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The present study provides an overview of the quotative utterances made with itta (past form of iu ‘to say’) and itte ita (the combination of iu and the past form of the -te iru construction) in naturally occurring conversations in Japanese. The examination of approximately 13 hours of conversations shows that itta is used in 91.1% of first-person quotations (‘I said that…’). In second-person (‘you said that…’) and third-person (‘he/she said that…’) quotations, itte ita is used in 90.0%, and 77.3% of the cases, respectively. The present study argues that the high percentage of itte ita for second- and third-person quotative utterances is due to the fact that the -te iru construction, which is included in itte ita, is used as an evidential marker. The present study also analyzes the deviant cases from the dominant pattern (i.e. using itta for third-person utterances), and demonstrates how -te iru’s evidential function is utilized manipulatively in conversation.

Based on a qualitative and quantitative examination of 2018–2019 online comments in a sizable student group on a popular social network, this paper peruses the various functions of two Russian polyfunctional particles derived from semantically similar sources, tipa and vrode. While the prepositional tipa ‘like’ and vrode ‘like’ are used synonymously as grammaticalized markers of (approximative) similarity and exemplification, the subjectification and pragmaticalization of the two items as discourse particles has followed divergent paths. Both particles pertain to the domains of evidentiality and epistemic modality and are related to certain ‘seemingliness’ and appearance which is contrasted with reality. However, they have acquired niche functions within these broad domains, activating and building upon different facets of the universal category of similitude. Vrode has been established as a marker of uncertainty (quasi-assertive) which implies a particular type of evidence – sensory perception, recall, or information received from other people. Another distinctive function of vrode is marking that an expectation dictated by the situation designated by the particle's host has not been met. Tipa, on the other hand, is used as an approximator, a quotative/reportative, a doubt or falsity marker, a marker of discourse-based inference, or an explanatory marker, as well as a depictive, or a focus device. This paper also reports that the particle tipa, which, unlike vrode, is stigmatized by normative grammars, is underrepresented in comments by women. This especially concerns tipa's most advanced uses – as a voice or stance shifter and a clarificatory-explanatory operator – which are conceptually further away from the original similative meaning.

When dialogue interpreters render an utterance from one language to the other, this can be viewed as a form of quoting. This is reflected, among others, in the principle of direct translation, according to which the rendered utterance should maximally reflect the original, including the use of the first person perspective of the primary participants. Empirical research has shown, however, that interpreters struggle with this principle and at times resort to specific strategies for stepping out of the normative first person pronoun. In the present study, we expand the focus by showing that apart from verbal resources such as quotatives, interpreters also resort to other semiotic resources such as gesture, head movements and eye gaze to mark the principal of the utterance they are rendering. Based on a corpus of video-recorded interpreter-mediated encounters, we zoom in on the use of (combinations of) different semiotic resources for the purpose of discourse structuring, disambiguation or stance-taking. The analysis reveals strategies of both multimodal layering, where verbal quotative ‘(s)he said’ is combined with a pointing gesture or gaze shift towards the principal of the utterance, and nonverbal layering, where embodied resources are mobilized as markers of layering without an accompanying verbal quotative.

This conversation analytic study examines ways people cite a source to manage some aspect of their current action. Analysing corpora of mundane and psychotherapeutic interaction, the study focuses on approximately 55 instances where an utterance is repaired to include the citation of a source. Focusing on these instances enables comparison of an original version of an action, which does not cite a source, and the repaired version, which does. Analysis of these cases identifies different contexts in which repair is used to cite a source. These include citing a source to warrant an incipient action and citing a source to avoid personal endorsement. Across these contexts, this study shows participants cite sources to manage what they are doing in the present in relation to something that has occurred in the past.

This paper presents a tentative study of the distribution of the speech verb “vá (話)” and “kòng (講)” in Hakka language. This paper collects and counts the examples of the speech verb “kòng (講)” appearing in the Conversations chinoises prises sur le vif avec notes grammaticales: Langage Hac-Ka. Vol.1-2， which is a Hakka conversation text compiled and published by French missionary Charles Rey in 1937， and compares it with the other speech verb， “vá (話)". This paper points out that (1) “kòng (講) ” has a wider range of usage as a verb than “vá (話) ”，but (2) its quotative usage is less frequent than that of the verb “vá (話) ”. This fact suggests why “kòng (講)” is used as a main speech verb in modern Hakka language and “vá (話)” has developed into a complementizer., 本研究は、20世紀はじめにフランス人宣教師によって書かれた客家語の教材『客家社会生活対話』（Conversations chinoises prises sur le vif avec notes grammaticales: Langage Hac-Ka. Vol.1-2）を取り上げ、この資料に見られる発話動詞「kòng (講)」の用例について出現頻度を調べる。さらに、もう一つの発話動詞「vá (話)」の各用例の頻度と比較することで、両者の機能の違いを明らかにする。本研究からわかることは、 (1)「講」は「話」よりも本動詞としてよく使われていること、また、(2)引用を導く例は「話」のほうが多いということである。したがって、この時代は「話」のほうが補文標識として文法化が進みつつあったことが推測できる。

