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Qur'an translation was an important element of the daʿwa activities of reformist Muslims in West Java at the beginning of the twentieth century, as is reflected in the publication of the Sundanese translation of Ahmad Hassan's Tafsir Al-Foerqan, as well as other Qur'an translations penned by his friends and associates. These Sundanese translations not only promote a reformist ideology, but also demonstrate a shift in the formation of translation and literary culture in West Java: from interlinear word-for-word to verse-for-verse translation; from handwriting to printed books; and from Arabic (jawi and pegon) script to Roman script. This article explores this new tradition of Qur'an translations. Written for the modern era, they differed from the interpretive translations taught in the traditional Javanese Islamic schools (pesantren) and were influenced by a wave of reformist ideas originating from the Middle East during the late nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this short contribution, we look at the trajectory of the largest international trade union organization, today ITUC, from the central questions in this exercise; why labor movements have achieved certain successes?, Why they sometimes failed?, And what major failures we have seen? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of the evolution of academic reforms in recent decades allows us to observe that, in the name of innovation, this was conceived from the outset as a political oeuvre aimed at turning the university into a provider, within the free trade agreements, of 'educational services'. These become 'products' susceptible to commercialization, and thus, 'academic capitalism' is established, a concept with which it is intended to account for the processes of commercialization of teaching and academic research. The reforms are chained one after the other over time, with two objectives: to reduce the power of the State, and to put an end to the 'Educating State' born in the Enlightenment as a republican ideal. Ideal under which education appears as a central element for forming an emancipated citizenship in the face of a globalized capitalism without citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that conflict rather than consensus defines the history of African American political thought. Its seminal figures have pursued justice along different and diverging lines—including advocating reformist, realist, and nationalist paths. While there is agreement that white supremacy is a form of social, economic, and political domination that should be eradicated, there is disagreement regarding its nature, effects, and resilience. This variance in judgments and inferences regarding the foundations and consequences of white supremacy leads to different accounts of social change, diverging strategic advice for realizing that change, and conflicting political theories. To press this claim, I consider the conflicting political visions of Booker T. Washington (1856–1915), W.E.B. Du Bois (1868–1963), and Marcus Garvey (1887–1940). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Za‘ba is recognized as a thinker because of his intellectual ability to identify and analyze various issues in addition to presenting solutions. One of the issues that Za‘ba is careful about is leadership. His ideas of leadership are implicit behind his various works in three different themes, namely economics, politics and education, religion and philosophy, and language. This article explains the weakness of the Malay nation, its solution and its relationship with the idea of leadership according to Za‘ba’s view, as well as describes the formation of the idea of leadership in his reformism. Two of the three dimensions of Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis framework (1995) are applied in the data analysis encompassing six Za‘ba’s works. Weaknesses that hold the nation back, solutions and their relationship with his leadership ideas are explained first. Next, the formation of the idea of leadership in his reformism involves the production, approach and acceptance of ideas explained. There are five ideas of Za‘ba’s leadership that are detected, namely the ontology of leadership, space and time, metaphysics of leadership, causation and the integration of various knowledge and skills. The five aspects are formulated into two main ideas of leadership, namely the quality of personal leadership and the quality of institutional leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses Kahina Bahloul's political and religious engagement and her project to create the liberal 'Fatima Mosque', founded in 2019 in Paris. Bahloul is a complex figure, and her political and religious project touches on several dimensions: she was inspired by Sufi doctrines (Ibn ʿArabi and the ʿAlāwiyya) and Islamic modernist philosophy (Mohammed Arkoun). Furthermore, she advocates for a liberal and secular Islam, proposing radical reform and implying the compliance with secular constraints, the merging of social sciences with Islamic sciences, and the polarisation between liberal Muslims and 'fundamentalist' Muslims. This article will show that 1) Sufism is mainly used to justify an individualistic approach to Islam; 2) Bahloul's epistemological hybridity, based on Islam and social sciences, implies a strong tension between her role as a scholar and as a religious authority; and 3) Bahloul's reform of Islam is not new or radical. The peculiarity of her political and religious project is her compliance with the whimsical French debate on Islam and laïcité, which