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Copyright of XVIIe Siècle is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article we reconstruct and systematize the theoretical apparatus used by Michel Foucault in his research on the phenomenon of governance, as well as his investigations into specific governing regimes that have existed in the history of Western modernity. The aim of the article is to contribute to the resolution of conceptual confusion that has accompanied the governmentality studies since their emergence in the early 1990s and thereby facilitate the development and application of this perspective in future research. The article begins by situating Foucault’s research on governance within the broader context of his career and highlighting the socio-political conditions under which Foucault changed the direction of his academic work towards this field. We will then proceed with a systematic exposition of some of Foucault’s basic concepts like “practice”, “power” and “dispositive”. We will also highlight how the problematic of governance entered his work through the concepts of “pastorality” and “subjectivity”. In the next section we will reconstruct the theoretical apparatus Foucault used when researching government and governmental regimes. Here we will point out the specific meaning the notion of “governmentality” has in his research and how it is used to signify rationalities embodied in governmental regimes. Considering this theoretical apparatus, we will, in the second part of this section, reconstruct the history of governmental regimes in Foucault’s work starting from the regime of raison d’État in early modernity, through the liberal regime of governance in 18th and 19th centuries and concluding with the neoliberal regime. In conclusion, we will reflect on the advantages that the perspective of governmentality studies offers in researching the social world.

The different views on EU–Polish relations articulated by different political actors in Poland illustrate two opposite approaches toward the shape of the integration process. The ongoing political debate on Poland’s raison d’état (reason of state) in the European Union calls for the necessity to define this notion in the current geopolitical context. In light of recent challenges and declared plans of the European Commission to transform the EU’s foreign policy it seems particularly reasonable to analyze Poland’s raison d’état in reference to the EU’s enlargement policy. Therefore, the major purpose of the article is to define and explain the essence and evolution of Poland’s position on the issue of EU enlargement. To be precise, the case study is concentrated on the developments caused by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine as a trigger for the reconsideration of the EU’s foreign policy. By doing so, the author makes an attempt to answer the research question on the essence of Poland’s raison d’état as regards further EU enlargement and Polish structural potential to promote its interests and shape the EU’s foreign policy overall.

This paper provides ethnographic sketches of the struggles of bordered lives – mainland spouses and their families, PRC students and overseas Taiwan – during the pandemic time when their rights to enter or return to overseas Taiwanese was denied as part of the preventive measures against COVID-19. By conducting interviews with mainland spouses from a distance and looking at the discussion of a Facebook group called 'Overseas Taiwanese COVID-19 Self-Help Group' as an archival site, we seek to understand and analyse the reasons why their right to enter or return was silenced, discredited, denied and attacked, and used these ethnographic sketches as the basis for explaining the emergence of democratic censorship, a paradox that sadly is part of the living reality in Taiwan. Furthermore, inspired by Michel Foucault's discussion of raison d'etat as the rationale for the state's, rather than people's, survival, we situate democratic censorship in the context of tense China–Taiwan relations and call for the 'de-Cold Warring' (Chen 2010) of consciousness as the key to save democracy from the spectre of autocracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article was to show various ways of creating a model of Polish foreign policy in contemporary political thought situated in the context of the Polish raison d’état in the 21st century. The subjects of the research were the main ideological and political orientations: conservative, liberal, agrarian, social democratic, and nationalist with its derivatives, which had their external emanations in the form of political parties: Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People’s Party, Democratic Left Alliance and New Left, as well as the League of Polish Families and the National Movement including related groups belonging to the ideological family. The structure of the article includes references to the model of foreign policy, taking into account: 1) the characteristics of specific currents of political thought, 2) the prospects of competition for power within the state; 3) shaping the course of Poland’s policy in external relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay challenges some of the recent scholarship which claims that Michel Foucault was more sympathetic to neoliberalism than is typically acknowledged. Accordingly, it considers the possible motivations for Foucault's 1978-1979 lecture course, The Birth of Biopolitics ; the relationship between liberalism and the various forms of power identified by Foucault; and, finally, claims that Foucault's account of the 'care of the self' was itself informed by the neoliberal theory of human capital. It finds that Foucault regarded neoliberalism as coercive social arrangement on par with the other forms of power/knowledge targeted by his work. And it concludes with some reflections on how Foucault's account of the 'aesthetics of existence' might facilitate resistance to neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim here was to identify and analyze the political rationale behind the persistent veil of secrecy maintained by the Polish political elite with regard to CIA-run prisons located on Polish territory between 2002 and 2004, in the context of the US-led extraordinary rendition program. To do this, the author offers a brief chronological overview of relevant events, before analyzing the factors contributing to the secrecy surrounding Poland's participation in the CIA "black sites." This article argues that raison d'état constituted the supreme, and most uncompromising, political justification for the action taken, endorsed by the Polish political elite. Moreover, the paper examines official statements from the Polish authorities and presents conclusions from recent in-depth interviews given by key political decision-makers who were in office at the time the events took place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dialectic is a concept that means the ability to argue leading to confirmation or questioning the thesis. Derived from ancient time, various currents of understanding the concept of dialectics in the modern world are subject to redefinition and constitute the basis for the functioning of the sphere of interactions in the international arena. Today’s discourse on the relationship between various entities boils down to the claim that hard power began to give way to soft power. The implementation of dialectic assumptions in the functional space of the soft power of the state makes it possible to conclude that, today, entities on the international stage, pursuing their particular interests, do not always use a narrative that is consistent with reality. Therefore, an important aspect of mutual interaction is making an objective analysis of phenomena and events that form the basis for establishing various types of relationships on the world stage.

