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Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This presidential address on Canada and the study of territorial politics makes four main arguments. The first is that territory is a central component of politics, especially of Canadian politics, and that it should remain a focal point of specialists of Canadian and comparative politics. The second is that territory matters in contemporary politics because it serves as grounding for political communities, their claims, and their politics. The third is that not "identifying" parts of Canadian politics as "territorial politics" risks overlooking the importance of territory in the theorizing of federalism, nationalism and regionalism. The fourth is that, through the case of Canada, political scientists have made significant contributions to the study of comparative territorial politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annuals of the Administration & Law / Roczniki Administracji i Prawa is the property of Oficyna Wydawnicza Humanitas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Le système universel né de la création de l’Organisation des Nations Unies se développa par la mise en place d’institutions internationales destinées à réglementer divers aspects de la vie des Etats. Cependant, l’accroissement du nombre d’Etats indépendants favorisa également la montée du régionalisme, étant donné que toutes les nations ne font pas face aux mêmes défis. Cette étude tente d’analyser le lien entre le régionalisme et le droit international. Elle analyse également les menaces pouvant conduire à l’effritement de l’universalisme juridique. Au final, on peut retenir que les normes internationales régionales ne portent pas atteinte à l’unité du droit international, mais plutôt comblent quelques lacunes en dérogeant au général, compte tenu de certaines exigences sociales particulières.

In 1974, Richard Simeon and David Elkins published an influential analysis of provincial political cultures. Nearly half a century later, their results still operate as the baseline against which new studies compare their own results. In this article, I re-examine their conclusions, combining five decades of Canadian public opinion survey data (1974–2019). The article replicates their analysis by focusing on three dimensions of political culture examined by Simeon and Elkins: political cynicism, internal political efficacy and external political efficacy. It also expands on their work by accounting for contextual factors that can potentially drive or hinder provincial differences in political culture. The results suggest that Simeon and Elkins' interpretation of Canadian provincial political cultures needs to be updated, as the patterns they found differ markedly from those identified in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the industrial crisis of the 1920s and the Great Depression in the 1930s, consecutive provincial governments in Nova Scotia turned their efforts toward state-led economic development. After the election of Robert Stanfield and the Tories in 1956, a wholesale industrial planning model was unveiled. Indeed, Stanfieldian economic policy in Nova Scotia was predicated upon the belief that direct state-led interventionism was necessary to offset regional inequity. State corporate entities, such as Industrial Estates Limited, and renewed interest in a state-driven industrial relations paradigm were central in the province's efforts to revitalize its flagging economy and offset predicted decline in the Cape Breton coal and steel industries. This article examines the fate of the Clairtone Sound Corporation, one of Nova Scotia's "new industries" that emerged out of these state-led development efforts. A case study of this Stellarton-based firm reveals how structural processes of deindustrialization produced crisis even within sectors that were completely distinct from the province's cornerstone industries of coal and steel. This case includes a reflection on the class composition of the modernist state in Nova Scotia and represents a convergence of the historiographical focus on state-led industrial development in the Maritimes and recent literature found within deindustrialization studies. À la suite de la crise industrielle des années 1920 et de la Grande Dépression des années 1930, les gouvernements provinciaux successifs de la Nouvelle-Écosse ont orienté leurs efforts vers un développement économique dirigé par l›État. Après l›élection de Robert Stanfield et des conservateurs en 1956, un modèle de planification industrielle en gros a été dévoilé. En effet, la politique économique « stanfieldienne » en Nouvelle-Écosse reposait sur la conviction que l›interventionnisme direct dirigé par l›État était nécessaire pour compenser les inégalités régionales. Les sociétés d›État, comme Industrial Estates Limited, et le regain d›intérêt pour un paradigme de relations industrielles dirigé par l›État ont joué un rôle central dans les efforts de la province pour revitaliser son économie chancelante et compenser le déclin prévu des industries du charbon et de l›acier du Cap-Breton. Cet article examine le sort de la Clairtone Sound Corporation, l›une des « nouvelles industries » de la Nouvelle-Écosse qui a émergé de ces efforts de développement menés par l›État. Une étude de cas de cette entreprise basée à Stellarton révèle comment les processus structurels de désindustrialisation ont produit une crise même dans des secteurs complètement distincts des industries phares du charbon et de l›acier de la province. Ce cas comprend une réflexion sur la composition de classe de l›État moderniste en Nouvelle-Écosse et représente une convergence de l›accent historiographique sur le développement industriel dirigé par l›État dans les Maritimes et de la documentation récente trouvée dans les études sur la désindustrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeszyty Wiejskie is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Francaise d'Allergologie is the property of Elsevier B.