Search

Critical race theory (CRT) is rarely discussed in LIS literature. Two principles of CRT, interest convergence and differential racialization, can possibly help us to better understand and challenge the pervasiveness and harmfulness of Whiteness in LIS. The purpose of this analysis is to demonstrate how crippling Whiteness can be to Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) library employees. Survey feedback provided insight into how BIPOC employees feel about their positions within academic libraries and LIS. Themes from the film Get Out were explored in this survey to examine if the library is the proverbial Sunken Place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the centrality of passports and identification documents (or their lack thereof) in peoples’ everyday lives and life chances, particularly in the contexts of forced displacement and protracted conflict. While the production of largely internationally unrecognized passports reasserts the logics of the globally dominant modern nation-state order, it also lays bare the problematic, fragile, and performative qualities of that system. I argue that the bureaucratic processes of document production for wartime migrants reveal the racializing effects of codified legal and ethnic classifications. As such, the production of passports and legal identification documents plays a formative role in the ethno-racial exclusions embedded in statecraft projects. This paper invites readers to consider how passports and identification documents affect multiple aspects of life, including access to work opportunities, mobility, and housing—and how people creatively traverse the confinments of these documents and their bureaucratic categories.

This article offers a reconceptualization of class-in-capitalism and its articulation with racialization and gender that builds on critical strands of Marxian thought and integrates insights from Black radical and feminist socialist traditions. Rather than a transhistorical materialist conception of class simpliciter, we develop a historically-specific conception of class embedded within an analysis of capitalist social relations. The result is an account of class based not on the appropriation of a “material surplus,” but on asymmetrical social relations in the division of labor and disposition of its fruits. Developing this conception along three key axes of asymmetries—property, production, and personhood—we show how the dynamics propelled by capitalist social relations are co-constitutive with those of racialization, while both the privatization of reproduction and gender-based super-exploitation are systemic features of these dynamics. We emphasize law’s role in the history of these relations, and end with implications of our analysis for their transformation.

This article explores the development of capitalism in Palestine under British colonialism and the Zionist settler colonial project. It examines first, Israel's internal and external capitalist dynamism, including its treatment of its non-European citizens, namely indigenous Palestinians, and non-Ashkenazi (Arab) Jewish settlers. Second, it explores the state's interdependent relationship with Western, especially US imperialism. The article argues that the British colonial state was crucial in enabling the Zionist project to materialize, leading to weakening the socio-economic fabric of the Palestinians in their own lands and homeland, creating a favourable condition for the Zionist project to gradually penetrate the land of Palestine and dispossess its population. As a European (Jewish) settler colonial movement, Zionism, founded on racism and racialization, aimed at establishing a new Jewish enclave separate and independent from the indigenous Palestinians. This separateness made it resemble apartheid South Africa, yet the historical specificity of Palestine, where the Zionist settlers did not just alienate, exclude and when needed, use and exploit the Palestinians, but also expelled the indigenous Palestinians and claim Palestine as a 'pure' Jewish state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores young people's consumption of credit and the role of credit and debt in the distinction between youth and adulthood. The article engages with recent shifts in the nature of credit that have turned credit into an object of consumption in itself, as well as broader arguments about the financialisation of daily life, in order to understand the temporalities and moral distinctions enacted in different forms of credit and debt among youth. While it is well recognised that financialised capitalism operates and creates value from differences including gender, racialisation and class, the formation of youth subjectivities through credit and debt technologies remains unexplored in the literature despite an emerging crisis of consumer credit among young people. With this in mind, this article draws on a qualitative study of youth, credit and debt, to show that young people experience debt within contradictory temporalities and calculative logics, including the long-term 'investments' required to become an adult, and the logic of consumption attached to consumer credit which positions credit as a failure of self-responsible adulthood because it places future creditworthiness in jeopardy. In this way, the article suggests a future research agenda on the way that biographical distinctions are enacted through credit and debt, and how notions of youth and adulthood contribute to the qualification and consumption of credit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The German 'refugee crisis' produced formidable levels of civil society assistance, involving citizens and locations with no previous experience in refugee support. Grounded in research with citizen volunteers in a rural region in southern Germany conducted at a time when rightwing populism gained strength, this article explores how volunteers reflect on their relations with refugees while negotiating distinctly German identities. Scholarship on volunteering in refugee settings has looked at the emotional aspect of this work largely for its political import. This article expands attention to emotions in volunteering from a form of political practice on the ground to a practice of narrative reasoning. In a close reading of interview-derived narratives as affective practices the relevance of locality, identity and history for refugee reception comes to the fore. Deploying the notions of 'redemptive' and 'affirmative' Germanness the article shows how volunteers draw on specific historical trajectories to produce moral arguments about the support and incorporation of strangers. This article argues that volunteers' affective involvement with history and locality needs unpacking if their relations of solidarity are to be understood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To assess the panel composition of the 2 most important guideline developers in urology as equity and acceptability, important domains in clinical guideline development, require broad stakeholder representation. Following a predefined protocol, we identified all current AUA and EAU guideline documents. Two authors independently abstracted data including guideline topic, number and roles of panel members, voting status, and academic rank. We determined panel member's gender (woman, man, or nonbinary) and racialization (White or non-White) status based on name, internet picture, pronouns used, bios available, and gender listed on their profile. We