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Resumo Neste artigo, analiso a presença afro-religiosa na Política Nacional de Promoção da Igualdade Racial, entre 2003 e 2018. Busco, assim, pensar sobre como as religiões afro-brasileiras, que surgiram entre os negros e que na atualidade estão abertas a todos, são mobilizadas no discurso de combate ao racismo. Para tanto, baseio-me em documentos produzidos pelo governo federal, na bibliografia a respeito do tema proposto e na minha experiência de campo junto ao movimento afro-religioso. Ao marcarem presença no debate racial, os afro-religiosos criaram a categoria “povos e comunidades tradicionais de matriz africana” e se organizam em uma outra frente para se defenderem dos ataques advindos de grupos evangélicos, classificados, nesse contexto, como “racismo religioso”. Abstract: In this article, I analyze the presence of the Afro-Brazilian religions in the Brazilian racial policy, between the years of 2003 and 2018. I, thus, intend to reflect upon how the Afro-Brazilian religions, which emerged amongst black people and are open to everyone, are approached in the speech against racism. Therefore, the article is based on documents from the federal government, on the bibliography available on the proposed matter, and on my field experience with the Afro-religious movement. As the Afro-religious people take part in the racial debate, they organize themselves in another front to defend themselves from the increasing attacks coming from evangelical groups. These attacks are considered, in this context, as “religious racism”.

Leseprobe ----- Zusammenfassung Sudafrika ist hinsichtlich der kontinuierlich hohen Zahlen an Abschiebungen seit Jahren weltweit fuhrend. Der Beitrag ergrundet die Gegensatze zwischen der im internationalen Vergleich als innovativ geltenden Asylgesetzgebung und einer rigiden Abschiebungspraxis. Zudem untersucht er Abschiebungen als wichtiges Instrument des sudafrikanischen Innenministeriums zur Migrationssteuerung, zumal die Polizei sie oftmals willkurlich und gewaltsam durchfuhrt. Davon sind vor allem Menschen aus Mosambik und Simbabwe betroffen. Diese Probleme sind nur zu verstehen – so die grundlegende These –, wenn eine empirische Detailanalyse vorgenommen wird und historische Zusammenhange aufgezeigt werden. Denn rigide Einwanderungskontrollen und Abschiebungen wurden bereits in der Kolonialzeit etabliert und wahrend der Apartheid institutionalisiert. Schlagworter: Sudafrika, Simbabwe, Mosambik, Abschiebungen, Asylrecht, Migrationspolitik, Apartheid, Siedlerkolonie ----- Deportations from South Africa – Current and Historical Political Contexts and Practices of Deportation Abstract For several years, South Africa has been a world leader in deporting people en masse. This paper analyses the contradictions that exist between South Africa’s progressive asylum and refugee laws and its very rigid practice of mass deportation. These contradictions are instrumentalised by the Department of Home Affairs as part of a policy to control and manipulate migration, often executed by the police in a violent and arbitrary manner; the authorities primarily target people from Mozambique and Zimbabwe. The article argues that the current state of affairs can only be fully understood within historical context. Therefore, it is important to keep in mind that rigid controls of immigration and the practice of deportation were established during the colonial period and institutionalised during apartheid. Keywords: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, deportations, asylum law, migration policy, Apartheid, settler colony ----- Bibliographie: Schafer, Rita: Deportationen aus Sudafrika. Heutige und historische politische Kontexte und Abschiebepraktiken, PERIPHERIE – Politik • Okonomie • Kultur, 3-2019, S. 412-436. https://doi.org/10.3224/peripherie.v39i3.05

Scholars have argued that racial policy beliefs contributed to a decline in public trust among white-Americans, but this effect waned over time as racial policies left the agenda. We theorize that beliefs about racial policies may have been integrated into whites’ racial attitudes, resulting in a durable association between racial prejudice and public trust. Our analysis of eight ANES surveys (1992–2020) shows that racial prejudice, measured in terms of anti-Black stereotypes, informs white Americans’ beliefs about the trustworthiness of the federal government. LDV models strengthen our contention by showing that the relationship persists after an LDV is included and it is not reciprocal. Supplementary Information The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11109-022-09774-6.