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of VertigO is the property of La Revue Electronique en Sciences de l'Environnement VertigO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The unequal burden of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) crisis (e.g., in terms of infection and death rates) across Canadian provinces is important and puzzling. Some have speculated that differences in levels of citizen compliance with public health preventive measures are central to understanding cross-provincial differences in pandemic-related health outcomes. However, no systematic empirical test of this hypothesis has been conducted. In this research, we make use of an exceptionally large dataset that includes 23 survey waves (N = 22,610) fielded in Canada across 12 months (April 2020–April 2021) to answer the question "Is there evidence of substantial cross-provincial differences in citizen compliance with basic public health measures designed to prevent the spread of infection?" We find that regional differences in self-reported behaviour are few and very modest, suggesting that interprovincial differences in COVID-19–related health outcomes have little to do with differences in citizen compliance, at least in the first year of the pandemic. These results have important implications. Although it is crucial that we continue to study regional variations related to the COVID-19 burden, public health agency officials, pundits, and politicians should be cautious when musing about the role of citizen compliance as the primary explanation of interprovincial pandemic health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concepts and functions of The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are different from those of other regional and international institutions, organizations, and bodies. This paper aims to analyze the concept of regionalism practiced by using the liberal institutionalism theory approach, which has successfully driven ASEAN to remain strong as an organization based on mutual relations in every aspect of politics, economy, culture, and society. This analyzes the connection between ASEAN regionalism and the liberal institutionalism theory approach, which has driven ASEAN through security cooperation until this day. ASEAN continues to operate as a regional organization that has grown from its regional cooperation through regionalism. This study discusses the various approaches on liberal institutionalism applied in interpreting ASEAN regionalism, especially in the context of economic, political, and social security cooperation. The link between globalization, the theory of liberal institutionalism, and the process of regionalism have been given significant attention, as many factors are interconnected between the subjects in the context of this study. Most of the data acquired for this study have been extracted from books, journal articles, reports by the ASEAN Secretariat, as well as library sources, in line with the need for suitable methodologies to conduct this research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cabinet committees are important sites of executive politics in Canada. This article examines the extent to which two representational attributes—gender and region—determine influence, as a function of cabinet committee structure. Employing a dataset of ministers under the three most recent prime ministers, I find that female ministers are less likely than male ministers to be influential in terms of connections to other ministers, to belong to the core of most influential ministers and to be represented on the most powerful committees or chairing committees. However, there is evidence of improvement over time. While regional representation is an imperative in cabinet making for Canadian prime ministers, its role in determining ministerial influence within committees is not evident: ministers from less-represented regions are no more likely to be influential than other ministers. This analysis highlights a neglected but central arena for social representation in Canadian government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent Dictionnaire des régionalismes du français médiéval de l'Est (DRFM) constitutes an analysis of 389 lexemes contained in the corpus Documents linguistiques galloromans (DocLing, including about 2,350 documentary texts). These words represent concepts linked mainly to administration, commerce, and agriculture in the Eastern part of the Galloromance area (Champagne, Lorraine, Bourgogne, and Franche-Comté). More than half of these words are also attested in over 500 non-documentary texts of religious, literary, and practical