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Party political conflict plays an essential role in shaping welfare policies, while they are simultaneously also shaped by these policies. As political parties grapple with the wicked challenges of our times, new forms of solidarity and solidarity conflicts arise across welfare regimes. Despite their significance, these dynamics have not received much recent attention. Our article aims to fill this gap. Through content analysis of party manifestos, we compare the solidarity frames of political parties within and between three distinct welfare regimes—Flanders (Belgium), Sweden, and the United States. Our results confirm our expectations drawn from political feedback literature: while party ideology influences parties' solidarity frame preferences and solidarity conflicts between parties, these preferences and conflicts are also influenced by a welfare regime's societal solidarity norms. Our article highlights the value of analyzing solidarity frames and political solidarity conflicts within welfare‐state regimes to better understand welfare politics and policies. Related Articles: König, Pascal D. 2015. "Moral Societal Renewal or Getting the Country Back to Work: Welfare State Culture as a Resource and a Constraint for Policy Discourse." Politics & Policy 43(5): 647–78. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12130. Mioni, Michele, 2021. "The 'Good Citizen' as a 'Respectable Worker:' State, Unemployment, and Social Policy in the United Kingdom and Italy, 1930 to 1950." Politics & Policy 49(4): 913–39. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12425. Wagle, Udaya R. 2014. "The Heterogeneity Politics of the Welfare State: Changing Population Heterogeneity and Welfare State Policies in High‐Income OECD Countries, 1980‐2005." Politics & Policy 41(6): 947–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12053. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper aims to analyse the relationship between household income sources and household economic welfare over a medium-term period spanning different political-economic cycles in Argentina. It bases on the convergence between social class studies and welfare regimes analysis. We used a quantitative methodological strategy based on microdata from the Permanent Household Survey (EPH for its acronym in Spanish) of the National Institute of Statistics and Census (Indec for its acronym in Spanish), Argentina. The class scheme known as EGP/Casmin was constructed. The income sources for the different years were harmonised into labour and non-labour sources, differentiating the latter between market income and welfare income. The relationship between social class and income sources was analysed descriptively. A decomposition analysis by income sources and social class of the Gini economic inequality index was applied at the household level. Among the main conclusions of the paper, the strong dependence of households of all social classes on labour income for their social reproduction is highlighted, even in periods of strong dynamism in the field of social policies, such as the governments framed within the "progressive turn" or "pink tide". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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RESUMEN Este artículo investiga a partir de la teoría de Blau y Blau (1982) la relación entre la desigualdad y los homicidios en la Unión Europea tras la última crisis económica de 2008. Para ello se emplea un panel de datos con efectos fijos en el que se utiliza el promedio móvil de la desigualdad para capturar sus efectos acumulativos. Los resultados indican que la desigualdad tiene una incidencia positiva en todos los análisis hechos, confirmándose las argumentaciones de Blau y Blau. Además, la pobreza absoluta también es un importante potenciador de la tasa de homicidios en la UE. Asimismo, la muestra se divide en cinco grupos según los regímenes de bienestar de cada país para controlar las diferencias entre países y se detectan ciertas divergencias en la incidencia de las variables analizadas sobre los homicidios. Finalmente, se determina que el apoyo social es un factor que coadyuva a reducir este delito.

La emancipación residencial es un fenómeno inseparable de los ámbitos cotidiano y estructural de la realidad, siendo cada sociedad la que establece un entorno habitacional con atributos específicos. Por tanto, y más allá de características individuales, es un proceso sociológico que depende, sobre todo, de los contextos de vivienda en donde se desarrolla. Dichos atributos y contextos son consecuencia de unos componentes que deben ser considerados fundamentales en los distintos regímenes de bienestar: los sistemas de provisión de vivienda. Definidos como la suma de políticas, públicas o privadas, que conforman las opciones disponibles en cada sociedad para conseguir un espacio físico en el que residir, en el caso español está determinando el acceso a la vivienda y el régimen de tenencia predominante (afectando a la emancipación residencial de los jóvenes) pero de forma diferencial, en función de sus propias regiones, y emergiendo sistemas autonómicos de provisión de vivienda o sistemas subnacionales de bienestar.

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Copyright of Journal Public Administration & Social Management / Administração Pública e Gestão Social is the property of Administracao Publica e Gestao Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El artí­culo propone visibilizar la utilidad de la comparación en las polí­ticas públicas. Se pretende actualizar definiciones operativas de las polí­ticas públicas y de los enfoques comparados, destacando posibles estrategias metodológicas en los estudios sobre América Latina y el Caribe; para ello se hace énfasis en el campo de las polí­ticas sociales, vistas a través de la perspectiva de los regí­menes de bienestar, por un lado, y de los sistemas de protección social, por el otro. Esta clave comparativa posibilita generar explicaciones teóricas sólidas que vayan más allá de la simple descripción, permitiendo a su vez sugerir nuevos cursos de acción pública.