The paper examined racial politics and identity contests in Northern Nigeria. The paper specifically traced the trajectory of racial politics and examined the dynamics of identity construction and contests in Northern Nigeria. An essentially qualitative method of data collection comprising primary data generated through in-depth interviews and secondary data generated through archival records were used. These were then subjected to content and descriptive analyses. Findings from the study revealed that racial politics originated during colonial rule with the British supposedly claiming gene/biological affinity of the Hausa-Fulani as with the Caucasoid groups of Eurasia. The Hausa-Fulani were consequently designated as the civilized group and super-imposed over minority groups that were classified as pagans. About six decades after colonial rule, Hausa-Fulani dominance remains a social reality in spite of identity contests and recreation by the minority groups of Northern Nigeria. Starting with the creation of the Middle Belt identity in the late 1950s, the constituent groups within the Middle Belt have consequently recreated other ethnic identities within Northern Nigeria. Notwithstanding, Hausa-Fulani remains the dominant group in Northern Nigeria socio-political structure.

В данной работе исследуется вопрос мирового опыта применения принудительной стерилизации на примере Шведского Королевства, вопрос контроля рождаемости сквозь призму институциональной дискриминации. В Ñ€Ð°Ð¼ÐºÐ°Ñ Ñ€Ð°Ð±Ð¾Ñ‚Ñ‹ были проанализированы истоки Ñ€Ð°ÑÐ¸ÑÑ‚ÑÐºÐ¸Ñ Ñ‚ÐµÐ¾Ñ€Ð¸Ð¹, историко-философские предпосылки Ð¸Ñ Ñ„Ð¾Ñ€Ð¼Ð¸Ñ€Ð¾Ð²Ð°Ð½Ð¸Ñ, изучен феномен евгеники, этическая и правовая специфика проблемы. Также были рассмотрены политические и социальные процессы, связанные с вопросом государственного применения принудительной стерилизации населения. Были проанализированы социальные последствия дискриминационной политики и положение евгенического направления в науке., This paper is devoted to the issue of world experience in the use of compulsory sterilization on the example of the Swedish Kingdom, the issue of birth control through the prism of institutional discrimination. As part of this work, the sources of racist theories, historical and philosophical prerequisites of their formation were analyzed, the phenomenon of eugenics, the ethical and legal specificity of the problem were studied. Also, political and social processes related to the question were considered. The social and political consequences of the discriminatory policy and the state of the eugenic trend in science were analyzed.

This article will argue that Zakes Mda’s 2007 novel Cion stages a dialog, one where two “Souths” – South Africa and the American South – speak to one another and give a critical voice to an under-acknowledged history of transatlantic discursive exchange on race and racial governance. Mda’s fictional South African critique, of an America still struggling with the cultural and political legacies of slavery, gestures towards a history of exchange between the two countries that in many ways is representative of a more global dialog on racial segregation during the first half of the twentieth century – of which both southern (US) segregation and apartheid are seminal examples. Moreover, this article explores various conceptualizations of race as well as the governance of racial relations as they have been articulated through ecological imaginaries, and especially between South Africa and the Southern United States over the course of the twentieth century. In this article, I argue that not only can apartheid (as well as pre-apartheid segregation) be rethought of as part of a global conversation on race and thus less as a South African anomaly, but also that the United States through its examples of various racialist technologies was highly influential across the colonial and apartheid worlds.

"This essay deals with the interplay between cooptation, legitimation, and repression with a special emphasis on the Nazi attitude and the behavior towards politically indifferent Germans. It analyzes the ideological framework of justification for the repressive Nazi politics that were also used to recruit followers who had a clean conscience and felt they were doing the right thing. Nazi ideology rejected the bourgeois - Christian concepts of universal human rights and dignity as anachronistic while simultaneously using these concepts for ideological purposes. Finally, the article shows how opportunism and radical activism stood side by side in Nazi Germany, with both of these attitudes contributing to the stabilization of the Nazi regime." (author's abstract)

Guyana is referred to as both "Land of Six Peoples," a phrase extracted from the national anthem, or "One People, One Nation, One Destiny," the national motto. Using such opposite expressions to talk about one and the same country highlights meaningful divergences as regards Guyanese people’s viewpoints about what their society should be. Although top officials rejoice in the cohesiveness of Guyanese society, the latter is seemingly struggling to overcome the painful legacy of the colonial era. Examining postcolonial questions about Guyana entails transcending the traditional dichotomy "former colonizers/former colonized people." Indians and Blacks, who were both subject to colonial power, have indeed developed antagonistic relationships. In the face of a proclaimed unity which nevertheless fails to conceal real divisions, it is worth exploring what problems Guyanese society has faced since it gained independence in 1966 and what strategies it has resorted to in order to solve these issues