nature. Such texts are notoriously difficult to localize, however, the regional words they contain aid this process considerably. In the present article, we distinguish three types of lexical regionalisms: « formal », « semantic », and « integral ». In the first section, we clarify the theoretical and phenomenological aspects of this distinction. We discuss the various roles of lexical regionalisms in the localization of non-documentary texts and, more specifically, the relative usefulness of formal regionalisms in this process. In the following sections, we demonstrate two methodological uses of regionalisms in non-documentary texts: 1. the localization of medieval texts or manuscripts (we provide 24 examples) and 2. the clarification or the resolution of ecdotical problems during the preparation of critical editions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the tensions which shaped the careers of three Breton writers – Charles Le Goffic, Anatole Le Braz and Auguste Dupouy – who achieved a degree of national recognition during their lifetime while maintaining their regional affiliations. Although 'regionalist' writing was in vogue from 1890 to the early 1940s, such a label could be a handicap for authors attempting to achieve legitimacy on the national stage. In contrast to 'French' authors well established in Paris, these 'polygraphic' writers published works across a wide variety of genres, with multiple publishing houses both in the capital and in Brittany. All three lived a kind of double life, oscillating between works of universal scope and those which foregrounded local specificity. This analysis offers a fluid model of literary activity which calls into question the rigidity of the familiar Paris/provinces dichotomy, demonstrating how these authors helped to redefine the frontiers of national literary life while affirming their regional identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: This article analyzes the evolution, between 2010 and 2020, of the organizations created during the Latin American post–liberal regionalism wave. It describes their rise and decline and includes recent public opinion data to claim that there is no demand or supply for an eventual fifth wave of regionalism that would replicate the previous models. Considering the failure of national governments in fulfilling basic human needs, it nonetheless claims that the deepening of the critical social and economic conditions, especially in the COVID-19 pandemic context, could lead to a fifth wave of regionalism in Latin America. Nevertheless, to succeed, such a wave could be inspired by international and regional technical organizations in a way that would recall the principles of David Mitrany's functionalist theory. Resumen: Este artículo analiza la evolución de las organizaciones creadas durante la ola de regionalismo post-liberal en América Latina entre 2010 y 2020. Describe su auge y caída e incluye datos recientes de opinión pública para plantear que no existe una demanda ni una oferta para una quinta ola de regionalismo similar a las olas anteriores. Sin embargo, el fracaso de los Estados en asegurar las necesidades sociales básicas y la degradación de las condiciones socioeconómicas, particularmente en el contexto de la pandemia COVID-19, podrían llevar a una quinta ola de regionalismo latinoamericano. Para que dicha ola pudiese tener éxito, podría inspirarse en las acciones de organizaciones técnicas internacionales y regionales, de una manera que recuerda los principios de la teoría funcionalista de David Mitrany. Résumé: Cet article analyse l'évolution, entre 2010 et 2020, des organisations créées durant la vague de régionalisme postlibéral en Amérique latine. Il décrit leur montée et leur déclin et inclut des données récentes d'opinion publique afin de soutenir l'argument selon lequel il n'y a actuellement ni demande, ni offre d'une cinquième vague de régionalisme latino-américain semblable aux vagues précédentes. Cependant, l'échec des États à assurer les besoins humains fondamentaux et la dégradation des conditions sociales et économiques, notamment dans le contexte de la pandémie de Covid-19, pourraient mener à une cinquième vague de régionalisme dans la région. Pour donner des résultats concrets, celle-ci pourrait être inspirée par l'action des organisations techniques internationales et régionales d'une façon rappelant les principes de la théorie fonctionnaliste de David Mitrany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The longstanding effort to develop a people-based regionalism in Southeast Asia has been shaped by an inherent tension between the liberal inclination to privilege the individual and the community under formation, on the one hand, and the realist insistence on the primacy of the state, on the other. This article explores the conditions and constraints affecting ASEAN's progress in remaking Southeast Asia into a people-focused and caring community in three areas: disaster management, development, and democratization (understood here as human rights). Arguably, the persistent gap in Southeast Asia between aspiration and expectation is determined less by political ideology than by the pragmatic responses of ASEAN member states to the forces of nationalism and protectionism, as well as their respective sense of local and regional responsibility. Resumen: El esfuerzo