implies accepting new bans, the privatisation of Islam, and the polarisation between 'good Muslims' and 'bad Muslims'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the importance of Minister Baron József Eötvös (1813–1871) in the study of Jewish history and tradition in Hungary, this article undertakes a thorough revision of his life and activities. It focuses on a critical point in his Jewish policies: the 1868–69 Jewish Congress. The first part of the article analyzes Eötvös's pre-1848 thinking and activities in the context of the social and political pressure on Jews in the interest of integration. In the second section, the article teases out various dimensions of his pro-Jewish reputation through a historical reconstruction of the myth-making. In light of this re-evaluation of Eötvös's reputation, I attempted to reconstruct the path of the 1868–69 Jewish Congress until the collapse of the minister's project. In an approach to contextually analyze the minister's conflict with the Orthodox and his alliance with Neolog Jewry, this article examines one of the reasons for the defeat of Minister Eötvös and the Neolog Congress faction by traditionalists, which involved the destruction of the myth surrounding the minister. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from a renewed scholarly interest in her figure, the essay aims to draw attention on the political engagement of Italian Republic senator Tullia Romagnoli Carettoni. The Senator’s battle for a change in the status of women, that was about a rethinking of social roles, but also a renewal of the national custom, becomes more incisive between the second half of the 1950s and the late 1970s, in the phase of democratic consolidation of the Country, but also of its modernization, which coincided with a sharp economic growth and a radical social transformation. The paper analyzes some issues, still very present, that she addressed within the institutions – but also in the magazines Mondoperaio and L’Astrolabio -, like the dialectics between female pro- ductive work and caring, with particular attention to one of the subjects to which she dedicated herself, during her intense political activity, that is the total fulfilment of women’s citizenship.

The Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) has been interpreted as exceptional among its European counterparts because of its internal divisions, radicalization and the impossibility of reaching cross-cutting agreements. This article demonstrates how, during the 1930s, the PSOE's evolution went hand in hand with other socialist parties in Europe, especially with the Section Française de l'International Ouvrière (SFIO). In particular, this article focuses on the views of the Spanish socialist factions – prietismo and caballerismo – on the formation and development of the Popular Front in Spain and France. The press of these factions – El Socialista, Claridad and Leviatán – had a similar role in the evolution of both parties. Furthermore, this study points out how the different factions of Spanish socialism used the French experience to legitimize their positions during the first part of 1936. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista História da Educação is the property of Historia da Educacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A major Shīʿī political system in the contemporary world is based on the theory of the 'Guardianship of the Jurist' (velāyat-e faqīh). The theory maintains that the most senior Shīʿī cleric, who is the deputy of the Hidden Imam, is not only the religious, legal, and judicial authority but should also be the head of an Islamic state. This article explores contemporary Shīʿī Iranian cleric Ayatollah Yusuf Sanei's approach to this theory. The article demonstrates that Sanei was a pro-velāyat-e faqīh theorist following the birth of Islamic Republic, but came to criticise it after the rise of the Reformist Movement in Iran and the ascension of Mohammad Khatami to presidency until his death in 2020. The article argues that, as a reformist Shīʿī scholar, Sanei challenged various aspects of the theory in the last two decades of his life. It concludes that, rather than being an anti-velāyat-e faqīh theorist, Sanei argues for a 'conditional' guardianship theory since he considered the legitimacy of a system based on the velāyat-e faqīh to be heavily dependent on public consent rather than God's will. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this essay is to contribute to a critical and thorough comprehension of Italian Marxism, primarily tracing the links along which it partook of a European history that cannot get easily compressed into national and stadial historiographies. The trajectory of Italian Marxism is then depicted against the background of the main capitalist transformations of the last century. The hypothesis here formulated is that one can not only investigate the reciprocal influences within the vast Marxist theoretical consciousness of the 20th century, but also assess the extent and limits within which Italian Marxism has been able to cope with the new configuration of the process of reproduction of total social capital worldwide, thus advancing in the understanding of the relationship intercurring between the latter and class struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nicos Poulantzas offered one of the most original contributions to Marxist theory of the State, the political and politics. The aim of this article is to retrace Poulantzas’s unique theoretical trajectory, assessing his perspective on such issues in order to present something much more complex