BACKGROUND Impairments in social communication are ubiquitous after moderate to severe traumatic brain injury (TBI). Most attempts to quantify these impairments have been descriptive rather than theoretically motivated. We propose that Relevance Theory provides a framework for characterizing social communication limitations after TBI and linking these problems to underlying cognitive impairments. AIMS This study asked how adult speakers with and without TBI used specific linguistic forms in social communication. We selected three linguistic markers that convey thoughts and feelings of the speaker and which are intended to influence the same in the listener: propositional attitude verbs, the discourse marker like and the quotative like. METHODS & PROCEDURES Ten adults with moderate to severe TBI and 12 healthy adults completed 5-min casual conversations with student researcher partners as part of a larger research study. Conversations were transcribed and analysed for the frequency of the three linguistic markers, corrected for total words in the transcript. OUTCOMES & RESULTS Participants in the TBI group used discourse marker like significantly less than participants in the healthy comparison group (0.75% and 2.06% of total words, respectively; p = 0.05, d = -0.43) and showed less variety in functions of like. The use of propositional attitude verbs and quotative like was not affected by TBI. CONCLUSIONS & IMPLICATIONS Expression of propositional attitude seems largely preserved after TBI. Relevance Theory may provide a helpful framework (1) to interpret subtle quantitative and qualitative differences that contribute to social conversation problems of adults with TBI; and (2) to elucidate relations among the social communication signs and symptoms and underlying cognitive impairments. What this paper adds What are the potential or actual clinical implications of this work? More awareness and understanding of how social cognition may look in everyday conversations, may help SLPs who treat patients with such difficulties as a result of TBI.

The ‘diatribe’ is a rhetorical mode of exposition that is characterized by the enactment of dialogical exchanges with a fictitious opponent. This article investigates the reception of this Greek diatribal style in John the Exarch’s Hexaemeron. The presence of some of the major diatribal formulae indeed allows us to analyse his Hexaemeron along the lines of the diatribe. The main focus is on the use of parenthetical phēsí(n) ‘says (he)’ as a core diatribal strategy used to identify the fictitious opponent’s voice. This Greek verb form functions as a quotative particle and is most often translated as reče. However, the Exarch frequently uses alternative parenthetical verb forms, such as rečeši or glagoljǫtъ. These innovative forms are more telling about his understanding of the structure of diatribal dialogue than a ‘mechanical’ use of reče. The article provides a building block for a comprehensive investigation into the reception of the diatribe in translated literature in medieval Slavia orthodoxa.

Languages offer various ways to report what someone said. There is now a vast but heterogeneous literature on speech report constructions scattered throughout the semantics literature. We offer a bird’s eye view of the entire landscape of reporting and propose a classification along two dimensions: at-issue vs. not-at-issue, and eventive vs. non-eventive. This bird’s eye perspective leads to genuinely new insights, for instance on the nature of quotative evidentials and reportative moods, viz., that they are both eventive, and hence semantically more like some types of direct and indirect speech than reportative evidentials and modals are. EARLY ACCESS

This paper is concerned with constructed dialog in conversational storytelling. Based on Clark & Gerrig’s (1990) demonstration theory, its focus is on what is absent from constructed dialog. To determine what is absent, a comparison is made between constructed dialog tokens and utterances in conversation. The inquiry uses both quantitative and qualitative methods. It is based on the Narrative Corpus (NC; Rühlemann & O’Donnell 2012), a corpus of conversational narratives extracted from the conversational component of the British National Corpus (BNC), and its systematic annotation of constructed dialog (that is, direct speech introduced by a quotative and free direct speech without any introducer). The quantitative comparison of verbalizations used in constructed dialog as opposed to verbalizations used in conversational utterances demonstrates that a particular utterance type is significantly missing from constructed dialog: the continuer utterance, whose basic function is to exhibit an understanding that a form of ‘telling’ by another speaker is going on. The qualitative analysis, based on a subset of storytellings from the NC that were re-analyzed acoustically and re-transcribed using Jeffersonian conventions based on the Audio BNC (Coleman et al. 2012), reveals a stark mismatch between the commonness of tellings in talk-in-interaction and their uncommonness in constructed dialog. The absence of continuers from constructed dialog is discussed against the backdrop of indexicality. I argue that continuers share the key properties of indexicals – semantic vacuity and an existential relationship with the ‘thing’ indicated – and can therefore be seen as indexicals themselves. As indexicals, intrinsically connected to the speech situation of their utterance, continuers cannot be included in constructed dialog, which typically occurs in a different speech situation with different interactional parameters. Finally, I offer initial thoughts on the underrepresentation of telling sequences in constructed dialog.

