamientos, externos e internos, y el bienestar subyacente. El auge de la pax se produjo durante el Principado de Augusto, quien se presentó como garante de ese principio. En este contexto la pax adquirió nuevas connotaciones, asimilándose a Eirene, diosa de la paz en el mundo griego. Por tanto, el concepto de pax asociado a Jano, deidad que había simbolizado la guerra y la paz externa en época republicana, se helenizó y feminizó al representarse incluso en forma de mujer. Este trabajo pretende contribuir a la comprensión de cómo los conceptos de paz fueron reformulados y redefinidos durante la crisis de la República y empleados como parte de la propaganda de la Pax Augusta. Para ello se han analizado tanto fuentes numismáticas e iconográficas como textos escritos.

Cáriton de Afrodísias é, dentre os autores do romance antigo, o que mais citações de Homero incorpora à sua obra. Grande parte delas tem por efeito realçar o componente patético da narrativa, contribuindo para a caracterização dos personagens. Dentre as citações de versos homéricos em Quéreas e Calírroe, há duas passagens (Q&C, I.4; V.2; VI.1) que foram anteriormente referidas em um conhecido passo da República (387 b – 388 c), de Platão. Nele Sócrates censura Homero por apresentar Aquiles imerso em sofrimentos, remetendo para alguns versos da Ilíada (Il. 18, 23-24; Il. 24, 10-12) com o intuito de ilustrar seu ponto de vista. Vou me concentrar no exame desses versos e de sua retomada em Platão e em Cáriton para investigar como o herói da Ilíada é recepcionado por esses autores e se possível afirmar que aí se desenha uma relação de intertextualidade entre é pica, diálogo filosófico e romance antigo.

Este artigo apresenta uma discussão sobre a profissão de fé da litemusicalidade de dois hinos, a saber: o da Proclamação da República (1889), e do Grêmio Recreativo Escola de Samba Imperatriz Leopoldinense (1989). O objetivo é, de fato, propor uma interpretação, a princípio, de duas letras repletas de cultura e identidade brasileira, ou seja, dois movimentos de construção e expressão do Nacional, o primeiro, da República e seu projeto de embranquecimento e apagamento dos rastros funestos da escravidão negra brasileira, e o segundo, sobre o hino enredo e a aparente reexistência negra no ano do centenário da assinatura da Lei Áurea com o samba enredo, infelizmente, de chapa branca. E a partir dessa relação dialética inicial, incorporam-se também ao exercício crítico, os três primeiros sambas enredos engajados e campeões do carnaval carioca de 1988: Vila Isabel, Mangueira e Beija Flor. A partir de uma revisão de narrativa bibliográfica, destaca-se, então, que essas literomusicalidades apontadas, oficial e marginal, são mais que expressões de subjetividades, elas se tornam em acervos, registros e interpretações das reações à história negra escravizada brasileira, e dessa maneira, tanto a poesia oral através da letra e música, quanto à cultura, estão mimetizadas na festa do hino oficial da República e das frestas da festa do povo nos sambas enredos das Escolas cariocas. Portanto, entre memória, história e esquecimento objetiva-se discutir o testemunho da existência, resistência e reexistência negra no contrapelo da República brasileira e do samba carioca.

The article describes the dispute around the meaning attributed to democracy since its recovery in 1983, identifying moments marked by minimal agreements, in the initial stretch, and moments of discord, from the new century. The text reveals the counterpoints that divided the academic field on this issue, and also supports the need to take into account the meanings that come from the experiences, and negative perceptions that citizens experience, in democracy -their disappointments and disillusionments-, if we want to avoid its failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the issue of political violence after the independence process in the thoughts of the Mexicans Lucas Alaman and Jose Maria Luis Mora, and the Argentines Juan Bautista Alberdi and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. During the first half of the 19th century, they reflected on the complex situation of their nations, immersed in instability and violence due to the conflicts and hatreds that arose between factions after independence. Based on their main works, the causes of such violence, its characteristics, and the consequences they saw for the order and progress of the new republics are analyzed. In general, from their different ideological perspectives, more liberal or more conservative, the four coincide in their concern for violence and in their ambivalence about the influence of the French Revolution on the Spanish-American nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Teoría & Derecho. Revista de Pensamiento Jurídico is the property of Editorial Tirant Lo Blanch SL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Teoría & Derecho. Revista de Pensamiento Jurídico is the property of Editorial Tirant Lo Blanch SL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Procesos: Revista Ecuatoriana de Historia is the property of Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sede Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Among the Spanish intellectuals of the XX century, a woman of thought and action stands out. A philosopher committed to the defense of freedom and involved in the transformation of the exercise of power: María Zambrano. He did not underestimate any of the means at his disposal for the formation of citizenship,ethical awareness and cultural dissemination, with the noble desire to operate the humanization of society. He went from the analysis and reflection on the exercise of politics, to direct collaboration with the power in the government of the Republic in cultural and humanitarian positions. Her powerful intellectual contribution influences the revision of thought and opens up new perspectives, helping to modify the image of women in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Educación is the property of Universidad Pedaggica Nacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Neste texto abordam-se política e música na época do início da República do Brasil. O objeto de estudo se concentra na carreira de dois compositores do período: Leopoldo Miguéz e Alberto Nepomuceno. Ambos os compositores foram republicanos convictos e importantes diretores do Instituto Nacional de Música no Rio de Janeiro. As obras abordadas, Ave, Libertas!, de Leopoldo Miguéz, e a Série Brasileira, de Alberto Nepomuceno, expressam em música homenagem, comemoração, nacionalismo. Também expressam elementos programáticos que, por vezes, não são explícitos. Por fim, o texto propõe para as obras programas inferidos a partir da estrutura musical.

Este trabajo aborda el tema de la violencia política tras el proceso independentista en el pensamiento de los mexicanos Lucas Alamán y José María Luis Mora, y de los argentinos Juan Bautista Alberdi y Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. Durante la primera mitad del siglo XIX, reflexionaron sobre la compleja situación de sus naciones, sumidas en la inestabilidad y la violencia por los conflictos y odios surgidos entre facciones tras la independencia. A partir de sus principales obras, se analizan las causas de dicha violencia, sus características y las consecuencias que ellos veían para el orden y el progreso de las nuevas repúblicas. En general, desde sus distintas perspectivas ideológicas, más liberales o más conservadoras, los cuatro coinciden en su preocupación por la violencia y en su ambivalencia sobre la influencia de la Revolución francesa en las naciones hispanoamericanas.

La supresión del privilegio del fuero eclesiástico establecido en el artículo 180 de la Constitución de Venezuela de 1811 supuso el primer paso en el desmantelamiento del entramado jurisdiccional propio del período virreinal y la entronización del principio de igualdad exigido por la soberanía del Estado. Esta medida enfrentó al clero con la naciente república y dio lugar, con motivo de los terremotos de 1812, a una fuerte propaganda anti republicana por parte de ese mismo clero que culminaría con la desaparición de la primera república de Venezuela.