than a simple “structuralist” version of Marxism. Quite on the contrary, we are here dealing with the emergence of a relational theory of the State that takes account of social and political antagonism as the very materiality of the State itself. In light of this as well as of Poulantzas’s elaborations on authoritarian statism, his reflections on a democratic road to socialism, however contradictory, do acquire a meaning reaching beyond any mere “reformism”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary Egypt, the secularization of discourses and practices raises a fundamental challenge to sīra writing concerning its vocation to make the founding narrative and the religious ideals of Islam comprehensible and meaningful to contemporary Muslims. Arguing that the Muslim community's image of the Prophet does indeed both affect and reflect its religious and spiritual condition, the known Egyptian intellectual and former rector of al-Azhar, ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm Maḥmūd (1910-1978) holds the appearance of de-theologized forms of sīra writing as a symptom of a profound crisis of Islamic intellectuality. Against this background, his prophetological considerations seek to show that this challenge can only be overcome by a sīra writing that engages the audience in a personal and spiritual relationship with the Prophet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1934, Alfonso López Pumarejo, the recently elected president of Colombia, announced that expanding government programs in public health and education would be a priority for his administration. This article analyzes this period's cultural transformation programs, examining the establishment and operation of sanitary units, mixed healthcare centers, and itinerant rural health commissions in the 1930s and the 1940s. It proposes a two-part argument. First, it demonstrates how reformers, intellectuals, and doctors associated with Latin America's first wave of social medicine transformed existing institutional spaces to serve the aims of the government's new public health model, designing and implementing programs to extend healthcare into the countryside. They proposed shifting from campaigns focused on eradicating a single disease to campaigns that tackled multiple diseases and also advocated for an increase in national, departmental, and municipal fiscal contributions to public health programs. Second, it touches upon the fiscal and resource-related challenges that limited these programs' reach. These challenges illustrate the fractured and fragmented nature of the Colombian state and its lack of capacity to effectively integrate the countryside by reaching often neglected remote rural areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout this article, the basis of the British and French informal empires will be compared with de basis of the Spanish case. Using the newest existing bibliography that has researched the two referential cases, the main ideologists of the post-Napoleonic overseas expansion will be taken as example. After that, the Bourbon reformists attempts of the 18th century, the controlled independence projects and the confederacy projects of the first quarter of the 19th will be approached. The common points between these authors and proposals, which showed the foundations of the forced opening of foreign markets and the indirect rule of territories, are the ones that the historiography has considered peculiar of the informal empire. Even if only in the British and French cases general works have been made, the Spanish case also results to be convenient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an overview of the formation, organisation and political role of the Muslim Brotherhood student movement in the Egyptian contentious political scene of the 1930s and 1940s up to the 1952 military coup, by combining the rich secondary literature of the period with the Brotherhood's internal sources. The reconstruction focuses on the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood – as any mass organisation – was far less homogeneous than what is normally claimed by both internal and external sources, both sharing a general overstating of internal discipline and absolute obedience, especially during Ḥasan al-Bannā's charismatic leadership (1928–1949). The students of the Muslim Brotherhood were clearly channelling bottom-up pressures for more radical political action, sometimes ignoring directives from above and influencing the trajectory of the larger movement. In the warming political context of the late 1940s, Islamist students were acting independently, for instance taking the initiative to build tactical alliances with other student organisations even those belonging to the antagonist leftist/progressive camp, thus actively contributing to creating the momentum that led to the 1952 Revolution. However, and despite the clear message from its base, the Brotherhood leadership ended up by always opting for a moderate and cautious course, avoiding head-on confrontation with the government even at the cost of multiple crises and defections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sufism has been subjected to reformist ideas, whether by the colonial Orientalists or the post-colonial Islamic Republic of Pakistan. This research investigates the process of colonial and post-colonial reformism through the hagiographical transmutation of a malāmatī Qādirī Sufi, Shāh Ḥusayn. It observes that the idea of colonial reformism cannot be thoroughly applied in this case—the post-colonial Pakistani state rigorously implemented its reformist policies