histórico para desarrollar un regionalismo basado en las personas del sudeste de Asia ha estado marcado por una tensión fundamental entre la inclinación liberal de privilegiar el individuo y la comunidad y la insistencia realista sobre la primacía del estado. Este artículo explora las condiciones y limitaciones que afectan el progreso de la ASEAN en la reestructuración de Asia sudoriental en una comunidad centrada en el cuidado de las personas en: gestión de desastres, desarrollo y democratización (i.e., derechos humanos). La brecha persistente en el sudeste asiático entre la aspiración y la expectativa está determinada por las respuestas pragmáticas de los miembros de la ASEAN sometidos a las fuerzas del nacionalismo y proteccionismo, así como su respectivo sentido de responsabilidad local y regional. Résumé: L'effort historique pour développer un régionalisme fondé sur les peuples en Asie du Sud-Est a été marqué par une tension fondamentale entre l'inclination libérale qui privilégie, d'une part, l'individu et la communauté et, d'autre part, l'insistance réaliste sur la primauté de l'État. Cet article explore les conditions et les contraintes qui nuisent aux progrès de l'ANASE dans le cadre d'une refonte de l'Asie du Sud-Est en une communauté centrée et attentive aux peuples dans trois domaines : la gestion des désastres, le développement et la démocratisation (en référence aux droits humains). Le fossé persistant en Asie du Sud-Est entre les aspirations et les attentes est vraisemblablement moins déterminé par l'idéologie politique que par les réponses pragmatiques des États membres de l'ANASE soumis aux forces du nationalisme et du protectionnisme ainsi que par leur sens respectif de la responsabilité locale et régionale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: There exists today a large consensus among scholars of different disciplines that regions are more than a geographical concept and that they are socially constructed. This implies that somehow people must play a role in the emergence of a region as an entity of governance and as a source of identity. But the relation between regions and the socio-psychological processes that constitute them remains unclear. This article aims to clarify what the social construction process of a region means and what kind of psychological processes play a role in it as well how such social construction relates with how regions contribute to people's identity formation. For this theoretical exercise, use will be made of the so-called Vygotsky scheme that distinguishes between four different conversational spaces. Resumen: Hoy en día existe un gran consenso entre los estudiosos de las diferentes disciplinas de que las regiones son más que un concepto geográfico y que están construidas socialmente. Esto implica que las personas deben desempeñar un papel en el surgimiento de una región como entidad de gobierno y como fuente de identidad. Pero la relación entre las regiones y sus procesos socio-psicológicos constituyentes sigue siendo vaga. Este artículo pretende aclarar qué significa el proceso de construcción social de una región y qué tipo de procesos psicológicos ocurren en él, y también cómo dicha construcción social se relaciona con cómo las regiones contribuyen a la formación de la identidad de las personas. Se utilizará el esquema de Vygotsky que distingue entre cuatro espacios de conversación. Résumé: Il est aujourd'hui largement reconnu au sein de différentes disciplines que les régions sont plus qu'un simple concept géographique et qu'elles sont socialement construites. Cela implique que les individus doivent jouer un rôle dans l'émergence d'une région en tant qu'entité de gouvernance et source d'identité. Mais la relation entre les régions et les processus socio-psychologiques qui les constituent reste floue. Cet article vise à clarifier le sens exact du processus de construction sociale d'une région et quels types de processus psychologiques y jouent un rôle, ainsi que la relation entre cette construction sociale et la façon dont les régions contribuent à la formation de l'identité des personnes. Pour cet exercice théorique, nous utiliserons le schéma dit de Vygotsky qui distingue quatre espaces conversationnels différents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

De nombreuses recherches convergent vers l’idée que la globalisation n’a aboli ni les distances ni l’utilité de la proximité géographique. Certaines contraintes spatiales continuent de peser sur les échanges, sur la densité et sur la qualité des interactions entre les sociétés. Même dans un monde globalisé, strié par des réseaux qui bousculent les territorialités classiques, construire des relations avec son voisinage peut s’avérer utile, voire inévitable. Dans ce contexte, la notion d’intégration (macro)régionale (ou multiétatique) mérite d’être exploitée. En particulier, les recherches des géographes restent discrètes sur ce concept malgré une expertise reconnue sur les notions de région, de distance, de territoire et de développement territorial, qui sont au cœur de la compréhension de l’intégration régionale sur les plans théorique et empirique. Notre objectif est de clarifier les mots, les choses et les méthodes de l’intégration (macro)régionale du point de vue de la sémantique géographique et de l’évolution des approches théoriques de la notion de région.