identified 31 AUA and 20 EAU guidelines for inclusion. Median panel size was 19 (interquartile range [IQR]: 17; 21) with 12 (IQR: 10; 14) voting members. The average composition of voting panels was predominantly male (81.8%) and White (86.8%). Eleven guideline panels (21.6%) did not include any women, and 9 (17.6%) panels had no representation of individuals from non-White groups. While gender distribution was similar among guidelines of the 2 organizations, the AUA included more voting members from non-White groups (14.3% vs 8.0%; P =.010). Analysis of the AUA panel composition over time revealed stable proportions of female and non-White individuals. Both AUA and EAU guidelines exhibit insufficient representation of females and non-White individuals, with no evident improvement observed over time. Implementing more transparent processes that advocate for diverse panel representation may enhance the incorporation of stakeholder values and preferences, thereby improving the dissemination and adoption of guidelines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editorial to the Special Issue introduces the concept of the internal border and presents its individual contributions. It discusses the shift from the borderline toward diverse sites and actors within the territory of the state and points to the border's still neglected turn to city and urban space, and how this is connected to the external border. In doing so, the introduction explores the meanings of the internal border as a crucial mechanism of ordering and othering that represents, enacts, and creates the line between insiders and outsiders, citizens and non-citizens, along with divisions of racialisation, ethnicity, gender, class, and health. This notion assumes that the practices of bordering articulate social differences mapped onto space. Thus, recognizing the city as urban border space, this introduction proposes studying the border through the city, embedded within a multiscalar and relational framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies about representations of Latinidad in US and European media have identified stereotypes like criminalization and hypersexualization. Furthermore, it has been argued that comedy operates as a double-edged sword in exposing racism, as humor can be deployed to simultaneously mask/justify and show/denounce racial discrimination and monolithic representations of Latinidad. Using a feminist intersectional perspective that foregrounds constructions of masculinities and racialization/migration as exclusionary factors, this essay discusses how RTVE Playz, the digital platform of the Spanish public television aimed at young audiences, represents Latinidad in its series Riders (2021). Situated within the dynamics of racialization in Spain, Riders stands out as an example of dark humor that both complicates and reinforces stereotypes. Through a close reading of the series, we assess its response to current social, political and cultural citizenship challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate risk factors for severe COVID-19 in persons living with HIV (PWH), including among racialized PWH, using the U.S. population-sampled National COVID Cohort Collaborative (N3C) data released from January 1, 2020 to October 10, 2022. We defined severe COVID-19 as hospitalized with invasive mechanical ventilation, extracorporeal membrane oxygenation, discharge to hospice or death. We used machine learning methods to identify highly ranked, uncorrelated factors predicting severe COVID-19, and used multivariable logistic regression models to assess the associations of these variables with severe COVID-19 in several models, including race-stratified models. There were 3 241 627 individuals with incident COVID-19 cases and 81 549 (2.5%) with severe COVID-19, of which 17 445 incident COVID-19 and 1 020 (5.8%) severe cases were among PWH. The top highly ranked factors of severe COVID-19 were age, congestive heart failure (CHF), dementia, renal disease, sodium concentration, smoking status, and sex. Among PWH, age and sodium concentration were important predictors of COVID-19 severity, and the effect of sodium concentration was more pronounced in Hispanics (aOR 4.11 compared to aOR range: 1.47–1.88 for Black, White, and Other non-Hispanics). Dementia, CHF, and renal disease was associated with higher odds of severe COVID-19 among Black, Hispanic, and Other non-Hispanics PWH, respectively. Our findings suggest that the impact of factors, especially clinical comorbidities, predictive of severe COVID-19 among PWH varies by racialized groups, highlighting a need to account for race and comorbidity burden when assessing the risk of PWH developing severe COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets out to study Tunisian protest movements and state responses by focusing on continuities in protest and policing rather than radical breaks like the 1956 independence, the 2010–2011 revolution, or more recently, Kais Saied’s July 25 self-coup. Through ethnographic fieldwork among activists in Tunis, residents of its popular neighbourhoods and with the El-Kamour movement of the southern region of Tataouine, the article develops three arguments and theoretical tools: firstly, it argues that residents of Tunis’ popular neighbourhoods and Tunisia’s inland and southern regions are racialized through consistent securitisation at the hands of urban elites as they migrated to the cities to establish what would become peripheral popular neighbourhoods. Secondly, it develops and applies a lens of internal occupation to analyze policing of these racialized populations. Through a grounded theory-approach, it articulates intimately felt indignity and humiliation in the context of an outsider-insider policing dynamic. Thirdly, it argues that racialisation is perpetuated by a state-capitalist class nexus consisting of economic benefactors of the reserve army of labour and natural resource extraction. Security forces violently enforce this socio-economic order. Lastly, it suggests that internal occupation is a useful theoretical lens through which to analyze policing of marginalised populations in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Philosophers often understand social categories as conferred or as social kinds. The relationship between conferralism and a social kind approach to social ontology remains unclear. Conferralism is often interpreted as a way of understanding the nature of social kinds, rather than as an alternative to a social kind approach. In this paper, I argue that these two approaches are in fact radically different, and I identify the challenges unique to each approach. The social kind approach requires social kinds to be identifiable on the basis of kind-specific social properties or relations while the conferralist approach does not, instead taking institutional classification practices and communal attitudes to be reality-conferring. While these are not mutually exclusive approaches to social ontology – some social categories are conferred and constitute social kinds – they are genuinely different. I use the debate about the existence of social races as a case study to show why it is useful to distinguish between social kind and conferralist approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the advancement of fantasy policy solutions to irregular migration, drawing on the case study of the UK/French border. In 2018 people began to cross the English Channel in significant numbers to seek asylum. This led to