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El objetivo principal de este artículo es analizar la relación entre la institucionalización del estado del bienestar (eb) y su legitimidad, es decir, hasta qué punto la forma de organizar el eb afecta a las percepciones que los ciudadanos desarrollan sobre el mismo y, de esta manera, modifica el tamaño y composición de sus bases de apoyo. A fin de cumplir con este objetivo el artículo se estructura de la siguiente forma: en primer lugar presentamos un panorama de la variación internacional en las actitudes hacia tres programas de bienestar (sanidad, pensiones y desempleo). Seguidamente estudiaremos de dónde proviene el apoyo extra que algunos programas consiguen, centrándonos específicamente en comprobar si una alta legitimidad se logra mediante la construcción de consensos inter-clases o inter-ideologías. terminaremos evaluando qué características organizativas concretas son las que correlacionan con el nivel de apoyo popular que un programa recibe.

El texto muestra que, pese a las predicciones de que hay una convergencia de regímenes de bienestar a causa de la globalización, la gran crisis de empleo iniciada en 2008 ha puesto de manifiesto como, incluso dentro de la Unión Europea, los efectos de la crisis sobre la pobreza infantil han sido muy dispares a causa de la interacción entre diferentes estructuras productivas, una regulación heterogéna del mercado de trabajo y políticas sociales dispares en la protección a la infancia.

El trabajo parte de una revisión de la literatura sobre exclusión social. Se argumenta que la combinación de instituciones estatales, de mercado o comunitarias/familiares, que conforman los regímenes de bienestar en América Latina, son claves a la hora de generar o mitigar la exclusión social. La insuficiencia de las políticas sociales públicas empujan las personas y los hogares a promover su propio bienestar por medio del trabajo familiar no remunerado o de la contratación de servicios privados en el mercado. El acceso al mismo está condicionado a los recursos económicos disponibles, lo que deriva en una estratificación de las estrategias de bienestar y una segmentación de los servicios sociales. Ya que esos recursos se obtienen del mercado laboral o de transferencias públicas, el estudio de ambos aspectos es fundamental a la hora de analizar la exclusión social en la región

La literatura referida a los Regímenes de Bienestar apunta al frágil equilibrio entre el empleo, la familia y la protección social. A través de las Encuestas de Población Activa (EPA), las encuestas de Condiciones de Vida (ECV) y las encuestas FOESSA se profundiza en los cambios experimentados por parte de la población española, ofreciendo una comparación con los hogares y personas que alguna vez han utilizado los servicios sociales en aquellos ámbitos relativos al mercado de trabajo, la protección familiar o la cobertura desempeñada por parte de los servicios de protección social. Este trabajo pretende indagar en el impacto que ha tenido el primer período de crisis en España, comprendido entre 2007–2009, y en qué medida ha repercutido en el aumento de la brecha entre usuarios y no usuarios.

El presente artículo ofrece una caracterización de los regímenes de bienestar latinoamericanos y caribeños en clave historiográfica. Realiza, en primer lugar, un repaso por las condiciones de emergencia de los Estados de Bienestar de Europa occidental y sus características centrales, haciendo especial hincapié en su función como modalidad de gestión regulada de las desigualdades en tanto estrategia de compromiso social del capitalismo industrial. Dialogando con ello, se detiene luego en las específicas configuraciones que han asumido los regímenes de bienestar en América Latina y el Caribe durante el transcurso del siglo XX. Brinda, por último, un mapeo de sus características contemporáneas y de los principales desafíos que enfrentan los Estados de la región en su calidad de garantes de derechos de cara al futuro. This article provides a characterization of Latin American and Caribbean Welfare regimes in historiographical perspective. Firstly, it makes a review of the emergence conditions of Welfare States in Western Europe and its core features, with particular emphasis on its role as a method to regulate inequalities in industrial capitalism. Dialoguing with it, then stops in the specific configurations that welfare regimes have taken in Latin America during the course of the twentieth century. Finally, it provides a map of its contemporary features and the major challenges that the States of the region face in his capacity as right guarantors for the future.

This paper uses 2005 and 2012 "Survey on homeless person conducted by the National Statistics Institute (INE) "to empirically investigate the relevance of social exclusion in Spain among this population, researching the childhood and the loos of housing. Gaining a better understanding on will be a particular relevance to contribute in social policy evaluation. The results point out an increasing of the risks of homelessness in Spain and the most important changes experienced between 2005 and 2012. Three ideal types of itinerates has been found: new poverty, social exclusion and integrated poverty. Finally, we have analysed how each one of these groups presents a specific morphology of vulnerability among demographic composition, structural, relationship and institutional factors. During this period, the new poverty as increasingly important mechanism and the impact of the structural problems in different itinerates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A partir de los datos del Luxembourg Income Study y de la OCDE se muestra que la tesis que defiende un supuesto aumento de la polarización social entre hogares no es del todo convincente. Los efectos del desempleo sobre los hogares están condicionados por las estrategias familiares, de modo que el volumen de hogares sin empleo varía entre países no sólo a causa de factores de oferta y demanda laboral. El resultado de las estrategias familiares hace que, además, la composición de los hogares sin empleo diste mucho de ser homogénea entre regímenes de bienestar.