and transmuted the saint's image, while Western academia depicts him as queer. Therefore, the paper argues that Sufis have been used as sacred props by colonial and post-colonial reformists and scholars, resulting in multiple and contradictory Shāh Ḥusayns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the process of transformation of the student movement of the National Workers University from its incipient training with the appearance of the Argentine Federation of Students of the Workers University during the Peronist Government, until the emergence and consolidation of the Technological University Federation in the framework of the so-called struggle for the autonomy and hierarchy of the National Technological University. Likewise, we will reconstruct what were the successive approaches between the student organization that emerged after the triumph of the self-styled liberating revolution in that university and the reformist student movement. This task will be carried out based on the analysis of various documentary sources and interviews with various actors that were part of this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes legislative projects on prison reform presented to the Chamber of Deputies during the first presidencies of the radical party (1916-1930). The multiplicity of initiatives carried out by deputies of different political backgrounds to reorganize the prison system showed how institutions of punishment should be addressed. The context in which these projects were framed, the problems they sought to solve, their specificities, as well as the coincidences and differences they presented is reconstructed through the article. In this way, the importance of Parliament in the prison reform process in Argentina is highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Renewal and Reform have been the most discussed and dominant themes of Muslim intelligentsia, as they lived through the subjection of the greater part of the Muslim world by the Western colonial powers during the 18th and 19th centuries. The intellectual discourse on reform by the early Muslim reformers pivoted to the adoption of Western science and values and to the struggle of developing a new ilm al kalām (theology) complementary to modern science and western ideologies. The subsequent reformers, however, were more critical of Western ideas of civilization. Fazlur Rahman and Mohammed Arkoun belonged to the later wave of Muslim reformist movement of the 20th century and are the most well-known trail blazers of this reformist discourse, which centered on the Qur'ān. This article provides insight into the reform strategies of Dr. Fazlur Rahman and Mohammed Arkoun by mapping out key concepts in their discourses and their influence on later generations of reformers. Fazlur Rahman identified the stagnant intellectual legacy as the sole cause of the downfall of Muslim Civilization, caused by the absence of Ijtihād (independent legal reasoning). In his opinion, blind imitation based on precedence and consensus has only created a new hierarchy of traditional ulama (religious scholar) whose retrogressive mindset monopolized the interpretation of the Qur'ān. Making the Qur'ān as the center point for reform, he advocated its rereading based on the comprehension of the élan (spirit) of the Qur'ān. Similarly, Mohammed Arkoun, being trained in postmodern literary theory, adopted post structural methods for re-reading the Qur'ānic text. Arkoun's critique and approach is interwoven with complex terminologies. He advocated desacralizing the text and the radical rethinking of Islam as a cultural and religious system. This appraisal promotes a philosophical perspective in combination with an anthropological and historical approach. Both these reformers have their own set of advocates and detractors. Undeniably, however, as this paper argues, Arkoun's approach of understanding the Qur'ān can disturb the conventional prevalent belief system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Relaciones de Trabajo, Laborum is the property of Ediciones Laborum S.L. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes the cooperation of one of the leading pan–European political organizations – the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists (AECR) – with its partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova). Since 2014, European conservatives and reformists have sought to establish partnerships with the conservative parties of these countries and even accepted them into their ranks as full members. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections, interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of electoral and ruling coalitions were studied. The main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro-European choice, as well as press releases and statements by the leaders of the AECR concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership, are given. It is shown that the AECR actively supported this program and its partners, regardless of their electoral results. It was noted that in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia and Moldova, local AECR member parties initially achieved good results in elections, including in national parliaments, but in recent years some of them have found themselves on the political periphery. The reasons for this phenomenon vary from country to country. Nevertheless, European conservatives and reformists are confident that as the situation stabilizes, the issues of strengthening sovereignty and preserving traditional values will return to the political agenda and become in demand again.