much commentary and a raft of new legislation seeking to criminalise people crossing the Channel and end rights to seek asylum in the UK. In this article, we explore the interaction between two sets of fantasies that are advanced by politicians and mainstream political parties in the UK. That is: the liberal technocratic fantasy – that this phenomenon can be efficiently 'fixed' through interventions in policing and multilateral cooperation with neighbouring EU states; and the illiberal fantasy that extreme and performative punishments can solve it. These fantasies intersect and break at different points in time, and involve many of the same policy solutions which are represented in different terms. Importantly, both of these fantasies reproduce racialised and colonial logics and ultimately serve border imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We critically examine the lived experience of food insecurity among asylum seekers in England, adopting a framework of racialized governance to consider how experiences are situated within historical and political processes. We draw upon longitudinal interviews from January 2023-February 2024 with people, including asylum seekers, living on a low-income in the North and South of England. Food insecurity was unavoidable for asylum seekers subject to No Recourse to Public Funds; food charities did little to mitigate food insecurity and could be sites of racialized stigma. The racialization of food insecurity among asylum seekers was fuelled by a politics of “racialized governance” which gained cultural traction through media narratives and manifested in everyday interactions around food. Developing literature on food insecurity among asylum seekers through new empirical and theoretical insights, we show how food charities can be racialized spaces where “non-white” asylum seekers are responded to according to a differential humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the persecution of Roma and Sinti in Germany, France, Italy, and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia during the Second World War to highlight the impact of pre-war attitudes on the transnational persecution of the Romani. This study posits that native involvement in the persecution was, especially significant to the persecution dynamic in each country and the evolution from persecution to genocide. This transnational study, therefore, introduces a greater understanding of the genocide of the Roma and Sinti and the dynamics in society that created it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following China’s rise as an economic powerhouse, the country’s immigrant population has quickly increased and diversified, leading to an increase in romantic relationships between foreign and Chinese citizens. This article analyzes the racialization of belonging and citizenship of Chinese nationals born into Chinese-foreign families living in China. Drawing on data gathered through analyzing online debates and media reports, supplemented by interviews and fieldwork observations, the article investigates how discussions about the identity of vloggers, pop stars, and athletes of mixed Chinese-foreign descent shed light on rising Chinese racial nationalism at a time when China has become a destination for international migration and a new frontier for racial knowledge production. We argue that this process is characterized by a tension between China’s emergence as an immigrant society and the hardening boundaries of its national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an ethnographic examination of race, racialization, and racism among members of a Muslim post-Yugoslav population who have not emigrated – who stayed “in place” – but whose location just outside EU borders has brought people from outside Europe to their community as illegalized migrants along the Balkan Route to the EU. Residents of Bihać and the northwest region of Bosnia–Herzegovina make sense of how racial hierarchies position both them and the migrants, and in turn how racism functions in their society, through overlapping and simultaneously imagined global, regional, and local scales. Distancing from racism based on Bosnia’s specific positioning was common, while local racializing hierarchies such as those that inferiorize the Roma were often understood through frameworks of ethnicity. This made possible a simultaneous identification with “Europe” and whiteness and a distancing from racial thinking and racism as a problem of the “west” even through divergent stances towards migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is a chapter excerpted from my forthcoming book, Who Gets to be Indian: Ethnic Fraud and Other Difficult Conversations about Native American Identity The chapter shows the ways that Indianness, framed as Indian or Native American "identity", is inseparable from state subjectivity based on the history of political relations between tribes and the United States. It argues that tribes' political status and relationship to the state are central to how Native American identity is shaped, rejecting the understanding of Native identity as race-based. The term "Indigenous" is discussed as not being equivalent to "Native American" and is not a racial formation in international fora. Social changes during the twentieth century brought new ways to diffuse and co-opt Nativeness through disaggregating it from political status and reinforcing racialization with the rise in urban pan-Indianism and neo-tribalism. Distinguishing Nativeness as political status from racialization is critical given ongoing attacks on tribal sovereignty in Supreme Court challenges based on alleged violations to the equal protection principle. Native American "identity" is inextricable from tribal nationhood and state formation, and thus cannot simply be dismissed as a colonial construct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an analysis of the 2014 video game Dragon Age: Inquisition, this essay brings two contemporary problematics into dialogue—the neoliberal gamification of society and the logic of queer liberalism—to suggest that they converge upon a common, long-standing animus: the figure of the massified Oriental. The massified Oriental haunts Asianness, and retains East and Southwest Asia as its primary cultural referents, but the deterritorialization of Orientalism as an epistemic apparatus locates Orientalism in the realm of affect rather than geography. Thus, this paper proposes a heuristic of "actional Orientalism," which draws attention to the procedural and discursive production of agency and the consequent narrative validation of that agency, contrasting agentic players against their objectified, thingified, and massified gameworlds. Whereas in Tara Fickle's "ludo-Orientalism," wherein racialization is premised upon the otherness of the type of risk-taking and play, actional Orientalism draws on whether the racialized figure is capable of agency at all, finding within the Oriental the complete absence of the bounded, liberal, choosing subject. Dragon Age: Inquisition deploys actional Orientalism on full display, offering liberal transgender representation contingent upon acceptance of an individualist affect, requiring the full abjection of massified, Orientalized, queer others to enable this representation to survive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TrUDL is a pedagogical approach that considers the intersections of translanguaging and Universal Design for Learning (UDL) to support the needs of