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En este trabajo se analizan los cambios sociales que han conducido a la transformación del riesgo de dependencia de riesgo individual y familiar en riesgo social mixto con un creciente papel de las diversas políticas sociales que dan respuesta al riesgo en los distintos regímenes de bienestar de la Unión Europea. Se examina en concreto el modelo general de respuesta al riesgo de pérdida de autonomía como combinación de responsabilidad familiar, individual y social bajo la lógica de una creciente mercantilización y privatización en la provisión de servicios en un contexto en el que los Estados de Bienestar hacen frente a la contención del gasto bajo distintos escenarios de crisis, ajustes y reestructuración. También se indagan las características de los distintos modelos de políticas públicas en el espacio europeo con especial referencia al nuevo modelo español de socialización del riesgo que se pone en aplicación en 2007. En las conclusiones se destaca la complejidad institucional de los modelos o políticas de dependencia, la continuidad y ruptura en las políticas de dependencia y las incertidumbres de su desarrollo en el contexto de reestructuración de los Estados de Bienestar.

España forma parte de los regímenes de bienestar familistas y del subsistema migratorio mediterráneo. La entrada de personas inmigrantes en su territorio supone un impacto en su modelo productivo y de bienestar que agudiza sus contradicciones. Estas promueven un modelo con una base laboral muy frágil, que rindió importantes resultados en el ciclo alcista previo, pero que ahora manifiesta su agotamiento. En este tiempo, la inmigración se manifiesta en su faz puramente instrumental, adquiriendo en parte derechos de ciudadanía, congruentes con la imagen de la inmigración reproducida por el entramado laboral, legislativo, político y mediático. En cambio, el establecimiento de una política migratoria, declarada según el tipo de sociedad que quiera construirse, puede llevar a una mejora y un desarrollo real de la ciudadanía para todos y todas.

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Conditional Cash Transfer programs are currently at a crossroads, between consolidating minimum safety nets and laying the basis for universal social policy. In assessing which direction CCTs will take, it is important to analyze their formation. What domestic actors have been influential and how have expert-driven international ideas entered the domestic policy process? Is the impact related to existing welfare regimes? In this article the authors show that in general CCTs are the product of top-down and closed policy formation by elite coalitions, in which international factors play a central role. Nevertheless, domestic factors associated with welfare regimes, in particular the difference between state and non-state, informal regimes, account for important cross-national variations. If CCTs are to become a stepping-stone to universal social policy, closed policy communities have to be opened up. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper proposes a theoretical framework for analyzing the relationship between the social economy and the welfare state in order, from this perspective, to approach the social economy's involvement in the area of dependant care and relate it to current debates on the social economy concept. The first part reviews the main theoretical proposals that have addressed the study of this relationship through international comparative studies. The second part traces the main lines of change that welfare states are adopting and the consequent rebalancing between the social economy and the public sector in each system, with a view to setting out the main coordinates where the new conceptual challenges of the Social Economy present themselves. The article ends with a number of conclusions and considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Comparative research about welfare regimes has belatedly developed in Latin America and East Asia. This article presents a comparison and balance between recent debates about welfare regimes in South Korea and Mexico. An analysis is proposed about South Korea's gradual abandonment of a residual regime and adoption of a universalist institutionalization, in the wake of limited markets and governed by public action in social policy, still family-oriented and socially strong but in decline. A study is proposed of how in Mexico a dualist regime has become entrenched with instances which harden stratification in the social security system and protection for the poor. This renders more difficult the resurgence of a sociopolitical coalition in favor of social citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this paper the relationship between female incorporation into the labour market and the different European welfare systems is tackled. First, the most relevant literature about this topic is reviewed. Second, a general view of the evolution of female activity rates in the fifteen member states of the European Union (before the last enlargement) is shown. Finally, the article enquires into the factors that have most influence over the permanence of women outside the labour market, distinguishing between individual determinants and determinants related to welfare regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the seminal work of Esping-Andersen, many studies have identified a variety of welfare regimes in Western Europe and North America This study examines a set of quantitative social indicators, using hierarchical cluster analysis, in order to identify such regimes, which display specific arrangements between markets, the state and families in the production and distribution of the resources required for the well-being of people. Indeed, these empirical analyses reveal the existence of the three regimes originally identified by Esping-Andersen -- social-democratic, liberal, and conservative -- to which one must add, as many authors had pointed out, a fourth, distinct from the latter, the Latin regime. These results pertain whether one turns to data from the 1980s or the 1990s. The data also reveal strong and durable relations of presumably mutual causality between the configuration of social programmes in the various societies under analysis, the social situations which largely result from these social programmes and, lastly, the level of civic participation which leads (or not) people to collective mobilization, which in turn shapes social programmes, he authors comparative analysis allows them to identify Canada's place in the worlds of welfare capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]