The election of Donald Trump and his decision to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) represented a shock to the Canadian and Mexican governments and business elites. Drawing on the New Regionalism(s) Approach (NRA), this article reviews the response of the Canadian state to the crisis in the North American regional project. I argue that this newer theoretical approach better explains the dynamics of regionalization or regional decomposition than mainstream theories by integrating the role played by uneven globalization, normative and ideational dimensions, and civil society in processes of regional integration and/or decomposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Le concept de diplomatie commerciale en Droit International est relativement nouveau et attire de plus en plus l'attention de par son importance. La Turquie, comme de nombreux pays a pris conscience de l'importance de mettre en oeuvre une diplomatie commerciale active. Le concept est certes nouveau ma is en réalité il ne s'agit pas d'une chose nouvelle. Or il est intéressant de noter que les études scientifiques portant sur le sujet remontent seulement aux années 2000. Cet article est avant tout une réflexion sur le concept même de diplomatie commerciale dont il n'existe pas de définition unanime. Nous allons nous intéresser d'abord à la définition juridique du concept, puis passer en revue les institutions et les acteurs qui interviennent dans l'élaboration et la mise en oeuvre de la diplomatie commerciale avant de clore cette analyse par l'étude des lieux où se réalise la diplomatie commerciale et les paramètres qui sont pris en compte lors de son élaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is a shortage of scholarship that addresses how sexuality functions in representations of Atlantic Canada. Using contemporary literary, historical, and cultural scholarship alongside theories of metronormativity and rural space, this article offers an exploration of the intertwined histories of heterosexuality and commodified Atlantic Canadian identity. Examining the development of the tourist industry in the region, alongside the growing popularity of cultural products that uphold narratives of regional simplicity, this article thinks through how this homogenized narrative negates the reality of queer and non-conforming desire, experiences, and activism throughout the region's history and present. Reference to Ashley MacIsaac and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's Anne with an E are used to make this point. Through a focus on the "myths of Maritimeness" at work in a cultural infrastructure that positions Atlantic Canada as a space of rural simplicity, questions are raised not only about how a normative positioning of the margin impacts conceptualizations of life within the region but also about how this representation upholds a particular understanding of life in the Canadian centre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En Italie, le « peuple » de la Lega Nord (Ligue du Nord) s’est adossé originellement au façonnage d’une identité « padane » sans réel substrat culturel ou géographique. Au fil du temps, de nouvelles frontières sociales et symboliques ont été dessinées, complétées plus récemment par un repositionnement au cœur de l’espace des droites radicales populistes en Europe. Cette complexité tient en partie à la nature opportuniste et caméléonienne du régional-populisme « léguiste », et au statut hybride du mouvement, entre force de coalition gouvernementale et parti d’opposition. Elle illustre en outre la variabilité des structures d’opportunités politiques qui existent au nord et au sud de l’Italie.

Els recents estudis al voltant de la dimensió regional del Règim franquista estan obrint nous espais de reflexió, bé sobre la dinàmica i caracterització del règim, bé sobre la interpretació global dels fenòmens nacionals, com és el paper i l'evolució d'aquest nacionalisme regionalitzat durant la crisi final del règim i els inicis de la Transició. El present estudi analitza el discurs que va acompanyar l'acció políticoinstitucional del reformisme franquista a Catalunya, fonamentat en un regionalisme moderadament favorable a la descentralització, que es va definir com un factor de legitimació de les elits davant l'opinió pública. A partir dels èxits i fracassos d'aquest intent pot mesurar-se l'abast d'una part del procés de canvi de règim a Catalunya.

This article examines how migration control in Malaysia has been transformed in response to non-traditional security threats. Since the 2010s, the state has expanded the territorial reach of its immigration enforcement through trilateral border patrol initiatives and multilateral defense establishments. Malaysia's extraterritorial policy is mostly implemented through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) frameworks. Common geopolitical security concerns, particularly the transnational crime and terrorism confronted by Malaysia and its bordering countries, have led to extraterritorial control measures to secure its external borders. Key elements include the growing involvement of the army, the institutionalization of border externalization, and the strengthening of the ASEAN's regional immigration cooperation. By analyzing the ASEAN's intergovernmental collaboration, this article demonstrates that Malaysia's extraterritorial migration practices are militarized, externalized, and regionalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El present article pretén realitzar un balanç de la posició de les dues principals forces del centre i la dreta a Espanya durant el procés autonòmic que va portar a la construcció de l'autonomia de Castella i Lleó. L'objectiu és analitzar i explicar la paradoxa que va suposar que el projecte autonòmic castellanolleonès seguís, en bona mesura, els postulats de l'esquerra, quan el domini electoral i institucional dels partits de centre i de dreta en les províncies que van compondre l'autonomia era majoritari i fins i tot, en alguns casos, hegemònics. La línia principal de l'article és que la falta de definició d'un projecte clar d'autonomia, tant en l'estructura territorial com institucional de l'autonomia, va suposar la prevalença final dels postulats de l'esquerra.