students in any classroom, but especially emergent multilinguals labeled as disabled (EMLADs). In this article, we offer tools to help educators ensure their lessons support the full communicative repertoire and learning strengths, needs, and preferences of their EMLADs. Educators must self-assess to ensure they do not fall into the trap of UDL OR multilingual supports, and instead integrate multimodal, multilingual, and culturally responsive strategies for all learners. We present a range of mechanisms for educators to evaluate and improve their lessons, including culturally relevant questions for exploratory interviews with families; approaches to languaging in classrooms; reflections on the intersections of racialization and disablement; and ensuring that the cultural responsiveness of the curriculum supports students' holistic growth and success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the pervasive social constructivist turn, regardless of some exceptions, discussions of race, racialization and racism continue to focus on the relatively essentialist White/non-White binary. In this article, I move from the White/non-White binary to consider the dynamics and practices of racialization, racism and racial conflicts in Japan where there are no phenotypical distinctions between the dominant and the main racialized minority groups – the Burakumin, the Ainu, the Okinawans, the Zainichi Koreans and the Chinese. The main argument made in this article is that in Japan, class and power inequalities generated by colonialism, the division of labour, adoption and the deployment of the dominant Western 19th-century discourse of 'scientific racism' contributed to 'racial formations', 'racial projects' and the construction of the racialized boundaries that fuelled and continue to compete over material and non-material resources. A historical sociology of the permanent dialectic between class and race in Japan is offered in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociologists have studied the causes and consequences of collectively blaming and negatively portraying Muslims, but less attention has been paid to how collective blaming and negative descriptions affect researchers' categorisations of such vilified groups. Drawing on 22 months of fieldwork with Muslim men in Norway, I elucidate how racialisation can influence interactions in field research when studying a controversial subject with a racialised group. I identify three patterns in which racialisation affects field interactions: accepting a racialising view, defending the racialised group and developing a shared story between a researcher and participants. I argue that, in this case, desires to present positive views of Islam and Muslims, attempts to distance oneself from religious extremism and attempts to categorise radicalised Muslims as neither Norwegians nor Muslims illustrate racialisation's influence. My findings suggest that racialised understandings enter field interactions but remain opaque unless the researcher reflects upon their own and participants' positionality and membership in a racialised group. I conclude that shared experiences of racialisation between a researcher and the participants deepen the researcher's understanding while limiting enquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his memoir Born a Crime and Other Stories (2016), stand-up comedian Trevor Noah, draws on the thematic concerns of his stand-up performances, as he documents his experiences of racial passing in apartheid and then post-apartheid South Africa. Noah's reflections on these experiences of passing are integral to shaping his commentary on how racial identities are constructed and perceived. In this article, I will examine how Noah's racial passing narrative expands upon depictions of and commentaries on race presented within works of South African racial passing memoir writing. As I will demonstrate, Noah's use of elements of humour and imagination in constructing his childhood self's perceptions of the racialized world, positions his persona as one that contrasts that of the tragic mulatto as it is represented in other works of South African racial passing memoir writing. Through this contrast, I will suggest that Noah's memoir challenges the notion that one's identity is restricted and limited by systems of racial categorization by reflecting on how race can, in fact, be interpreted as a site of creative expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This scoping review aims to describe the range of research studies using arts-based data collection methods with immigrant and racialized older adults. A secondary aim is to identify challenges and strengths of using these approaches with this population. This review uses Arksey and O'Malley's five-stage scoping review framework with a final number of 16 references included for the study. Enhanced social connectedness, increased transparency and quality of findings, and self-empowerment were key strengths of using arts-based approaches for data collection. Challenges identified included resource limitations, cultural and language barriers, and barriers to meaningful engagement. Only a small number of studies have utilized arts-based methods with immigrant and racialized older adults. Arts-based approaches require unique methodological adaptations with this population but have the potential to increase engagement in research activities, authenticity of research findings and empowerment of older adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Descriptions of ethnolects in the U.S. have frequently focused on canonical, well-described features of these varieties, but less work has focused on how such features may overlap and spread into other ethnolects and local varieties in contact. Outside the U.S., the concept of the multiethnolect has been used to describe such situations of dialect contact, but little work has been done to document highly multiethnic dialect contact situations in the U.S. This study is among the first to provide a sociophonetic description of the distribution of features linked to different ethnolects, and to describe a situation of sustained U.S. contact dialect among youth from different racialized groups. Analysis of the speech of a group of Black and Latinx adolescents in Southern California reveals that these teens use a variety of sociophonetic features that have been previously linked to Chicano English (ChE) and African American English (AAE), as well as California Anglo English (CAE). I examine eight phonological variables previously described in these other varieties and reveal a complex sociolinguistic situation in which teens of both ethnicities appear to employ repertoires that draw on features of ChE, AAE, and CAE. I argue that the patterns of use I observe in this data provide evidence of a unique type of dialect contact situation that reflects ongoing trends in urban centers across the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay historicizes the moment in popular music when rap music and indie rock began conversing with one another. It shows how Pitchfork received, what is referred to as, "indie rap" by drawing a particular line of influence: from indie rock to rap music. Pitchfork is thereby shown to have contributed to the historical whitening of Black music. Drawing on the work of Fred Moten, this essay argues that Pitchfork established the "white avant-gardism" of indie rock through the construction of a series of binary oppositions that associated Black rap