Copyright of XVIIe Siècle is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispánicos is the property of Asociacion Canadiense de Hispanistas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hipogrifo: revista de literatura y cultura del siglo de oro is the property of Hipogrifo: revista de literatura y cultura del siglo de oro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A new concept of state, which had appeared after the Westphalia Treaty, lasted until the middle of the 19th century, and marked the transition from the old to the new era. After the dissolution of the feudal socio-economic system, a newly established state was the fundament for the study of modern law. The new political organization obtained a new form, constitutionality, and responsibility by means of law. Before this treaty the world was amalgamated between the Catholic Church and the Holy Roman Empire. The essence of the war was the conflict between Protestants and Catholics, and between adversary dynasties: the Bourbons and the Habsburgs. Basic characteristics of the new world were secularisation, centralization and nationalisation. The holder of power in European scene was determined by the treaty: a new world order was created. A newly created nation/state, sovereign and centralized, was in favour of interethnic peace and religious freedoms. The Holy Roman Empire lost the privilege to establish the hegemony, and the states were given the right to protect their national interests. The principle of raison d'Etat gave the legitimacy of means to reach the welfare state. This is to initiate a new political thought on the centralization of power, stern borders, internal sovereignty, and formalized interstate diplomacy. The first one to realize the importance of raison d'Etat strategy was Cardinal Richelieu: he was ready to conclude alliances with Protestants and Muslims for the sake of the state's interest. He said that the interest of the state, and the one of religion were two different things. A new order based on bureaucratization, absolutism, and militarism will enter the scene. Thanks to detheologization, absolutism became the cradle of the enlightenment philosophy. Richelieu managed to predict the world history two centuries in advance: his concept of raison d'Etat had been prevailing until the French Revolution, and Napoleon wars. It was also accompanied by the inevitable principle of balance of power, which resulted in many wars whose actor was France.