El regionalisme lleonesista es va configurar des de l'espectre conservador a inicis del segle XX. No obstant això, l'eclosió autonòmica que va tenir lloc a la Transició es va mostrar amb l'aparició del lleonesisme d'esquerres del Grup Autonòmic Lleonès. Alhora, la UCD es va mantenir en la indefinició, i Aliança Popular va trobar en el regionalisme una nova manera de legitimar-se, atesa la seva continuïtat amb el franquisme. Entre 1979 i 1980 va existir la possibilitat de l'autonomia, però el canvi de posició de la UCD i el PSOE en relació amb la qüestió va facilitar la unió a Castella i Lleó.

Penelitian ini menganalisis pengaruh institusi regional terhadap konvergensi kebijakan antar negara melalui kesepakatan ASEAN Open Skies, khususnya di Indonesia, Filipina, dan Singapura. Untuk dapat menjelaskan hal tersebut, penelitian kualitatif ini menggunakan konsep institusi regional intergovernmentalist-supranationalist dan causal-mechanism yang dapat menyebabkan konvergensi kebijakan antarnegara. Penulis berargumen bahwa karakteristik regionalisme ASEAN sebagai institusi yang intergovernmentalist berpengaruh terhadap pengambilan keputusan dan pengimplementasian ASEAN Open Skies di tingkat regional serta memengaruhi pengadopsian kebijakan di lingkup domestik. Adanya proses international harmonization dan transnational communication (transnational problem solving) dalam penyusunan kerangka kesepakatan kerjasama jasa angkutan udara di ASEAN telah mengakibatkan kebijakan domestik di Indonesia, Filipina, dan Singapura menjadi semakin selaras (konvergen).

Aquest article aborda el procés d'elaboració i la praxi del discurs galleguista de les formacions de centre i dreta estatals i de les seves hereves des de la mort de Franco fins a les segones eleccions autonòmiques de Galícia. S'analitza en quina mesura la dimensió regionalista d'aquest discurs va contribuir al reforçament d'una identitat pròpia compatible o en tensió amb l'Estat-nació. S'estudia, així mateix, la influència que van poder tenir la implementació i les polítiques que s'hi associen a l'hora de bloquejar la consolidació d'una força de signe nacionalista de centre-dreta.

Les unités hors norme constituent une partie importante du roman régional. Ce sont des régionalismes qui dominent les éléments du vocabulaire en question. Cependant le roman de Jean Rogissart Cellule XIII se distingue considérablement des textes des écrivains régionalistes. Dans le cadre de ce travail, nous proposons l’analyse de deux segments du substrat non codifié ci-dessous : 1) des formes répandues dans une aire ; 2) des unités appartenant à l’argot traditionnel. Il est à noter que le titre de notre article contenant le mot « fusion » montre l’importance de deux sous-systèmes de la langue dans la narration : l’insertion des lexèmes localement limités ainsi que des argotismes dans le tissu du texte est nécessaire pour l’identification des locuteurs et la caractérisation plus précise des événements. L’auteur ardennais qui a consacré son dernier roman à la guerre a réussi non seulement à décrire la souffrance physique et morale subie par le peuple, mais aussi à graver les traits les plus typiques du langage de ses compatriotes et de cette façon à sauvegarder le patrimoine linguistique. L’étude des termes régionaux et argotiques utilisés par le maître du roman ardennais et des outils de leur explication textuelle permet de décrypter les particularités du parler localement limité et de présenter le statut social de l’utilisateur du régiolecte et sa vision du monde. Nonconventional lexical units have an important place in the regional novel. Regionalisms dominate among the elements of the marked vocabulary. However, the novel Cellule XIII by Jean Rogissart is considerably different from the works of writers-regionalists. In this study, we propose an analysis of the two following segments of an uncodified substrate: 1) local lexemes; 2) lexemes of a traditional argot. It is worth noting that the title of the article, which contains the word “fusion”, shows the importance of two language subsystems in the narrative: the insertion of territorially restricted units and argotisms into the fabric of an artistic text is necessary to identify the speaker and a more accurate description of events. The Ardennes author who devoted his novel to the theme of war, the main theme of the 10th International Conference on Argotology, managed not only to describe the physical and moral sufferings of the people, but also to engrave the characteristic features of their compatriots, and thus preserve the linguistic heritage. The study of the regional and argotic vocabulary used by the Ardennes novelist, and the techniques of its textual explication, makes it possible to decode the features of locally limited units and characterize the social status of a regional speaker and their worldview.

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