music with pastness and the commercial and "white" indie rock with futurity and the experimental. Such a critical bifurcation is revealed through a close reading of Pitchfork's reception of the artist most representative of "indie rap:" Kanye West. This essay shows how Pitchfork understood West as needing to appropriate "European" music to move from the past into the future and become experimental. It counters this antagonistic racialization by situating West's use of Auto-Tune within a lineage of Black radical aesthetics that includes the experimental vocal manipulations of artists ranging from Stevie Wonder to Drake. This essay seeks to recover the collaborative spirit that defined "indie rap." It focuses on West's collaborations with Justin Vernon (of Bon Iver), showing how they labored together to produce an "indie rap" that crossed the musical and racial lines established by Pitchfork. This essay concludes that, if West epitomized an ethos of collaboration before his reactionary turn, it is Vernon who now carries forward this collaborative spirit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies of immigration have questioned assumptions about the effectiveness of government controls. In her work on illegal Jewish immigration to the United States, Libby Garland argues that official immigration quotas may not reflect actual numbers of immigrants and critiques historians for being too ready to take immigration laws at face value. Mae Ngai's work on the racialisation of "illegal aliens" in the United States also documents the failure of legislation to curb illegal immigration. Situating her study within this historiography, Sheila Fitzpatrick has re‐examined Australian measures that aimed to limit the entry of Holocaust survivors and concluded that the number of arrivals was substantially higher than previously recognised, in part because migrants and their sponsors found ways around restrictions. In substantiation, Fitzpatrick drew on the archives of the International Refugee Organization and the Australian Government, and the papers of the country's first Minister for Immigration, Arthur Calwell. This article revisits Fitzpatrick's sources, as well as the records of Jewish organisations she did not consult. It establishes that the Australian government effectively limited Jewish immigration and the estimates of earlier scholars were substantially correct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Medieval race-making connected enslavement and a wanton nature based on ideas that enslaved women had an uncontrollable sexual appetite. Focusing primarily on Muslim, Mongol ('Tatar', Turkic, or any individuals from central Asia), and African women, this article considers how the bodies of enslaved women of colour were eroticized, depicted as pathologically lusty, and their sexuality perceived as fundamentally more carnal in both a Christian and Islamic context as a tacit justification for their enslavement. This study argues that a hierarchy of slaves existed throughout the Mediterranean that was linked to dermal pigmentation because the bodies of the enslaved were not all perceived to be the same. It also makes the case that a commonality of racialisation existed across the Christian and Islamic Mediterranean and advocates for the use more flexible methodologies to recover the omissions in archival sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Psychometrics is a branch of psychology concerned with the measurement of mental attributes, behavior, and performance, in addition to the design and analysis of tests and other instruments. The origins of this field are rooted in the explorations of 18th century scientists concerned with capturing phenomena in empirical ways. Less discussed is the use of tests and assessments to validate racialization, which thrusts persons racialized as Black into the early discourse on psychometrics. Scholars, scientists, and psychometricians racialized as Black have long engaged psychometrics providing two major contributions: infrastructure via personnel and training programs built by persons racialized as Black; and interdisciplinarity, which include disciplinary standards and knowledge production. This commentary names these important figures and describes their contributions to the field of psychometrics. Plain language summary: This commentary names these important Black figures and describes their contributions to the field of psychometrics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the double chronopolitics of managing migrants through tracing how the spatialised state system positions migrants as 'out of place'. Taking its cue from the 2018 Windrush scandal in the United Kingdom, which revealed that the state had declared long-term legal residents illegal, the article interrogates the moral order engendered by the imaginary of the state system. It shows how thinking time unsettles hierarchies that the apparently timeless imaginary legitimises. First, the article briefly explores literatures that highlight the significance of time in making the state system and migration. Second, it examines migrantisation and racialisation in the Windrush scandal by tracing how time is imagined as shared. Third, it investigates how 'migrants' are governed through time and a logic of linear progression. Finally, it shows how 'migrants', who appear to introduce temporal tensions into the community's shared time, are exposed to a double chronopolitics: being imagined as both in the past and of the future. Managing 'migrants' in response involves attempts to (impossibly) govern the future. The article argues that this double chronopolitics faces its own impossibility in the subject position of the more-than migrant, which – by exceeding the system – offers an opportunity to think beyond migration as crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twenty-first century rural Midwest communities are experiencing demographic shifts and industrialization in ways that challenge assumptions about rural social cohesion. Urban spatial segregation, surveillance of immigrants and BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and people of colour) city dwellers, and community organizing to resist these processes is well represented in social science literature. Rural contexts feature less prominently in such explorations. I draw on ethnographic research in a Midwest community to make visible the racialization of rural spaces and to illustrate how such racialization frames belonging as contingent on assimilation to white investments in rural space. I draw on the examples of homeownership, commercial space, and public gathering spaces to illustrate the prevalence of white, Euro-American spatiotemporal commitments at work in rural communities as well as how this hegemonic framework can be challenged. By laying bare the social processes enacted through the geographies of everyday life, I hope to point towards more capacious and inclusive possibilities of rural belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how Southeast Asian American students develop their ethnoracial identities at an Asian American and Native American Pacific Islander-Serving Institution (AANAPISI) and a non-AANAPISI, and if there are differences between the two institutions. Drawing on interviews with 26 Southeast Asian American undergraduate students, I find that students use three outlets at both institutions to further develop their ethnoracial identities: 1) Asian American Studies or related courses, 2) ethnoracial student