Copyright of Economic & Political Thought / Myśl Ekonomiczna & Polityczna is the property of Lazarski University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dialectic is a concept that means the ability to argue leading to confirmation or questioning the thesis. Derived from ancient time, various currents of understanding the concept of dialectics in the modern world are subject to redefinition and constitute the basis for the functioning of the sphere of interactions in the international arena. Today's discourse on the relationship between various entities boils down to the claim that hard power began to give way to soft power. The implementation of dialectic assumptions in the functional space of the soft power of the state makes it possible to conclude that, today, entities on the international stage, pursuing their particular interests, do not always use a narrative that is consistent with reality. Therefore, an important aspect of mutual interaction is making an objective analysis of phenomena and events that form the basis for establishing various types of relationships on the world stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1992, after the dissolution of Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the Slovenian government unlawfully erased 25,671 individuals—ethnically mainly Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Macedonians, Montenegrins, and Roma—from the Register of Permanent Residents of Slovenia. The aim of this article is to analyze the logic of the governmental rationalities that served as a basis for the politics of the erasure. The article begins by refuting claims that the erasure was a tactic for achieving ethnocultural homogeneity and continues by explaining the mindset involved in this particular practice of government, resting upon Foucault's notions of raison d'état, governmentality, and sovereign power. Highlighting the prominence of the individual's political opinion and loyalty to the newly established state, the article discusses the principles of nationalism, which reinforce the very common-sense exclusionary politics related to political loyalty implied in citizenship and ethnic identity. Finally, the article deliberates on the effects of the contemporary diagram of power of the nation-state, which legitimizes the exclusion of individuals from the national polity and thus immobilizes universal respect of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses Liberalism after Communism by Jerzy Szacki, in the light of the commonly accepted research method (including by Szacki himself), and his idea of history and the general attitude towards the past. The paper focuses on how Szacki tackles the problem of transporting the liberal ideas onto the Polish ground after 1989; on how he discloses the dilemmas and restrictions of Polish liberalism; on the historical dimension of Polish liberalism; and on whether the liberal Weltanschauung is universal or incidental. In the end, the paper attempts to examine the problem of the liberal minimum in Szacki's analyses, in the context of the Polish raison d'état and the question of populism, as well as the current political crisis in Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article interrogates the role of tragedy within the work of International Relations theorists including Michael Dillon, Mervyn Frost, Richard Ned Lebow and Hans Morgenthau. It argues that a tragic sensibility is a constituent part of much thinking about politics and the international, and asks what the reasons for this preoccupation might be. Noting that a number of diverse theoretical appeals to tragedy in International Relations invoke analytically similar understandings of tragic-political subjectivity, the article problematises these by building on Michel Foucault’s intermittent concern with the genre in his Collège de France lecture series. It proposes that a genealogical consideration of tragedy enables an alertness to its political associations and implications that asks questions of the way in which it is commonly conceived within the discipline. The article concludes by suggesting that International Relations theorists seeking to invoke tragedy must think carefully about the ontological, epistemological, ethical and political claims associated with such a move. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses Liberalism after Communism by Jerzy Szacki in the light of the commonly accepted (including by Szacki himself) research method and his idea of history and the general attitude towards the past. The paper focuses on how Szacki tackles the problem of transporting the liberal ideas onto the Polish ground after 1989; on how he discloses dilemmas and restrictions of the Polish liberalism; on the historical dimension of the Polish liberalism; on whether the liberal Weltanschauung is universal or incidental. In the end, the paper attempts to look at the problem of the liberal minimum in Szacki's analyses in the context of the Polish raison d'état and of the question of populism, as well as the current political crisis in Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With an emphasis on the religious figuration of its heroine’s chaste body, the present essay explores the political dynamics of The Rape of Lucrece. The poem draws on Roman religion and Christianity: Lucrece is an emblem of purity, with echoes of the flaminica or Vestal virgins, and her spotlessness anticipates Christ’s. Seeing these qualities allows us to engage the poem’s gender dynamics and its politics, with both of these being centered on issues of property. While The Rape of Lucrece has been enlisted as an artifact of late Elizabethan republican culture, its depiction of the expulsion of the Tarquins need not lead us to that conclusion. It is nonetheless a product of the political anxieties of Elizabeth’s final years.

Copyright of XVIIe Siècle is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In mid-1917, the press launched an anti-profiteering campaign, deploying detailed, divergent and vivid verbal and visual stereotypes of war profiteers. Almost simultaneously, a provisional anti-profiteering law was enacted, delegating to an ad hoc established committee overextended authorization to police stocks and prices in particular commodity markets. This article tries to discover the relations between the themes and images circulated in the press with forms, targets and consequences of the Committee's precautions and sanctions. It also aims to analyze and project the elements of these divergent images onto different contexts of war and mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia del Derecho is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Em "Do útil e do honesto" Montaigne indaga se, na defesa do Estado, haveria limites éticos para a ação do príncipe. O príncipe deve pautar-se pelo útil ou pelo honesto? Argumenta que o "devoir publique" é o limite da dedicação do súdito a um príncipe, o qual deve preservar a liberdade de julgamento. Ir além dos limites da consciência no serviço público é arriscar a confiança dos outros na veracidade de suas próprias palavras. Não há razão superior à razão de consciência. Enquanto para Maquiavel o conceito de utilidade é fundamental, para Montaigne o útil não é o honesto. Ainda que a utilidade pública, mesmo que por uma "razão mais geral", obrigue à desonestidade, a moralidade deve vigorar no espaço público. A honestidade, no interior do espaço público, é uma força instituinte da sociedade política. Todavia, a pretensão à verdade e o cuidado com a "paix publique" são definitivamente distintos. Montaigne afirma a incompatibilidade entre a moral e a política, mas almeja um príncipe que não ignore o honesto.In "Of the useful and of the honest" Montaigne questions if, in the defense of the State, there shoud be any ethical limits to the action of the prince. Must the prince be guided by the useful or the honest? He argues that the "devoir publique" is the limit subjects have to respect in their dedication to the prince, preserving their freedom of judgment. In public affairs, going beyond the limits of conscience is risking the trust of others in the truth of one's words. There is no reason higher than consciousness. While, according to Machiavelli, the concept of utility is fundamental, Montaigne distingishes the useful from the honest. Even if the public utility (hence a "more general reason") may impose dishonesty, morality should prevail in the public space. Within the public space honesty is essential to institute the political society. However, to be truthful and to care about the "paix publique" are definitely different. Montaigne assumes the incompatibility between morality and politics, but not a prince who ignores the difference between the useful and the honest.