The process of building social policies was not an exclusive note of Mendoza, but is related to national and international vicissitudes, although it received a decisive boost during the lencinistas times, positioning it as a pioneer in social matters. In this framework, this work aimed to rescue the processes of consensus and conflict at the time of chiselling social policies within the Legislature, aiming to recover the voices of political actors to account for the political, social and economic visions that were maintained by the different political forces, the encounters and disagreements about the state role and the incidence of the trajectories and knowledge of some specific figures in their design. Despite the postwar reformist consensus, politicians engaged in disputes over the limits of state penetration and the foundations of representative, republican, and federal rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the second half of July 1905, the Belgian anarchist Edward Joris and members of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation attempted to assassinate the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II in Istanbul. The Sultan survived, but the lives of numerous civilians were lost. The first part of this paper reviews the assassination attempt, its participants, and its political background, whereas the second part analyzes how this event was presented to Muslims from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the political press at the time, with a special review of the echoes it had among the Muslim intelligentsia gathered around the Bošnjak gazette. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Late nineteenth-century Tunisian history has primarily been studied from a European perspective, in the colonial context of the French Protectorate. Yet, the North-African beylik was still inscribed within the realm of the Ottoman Empire long after 1881. The strength of the Mediterranean network was epitomized by Ḫayr al-Dīn's political figure and by his going back and forth between Tunis and Istanbul. Later on, the princess Nazlı Fazıl Hanım (d. 1913) created another layer of relationships, extending the zone of contacts to Paris and Cairo, putting Tunisia at the heart of Mediterranean intellectual exchanges. In her tow, the famous Egyptian scholar Muḥammad ʿ⁠Abduh had a notable influence over Tunisian ʿulamāʾ , and Bachir Sfar (al-Bašīr Ṣfar), forerunner of the Young Tunisians, paralleling the Young Turks, created his own path through a complex geo-political space. This article documents these personal links and the circulation of ideas within this cultural space: Maghreb in Mediterranean context, at the meeting point of provincial and imperial logics, and at the crossroads of traditionalist and reformist agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the present study is to comparatively analyze the political tendencies of the representatives of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Iranian Parliament) with regard to the institutional approach in the 6th and 7th terms. The main question is: what are the commonalities and differences between the political tendencies of the Iranian parliament representatives in the 6th and 7th terms in the framework of political development? The research relies on the hypothesis that the variables of the principlist discourse are based on political development following the progressive principle of Wilāyat-e Faqih and Iranian Constitution, the comprehensiveness of religion in the realm of politics and anti-hegemony, persistence on the basic principles, purposes, and goals of the Islamic Revolution, and continual realization of the ideas and ideals of Imām Khomeyni. The results showed that despite the difference between the representatives’ approach and function with respect to politics, within legislation and supervision duties, their political tendencies in the 6th and 7th terms of the Islamic Consultative Assembly have been towards performance in political development and so it has prepared the ground for familiarity with Iran’s political elites.

This article examines the creation of the 1857 Security Pact (ʿAhd al-amān) in the Regency of Tunis. This law is commonly viewed as having been drafted and imposed by the European powers as a replication of the Ottoman Tanẓīmāt and as having inaugurated an era of modernizing reforms that led to a secularized nation-state, notably due to the notions of equality it introduced. I show instead that this new law aimed to solve concrete problems in a context of severe fiscal crisis and that its creation was more a story of hard-fought diplomatic negotiations than of modernization and secularization. While the Security Pact was imposed by European pressures, and while the Ottoman Tanẓīmāt were invoked during the negotiations, Tunisian political elites shaped its content from the start, in an effort to defend the beylical state's legal sovereignty and affirm its Muslim character. It was these elites who introduced, against the wishes of the French government, equality for all inhabitants of the Regency (including foreigners) and the principle of a common jurisdiction for the bey's subjects and for foreigners. These legal changes must not be analyzed as an exceptional rupture (a claim made by those who view the nineteenth century reforms as having initiated a "modern" Tunisia) but as part of a long series of transformations. Although not everyone agreed about their legitimacy, these transformations were understood by reformers within the framework of a long-standing Islamic theory of the practice of change that was based, not on ijtihād , but on the widening of custom (ʿurf) and of the discretionary power of the ruler (siyāsa). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The development of citizenship studies and changes in citizenship is examined between 1945 and 2022 with special reference to Britain. Although the idea of citizenship was established as early as Greek political thought, the development of citizenship based on a welfare state starts in Britain with post-war legislation on education, health, and welfare. The early sociology of citizenship was the work of T. H. Marshall in Britain and Ralf Gustav Dahrendorf in Germany. These two sociologists established a vocabulary and research agenda that has remained influential including basic concepts such as social citizenship, civility, life chances, and public cultures. The post-war settlement in Britain that involved a strategy for the reform of capitalism began to come apart during the Thatcher Years (1979–1990) in which neo-liberalism became the dominant political-economic paradigm. This period saw the creation of 'casino capitalism', the erosion of the welfare state or in Thatcher's words 'the Nanny State'. Whereas citizenship in the twentieth century was based on notions of sameness and solidarity, citizenship studies have to address increasing social and cultural diversity, a global refugee crisis, the relationship between social and human rights, a demographic crisis, and above all the erosion of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Ciências Sociais - Brazil is the property of Revista de Ciencias Socias do Universidade Federal do Ceara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the following pages we consider the reconfiguration of heroism in the last decades of the Spanish Ancien Régime. These changes were related to the political propaganda sponsored by Charles III and Charles IV in accordance with their absolutist and reformist agenda. We find a hero whose cause is the fatherland and whose role model is the so-called «hombre de bien». From this perspective, important characters in the Pantheon of these times, such as the patriotic king or the hero of the common good are analyzed.