organizations, and 3) ethnoracial events. However, these outlets provided students with a different type of ethnoracial identity development – political ethnoracial identity or social ethnoracial identity. Those that did not participate in these outlets had a colorblind ethnoracial identity as they still acknowledged their ethnoracial identities but did not view race or racism as relevant. The AANAPISI designation did not matter in the parameters of this study, as there were no differences for students at both institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the broader context of a financialised supply-chain capitalism and the international governance of statehood in the wake of decolonisation and European integration, this special issue asks how sovereignty figures in relation to extraction at this conjuncture. In this introduction, we outline the issue's conceptual framework. We argue that sovereignty manifests as a space-making power, across different scales, which delineates and crafts various sites and zones of contemporary processes of extraction as various kinds of 'outside'. We understand this 'outside' not only from the structural point of view of capital accumulation or simply in terms of its function for the stabilisation of capitalism. Rather, we understand it as shaped and saturated by symbolic investments and determinations, through discursive formations, fantasies and patterns of racialisation and dehumanisation, which assist the operations of extractive capital but which may also feature histories and genealogies not reducible to the logics of capital. But we also take distance from an Agambenian take on the 'outside', which would figure its sovereign dimension in terms of negativity, as a withdrawal of the law and a form of abandonment. Our interest lies in tracing the mutual articulation and implication of (genocidal, colonial, imperial) violence and capitalist extractions of value and wealth as they intersect, often conjointly, at times in tension, in the crafting and delineation of space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on ethnographic research on an urban regeneration project targeting the historically Armenian quarter of a provincial capital in the Kurdish parts of Turkey, the article engages with two related, but separate strands of anthropological scholarship on the 'fragmented' nature of sovereignty to think through the relation of sovereignty and extraction. It does so, firstly, in relation to contemporary transformations of statecraft under conditions of financialised neoliberalism and authoritarianism, and secondly, in relation to the historically contingent constellation of property relations, racialisation and violence in the transition from Ottoman Empire to Turkish nation-state. The first leads me to argue that 'fragmentation' emerges here as a project internal to the practices of statecraft, that is, not primarily driven by market mechanisms, nor as something that extends beyond the nation-state. The historical account is offered as a case that further extends our scholarly archive of modern sovereignty as a global form intimately entangled with extraction and dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are persistent and profound racialised inequalities in maternal and reproductive health in the UK. Yet in multiple settings, these disparities have been blamed on class or ethnicity, individuals and communities rather than the structures within which they live. In this study, we draw on narratives told within a ‘slow‐stitch’ craft workshop, organised in southern England for racialised women with reproductive trauma, to show how processes of racialisation and racism shape experiences of maternal and reproductive healthcare. Experiences of reproductive trauma were multiple and cumulative. The burden of knowledge of racialised disparities was carried into health‐care spaces, with plans made in advance to self‐manage in risky spaces. The constant management of racialised stereotypes and subsequent strategies of bodily and emotional containment ultimately was not protective and there was little agency over levels of care received in health‐care spaces. Perceptions surrounding racialised bodies shaped treatment, whilst proximities to whiteness afforded alternative realities. Taking a phenomenological approach we analyse race as a sensory, spatial and relational constellation haunted by long‐standing histories of fraught inequality. Bringing together in the crafting circle a group of women racialised in different ways enabled the sharing of “unspeakable” stories surrounding racism and reproductive trauma, and allowed race to be brought into being as a form of solidarity and connection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the experiences of Amazigh people (plural: Imazighen) and how they negotiate ethnoracial hierarchies in the United States. Imazighen are Indigenous peoples from North Africa; upon arrival to the U.S., they are confronted with ethnoracial categories into which they don’t fit neatly, particularly due to their Indigenous status. Drawing on interviews with 75 Imazighen, we explore how they navigate ethnoracial identity through five themes: (1) illegibility in racial appraisal through everyday interactions; (2) navigating pre-existing ethnoracial hierarchies; (3) discourses about being ‘African (American), but not Black,’ which results in ‘lumping’ by geography, but ‘splitting’ by race; (4) discourses about being ‘not Arab,’ which results in ‘splitting’ processes to highlight Indigeneity; and (5) being appraised as Latine and ‘lumped’ through perceived proximity to other racialized groups. This article explores how a categorically ambiguous population grapples with everyday moments of racial appraisal and how they arrive at a sense of reflected race. Because the labels they are accustomed to (e.g. Amazigh or Berber) are illegible in the U.S., they become open to racialization processes, usually in conversation with notions of Arabness and Africanness. Simultaneously, they challenge norms of racial classification, particularly by introducing an Indigenous dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

H.M. Naqvi’s novel Home Boy features three men of Pakistani background who embark on a cab ride from New York City to Westbrook, Connecticut. They wish to check on an elusive character, Mohammed Shah (a.k.a. the Pakistani Gatsby or the Shaman), who is missing after 9/11. I analyze this journey, known as the “Shaman Run,” as an American road trip. For critical analysis, I synthesize Nancy Leong’s concepts of “open road” and “traffic stop narratives,” highlighting the racialization of American roads, with Sarah Sharma’s notion of “Brown Space” regarding the post-9/11 criminalization of cabdrivers with ties to the Global South. I argue that the Shaman Run begins as an open road narrative but is transformed into a traffic stop narrative overlaid with Brown Space, leading to a reconsideration of the possibilities of open road narratives. Naqvi incorporates elements of road trip fiction in Home Boy to recount how certain Americans did not regard Muslims as fellow mourners in the aftermath of 9/11. Writers and filmmakers from Pakistan and the Pakistani Diaspora have depicted the othering of Muslims in post-9/11 America, but Naqvi is distinctive in foregrounding this theme by repurposing a well-known genre of American literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, feminist legal geographers have pressed for deeper engagement with the lived