Copyright of Fabula - LhT is the property of Fabula and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines Foucault’s interpretation of Machiavelli in his 1978 lecture series, Sécurité, territoire, population. I argue that Foucault’s interpretation in these lectures deliberately misrepresents Machiavelli. This misrepresentation allows him to develop later traditions in political thought in a way that precludes any importance Machiavelli might have had for the concerns of these later authors. Further, thorough analysis of Foucault’s reading of Machiavelli uncovers a common thread between the two authors. For Machiavelli, the political is a space articulated by an immediacy of princes to peoples and generated from the fold formed by the difference between the qualities of the political humors. For Machiavelli, this difference of the humors—unstable and porous as it is—between those who desire to dominate and those who desire not to be dominated is immanent to the political. Read from this perspective Foucault’s critique of the tradition in anti-Machiavellian literature develops a reading of Machiavelli that, even if it misrepresents him, breaks Machiavelli free from the place his thought generally occupies in the history of raison d’État. The paper then closes developing the notion that Foucault’s interpretation of Machiavelli points in the direction of a clear theme shared by the two — the theme of historically generated political technique(s).

This article aims to reveal the origins and development of the Turkish emergency during the years it was implemented. Turkey’s State of Emergency originated following the military coup on September 12, 1980, and lasted until the end of November 2002. Initially, the emergency state created a different set of administrative and legal rules in the areas where it mainly was implemented, the Kurdish-populated regions in the southeast of the country. However, the suspension of the norm under the emergency state that lasted for over two decades caused a perpetuating shift in the civil and military administrations in Turkey. Moreover, it caused the emergency state to be not solely a legal and administrative implementation but a continuous reflection of the Turkish raison d’état when the country faces a crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of raison d'État (reason of state) is very popular in Poland, and it will apparently remain relevant as long as the Polish state exists. The idea is commonly used in official statements by politicians, political journalism, and in various government documents. Raison d'État is an ambiguous concept, which results from simplified and often popular opinions on what is and what is not the raison d'État. Members of the Polish People's Party, a Polish party active on the local political scene since 1990, often resorted to the notion of raison d'État. The analysis of the political thought of the contemporary Polish People's Party leads to the conclusion that raison d'État was an important category. There were two principal areas in which raison d'État could be pursued. Firstly, these were internal State relations. PSL firmly believed that the Polish raison d'État could be achieved to the greatest extent in the conditions of political, economic and social democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is some common presuppositions, in modern history, of the ecclesiastical institutions as well as the State as the basis for the contro l and extraction of economic re s o u rces through the knowledge, the most accurate possible, of the “social body”.

This article examines Foucault's interpretation of Machiavelli in his 1978 lecture series, Sécurité, territoire, population. I argue that Foucault's interpretation in these lectures deliberately misrepresents Machiavelli. This misrepresentation allows him to develop later traditions in political thought in a way that precludes any importance Machiavelli might have had for the concerns of these later authors. Further, thorough analysis of Foucault's reading of Machiavelli uncovers a common thread between the two authors. For Machiavelli, the political is a space articulated by an immediacy of princes to peoples and generated from the fold formed by the difference between the qualities of the political humors. For Machiavelli, this difference of the humors--unstable and porous as it is-- between those who desire to dominate and those who desire not to be dominated is immanent to the political. Read from this perspective Foucault's critique of the tradition in anti- Machiavellian literature develops a reading of Machiavelli that, even if it misrepresents him, breaks Machiavelli free from the place his thought generally occupies in the history of raison d'État. The paper then closes developing the notion that Foucault's interpretation of Machiavelli points in the direction of a clear theme shared by the two -- the theme of historically generated political technique(s). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]