Latin America’s Centennial celebrations were opportunities for governments and other institutions to affirm both national identities and international alliances through formal and informal diplomacy. These relations involved the creation of transnational identities. International Law scholar and university professor José León Suárez, considered «the apostle of Iberian-Americanism» was particularly active in those celebrations. This paper analyses understudied aspects of Suarez’s journey as a cultural mediator and his role in the creation of an Iberian-Americanist transnational identity. It examines his participation in several Centennial commemorations, in which he connected his Iberian-Americanist program with international legal disputes, the social reformist agenda, and the process of university reform in Latin America.

The purpose of the present study is to compare the policies of two political approaches in the Islamic Republic of Iran known as conservatism and reformism. To this aim, using the descriptive-historical method and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory as the theoretical framework of the study, it was attempted to comparatively delve deep into the policies of conservatism and reformism in Iran. The results indicate that the identities and competitions in the intellectual framework of conservatism rely upon a fundamental concept known as “Willayat” (guardianship) so under the influence of this perception, they believe in the legitimacy of the establishment and a rather conservative political system. However, in the intellectual system of reformism, “people” have a central role as the reformists believe in the legitimacy of people and an open political system. Each of the above approaches attempt to have hegemony in the political realm, highlight their meaningful system, deconstruct, and marginalize their rival.

During the thirties of the 20th century, in the interwar Europe, the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) became one of the European socialisms with the greatest experience of government. Faced with the ideas of exceptionalism that have often articulated his study, this article is within this context through the analysis of the reception and interpretation of the behaviour of the French counterpart. With this comparison, the similarity of problems and proposals proved, mainly around a crucial issue of the period: government participation, as a key tool as well as the development of internal divisions and the policy of pacts with forces to its right and left.

The article analyzes the phenomenon of the emergence and development of a new pan-European political party of European conservatives and reformists (PECR) in the political arena of Europe. Its forerunner was the European democratic group in the European Parliament, initiated by the British and Danish conservatives in 1979, which lasted until 1992.Then this group was part of the European people’s party (EPP) faction in the European Parliament for almost 17 years. In 2009 at the initiative of the British conservatives, supported by their colleagues from the Czech Republic and 6 other EU member States, a new party was created ‒ the Alliance of European conservatives and reformists, which became essentially an opponent of the EPP in the conservative segment of the European political spectrum. European conservatives and reformists today represent a fairly influential political force in the European Union, which is distinguished from the EPP by a combination of conservative values and a moderately skeptical view of the current state of Affairs in the EU and its further development prospects, if the EU political system is not significantly trans- formed towards its greater transparency and democracy. The author of the article tried to identify the reasons for the emergence of this kind of political force and predict its future prospects.

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La Carestia of the Sicilian poet Domenico Tempio is an allegorical satirical poem that fits into the tradition of southern enlightened reformism, feeding the utopia of peace and social egalitarianism. The article analyzes some frame of the work to grasp the thrust for the renewal of eighteenth-century poetry, through a stylistic use of the poetic language that oscillates between coloriture markedly expressionist and equally visible traces of formal classicism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The question of the ideological features of the reformism that inspired the substance of the Organic Regulations has not received adequate attention in the historical research. The Organic Laws, which were made under Russian patronage, were a work of synthesis involving both the native boyars of the Romanian Principalities and Russian officials. The ideological profile of local elite reformism is well known in Romanian historiography, but less research has been done on the ideological features of Russian reformism. The main currents of political thought in the Russian Empire, including in the area of diplomatic elites, had a heterogeneous and unstructured character, explicable not only by the ambiguities of Russian political culture (autocracy versus "constitutionalism"), but also by the presence of factional tendencies, according to the criteria of political choice, influence and interests. Nevertheless, the reforms carried out in Finland and Poland, together with those introduced in Novarussia and Basarabia, have been highly coherent and show serious affinities with the Polizeistaat model, of Central European extraction. In addition to a rather clear conception of the nature and role of the reforms, with the aim of conferring a more centralized organization to the state institutions, the reorganization of the state structures through the application of the Organic Regulations was also possible due to the political and administrative skills of Pavel Kiselev, patient, but determined, moderate but with a well developed plan, intelligent and clever, managing to overcome the resistance of the nobility, which was seriously affected by the new institutions, practices and procedures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]