experience of law’s spatial logics including methodologies that extend beyond the study of legal discourse, practice, and enforcement to include ethnographic and other qualitative approaches that centre the experiences of those living with legal precarity. Building upon the work of feminist political geographers concerned with intimacy geopolitics, the concept of everyday geo-legalities emphasizes the ways that people interpret the spatiality of law, legal practice, and state policing and how it affects their lives, livelihoods and im/mobilities. This research reveals how undocumented im/migrants in a small, rural poultry town interpret and socially negotiate their racialized legal status in terms of im/mobility, heighted workplace pressure, increased job-related health risks, persistent fears of immigration raids, family separation and deportation, and prejudice and policing due to discourses of racialized criminalization. Social and familial relations, however, are central to the everyday negotiation of these dynamics, as community connections and care emerge from experiences of marginalization. This paper thus emphasizes how social relations are central to analysing the complexities and contradictions of everyday legal geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This systematic review includes 125 peer-reviewed education-research articles that employ a LatCrit framework (from a search including articles published from 1995 to 2020). The author examines how the literature utilizes LatCrit and advances ideas about race, Latinxs, and Latinidad in education. The author presents significant patterns and divergences in the literature's strengths, challenges, and tensions. Some strengths include detailing Latinxs' experiences and valuing experiential knowledge. The author problematizes four research practices: (1) describing LatCrit with select tenets of CRT; (2) not defining race or other relevant concepts (language, culture, etc.); (3) claiming Latinxs are unique because of their multidimensionality; and (4) exceeding LatCrit's scope by rationalizing the study's use of LatCrit because its participants are Latinxs. The author argues that these complications lead to a paradox: even though LatCrit emerges from critical race theory and is described as for Latinxs, the literature largely undertheorizes race and lacks clarity about conceptualizing Latinxs as a racialized group. The author recommends four framing ideas that are particular to LatCrit and that help advance the specificity of Latinidad in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on experiences of gender and racial discrimination among young, racialized college women in Europe is scarce, particularly in Spain where Black women have traditionally had a minority presence in universities. As a result of processes of social mobility, these women are now occupying higher education spaces to an unprecedented extent, where they are becoming increasingly visible. These women's experiences of gender and racial discrimination throughout the education cycle are invisible. The aim of this article is to explore the personal experiences of racialization and discrimination among Black female college students in southern Spain. Twelve in-depth interviews were conducted and analysed to shed light on the experiences of young Black female students in predominantly white educational institutions. The stories of these women show that gender and race intersect and are constructed simultaneously through interactions with their mostly white peers. These women display responses of significant resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Limitations in the quality of race‐and‐ethnicity information in Medicare's data systems constrain efforts to assess disparities in care among older Americans. Using demographic information from standardized patient assessments may be an efficient way to enhance the accuracy and completeness of race‐and‐ethnicity information in Medicare's data systems, but it is critical to first establish the accuracy of these data as they may be prone to inaccurate observer‐reported or third‐party‐based information. This study evaluates the accuracy of patient‐level race‐and‐ethnicity information included in the Outcome and Assessment Information Set (OASIS) submitted by home health agencies. Methods: We compared 2017–2022 OASIS‐D race‐and‐ethnicity data to gold‐standard self‐reported information from the Medicare Consumer Assessment of Healthcare Providers and Systems® survey in a matched sample of 304,804 people with Medicare coverage. We also compared OASIS data to indirect estimates of race‐and‐ethnicity generated using the Medicare Bayesian Improved Surname and Geocoding (MBISG) 2.1.1 method and to existing Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) administrative records. Results: Compared with existing CMS administrative data, OASIS data are far more accurate for Hispanic, Asian American and Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander, and White race‐and‐ethnicity; slightly less accurate for American Indian or Alaska Native race‐and‐ethnicity; and similarly accurate for Black race‐and‐ethnicity. However, MBISG 2.1.1 accuracy exceeds that of both OASIS and CMS administrative data for every racial‐and‐ethnic category. Patterns of inconsistent reporting of racial‐and‐ethnic information among people for whom there were multiple observations in the OASIS and Consumer Assessment of Healthcare Providers and Systems (CAHPS) datasets suggest that some of the inaccuracies in OASIS data may result from observation‐based reporting that lessens correspondence with self‐reported data. Conclusions: When health record data on race‐and‐ethnicity includes observer‐reported information, it can be less accurate than both true self‐report and a high‐performing imputation approach. Efforts are needed to encourage collection of true self‐reported data and explicit record‐level data on the source of race‐and‐ethnicity information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary white supremacy often takes hold through strategies of racial disavowal. One strategy that political parties and regular citizens in Bulgaria use is what I call determined indeterminacy. Determined indeterminacy is a collective, institutionalized method of denying the ubiquitous systemic racism that undergirds social life. It allows people to naturalize white supremacy and render it adaptably persistent. This is the case especially in contexts of aspirational whiteness, such as Bulgaria, where whiteness is fraught and many people claim that their country has never been racial. Tracing Bulgaria's history of racial disavowal helps us understand how the local particularities of white supremacy naturalize, transform, and set in place long‐standing racial hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the decolonial feminist potential of multi-layered arts-research collaborations for critical research committed to advancing migrant justice. It reflects on the art-research collaborative project, 'stitching voices, stitching bodies', investigating the gendered, racialised, colonial and geopolitical dynamics of violence and resistance of Latin American migrant women. Collaborators included the author and visual artist Nina Franco, twenty anonymous Latin American survivors of violence, three Latin American women activists and a filmmaker, a British-Caribbean sound engineer and an Irish-Caribbean video editor. Through our art-research methodological engagements, the relationship between the researcher, artists and participants was significantly altered as we alternated between and simultaneously occupied those positions. Exchanging and complementing our skills and sensibilities, we tried new ways of working and overlapped various layers of expression to collectively produce knowledge that enhanced understandings of and multiplied affects concerning intimate border violence. Through our art, we were able to envision, explore and represent intimate border violence, coloniality and resistance to these in audio-visual and visceral ways that grasped and multiplied embodied affects not only for research participants and collaborators but also audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Taiwo, one of the most recent landmark cases on racial justice, the Supreme Court rejected race discrimination claims of two domestic migrant workers, ruling that discrimination on the basis of 'immigration status' should not be equated to discrimination on the basis of 'race'. This article presents an argument for decolonising judicial decision-making, using Taiwo as an example to reimagine a much more favourable outcome for victims of racial injustice. This argument is explored through three propositions for decolonial judgment: (a) challenging racial bias in judicial reasoning and legal doctrine; (b) challenging legal frameworks as sites of racial oppression and inequality; and (c) accounting for contextual diversity of experiences of racialisation, avoiding essentialist arguments and categories of racial discrimination. Drawing on these, the article retells the stories in Taiwo to challenge the dominant, traditional race equality paradigm and expose the varied and multi-layered ways in which people are racialised differently across historical and socio-cultural contexts and communities. It also opens the potential for an epistemic shift away from the liberal paradigm of 'freedom of contract' and towards the analysis of racial contracting that is co-constituted by multi-layered and context-situated structures of oppression and domination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant immediate descendants (MIDs) raised in Italy are frequently socialized across different ethno-cultural environments and often experience being othered. Both conditions may influence the way they face intercultural interaction, but this topic remains largely unexplored. Through 15 semi-structured interviews and 5 focus groups with MID university students raised in Italy, this work examines how MIDs describe and give meaning to their intercultural competence. It shows that through a complex process of appreciation of their inner diversity, MIDs can develop a heightened critical reflection on intercultural communication and the willingness to challenge, through intercultural dialogue, the social representations that underpin their being othered. However, the way difference tends to be constructed in Italian society hampers the valuing of one's multiple ethno-cultural identifications, and encouraging social acceptance of diversity represents a heavy emotional burden for MIDs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With this forum we aim to contribute to the debate within International Relations (IR) scholarship about the space that has opened up since the inter-paradigmatic debate 30 years ago and the challenges still experienced by those of us coming from the "margin" yet committed to the "globalization" of the discipline. That is to say, to building a pluriverse of IR. In the first contribution Anupama Ranawana begins by considering the practical difficulties for Southern research and knowledge creation in IR, detailing a snapshot of how current funding structures continue to relegate academics and researchers in the Global South to a relationship of dependency on their counterparts in the Global North. The next two contributions to the discussion reflect on how these problematic bounds of the disciple are then embodied by those of us working in more marginal spaces in IR. First, Ahmed Rizky Mardhatilla Umar writes of the policing of IR within the Indonesian University which continues to leave most critical work as outside of IR. Another point of embodied experience in what for many continues to be marginal or even outside of the discipline is considered by Jamie J. Hagen and Alex Edney-Browne who write about queer IR and specifically the experience of being a part of a community of LGBTQA (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and allies) in IR scholars. In conclusion Roland Bleiker reflects and evaluates "the potential and limits of International Relations as an academic discipline" even as the discipline continues to call for greater diversity. As such, each contributor speaks separately to a jointly articulated provocation regarding what counts and is centered as "real" International Relations scholarship, based on their own encounters with being told explicitly (i.e., through rejections, lack of institutional support) or implicitly (i.e., through what we are taught) that our work is not International Relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper demonstrates how the social construction of gender shapes women's migration choices and post‐migration experience using the example of Ugandan women migrants in Istanbul, Türkiye. Building on an ethnographic case study, we reveal how Ugandan women negotiate and find agency within oppressive structures that force them into debt, into "illegality", and limit their opportunities for safe and dignified work. Our discussion critiques international regulations – the Palermo Protocol – and local structures including the Istanbul Police and Turkish policy on migration and prostitution. We show the complexity of relationships that impact women's lives and show how institutions fail to protect women leaving them vulnerable to harassment and sexual violence. We reflect on the experience of women of colour in Istanbul, simultaneously visible on the street yet invisible in voice and agency. Our work highlights the importance of an intersectional lens in the study of migration, il/legality, workplace abuse and trafficking into prostitution. It has broad implications for understanding how gender, class and racialization define migrants' options for mobility and self‐determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rather than apprehending race or ethnicity as a predetermined social fact that then informs young people's experiences of engagement or inclusion, youth citizenship studies would benefit from more critical perspectives that enable investigation of the racialised construction of what is legible as civic participation or national belonging. Processes of racialisation operate in the production of youth as citizen-subjects in Australian nation-making through approaches in youth policy and research that simultaneously centre and invisibilise whiteness. This paper considers the role of racialisation in ways of knowing and regulating Australian youth as citizens through a critical review of the ways different groups of young people become meaningful and knowable as racialised citizens. It explores the representation and constitution of Indigenous, ethnic minority and white youth citizenship in youth research and policy as in turn non-existent/provisional, integrative/integratable, and vulnerable/healthy, to contribute to deepened understandings of the social construction of youth in the service of white nation-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]