Ideophones and direct quotations are “depictive” signs, or vivid re-enactments of what they signify. Pursuing the typology of linguistic depiction, the current study proposes a three-way classification of depiction marking strategies: framing, foregrounding, and backgrounding. While well-known formal characteristics of ideophones, such as prosodic prominence and quotative constructions, illustrate framing and foregrounding, this paper discusses low-pitched quotative indexes in Japanese as backgrounding-type depiction markers. These quotatives immediately follow ideophones and exclamatory quotations and set them off. They also underlie the exceptional pitch pattern of heavy syllables in ideophones.

Quotative be like has been described as “one of the most striking developments [in English]” (Tagliamonte and D’Arcy 2004: 493). Despite the vast research on quotatives and the upsurge of be like, the potential impact of discourse type on the grammar of quotation has rarely been assessed. Yet, discourse type has proved a relevant factor in linguistic variation (see Travis 2007; Buchstaller 2011; Travis and Lindstrom 2016). Drawing on vernacular spoken data from our multigenerational corpus of Australian English, we include discourse type as a predictor in our recursive partitioning and logistic regression models. Our results show that similar linguistic constraints operate on be like across discourse types. However, significant differences emerge regarding its social conditioning in narrative as opposed to non-narrative discourse, pointing to a strong association between be like and female storytelling.

The purpose of this study is to re-evaluate the interpretation of a particle that has hitherto been analyzed as a marker either of addressee or the subject of a quoted clause in Ben Tey (Dogon, Mali). As both of these interpretations are typologically rare if not unique, a broader conceptualization for the particle as a quotative topic marker is proposed here. Data are from a newly compiled cross-linguistic annotated corpus of discourse reports within textual contexts. Along with data presentation and analysis, a methodology is illustrated for multilingual comparative corpus construction for the analysis of discourse reporting strategies.

The semantic and morphological features of the evidential verbs of speech sagen (speak) and behaupten (assert), introducing statements with direct, indirect and fragmentary quotes in the German-language media discourse are discussed in the article. The study is based on the material of the Mannheim Corps of the German Language “COSMAS II”. The empirical material is the newspapers “Die Welt”, “Süddeutsche Zeitung”, and “Tageszeitung”. Attention is paid to one of the components of the category of evidentiality - reported evidentiality, which includes the meanings of ‘quotative’ and ‘hearsay’. A classification of the most significant sources of information is proposed. The results of a comparative analysis of the verbs sagen and behaupten are presented. It is concluded that the verb sagen is the most frequent and neutral verb introducing someone else's speech. The authors note that when transmitting indirect and fragmented citation, sagen usually means ‘individual personal quotative’ based on official and reliable sources. It is proved that the verb behaupten is a marked means of direct, indirect and fragmented quotes. It is emphasized that the verb behaupten is possible as an introductory verb when transmitting the meanings ‘generalized quotation’ and ‘rumors’.

The be like quotative emerged rapidly around the English-speaking world and has quickly saturated the quotative systems of young speakers in multiple countries. We study be like (and its covariants) in two communities – Toronto, Canada, and York, United Kingdom – in apparent time and at two separate points in real time. We trace the apparent-time trajectory of be like and its covariants from inception to saturation. We take advantage of the prodigious size of our dataset to examine understudied aspects of the linguistic factors that condition quotative variation. Building on earlier suggestions (Cukor-Avila 2002; Durham et al.2012) that be like might show patterning over time consistent with the Constant Rate Effect (or CRE, Kroch 1989), we argue that the CRE does indeed apply to the rise of be like, but needs to be handled with care. Logistic modelling assumes that the top of the S-curve is located at 100 per cent of a given variable context. In the case of be like, the saturation point is nearer 75–85 per cent, with minor variants retaining small semantic footholds in the system. In conjunction with our analysis, we suggest how to adapt the predictions of the CRE to changes likely to lead to saturation but not categorical use.

In a reported intentionality construction, intentionality is expressed as reported speech/thought (‘s/he says/thinks, ’). The quoted clause must contain a first person form and refer to the future. Reported intentionality displays perspective persistence and an accompanying apparent form-meaning mismatch, as it structurally marks the speech-act participant perspective of the volitional agent despite idiomatically translating only from the perspective of the current speaker. While this construction has been examined in languages around the world, this is the first treatment for the Trans-Himalayan (or Sino-Tibetan/Tibeto-Burman) language family. Monsang (South-Central; Northeast India) is shown to have a reported intentionality construction of the cross-linguistic type. In addition, there is a desiderative construction in the language that does not display perspective persistence but is argued to reconstruct back to a reported intentionality construction. Further evidence from synchronic and diachronic quotative constructions in Monsang is presented that illustrates the prominence of quotative-derived expressions of intentionality in Monsang verbal morphology.

Quotativebe likeis a much discussed variable linguistic feature recruited in this investigation in order to revisit the hypothesis of linguistic diffusion (Labov 2007) predicting re-ordering of original patterns by L2 populations. As a sociocognitively salient variant spreading above the level of conscious awareness,be likehas been appropriated by adult speakers from two distinctive L2 English ecologies with a high degree of precision, a finding previously not reported in studies exploring the acquisition of structured variation. In this article, I explain how, supported by frequency and constraint complexity, sociocognitive salience may have contributed to the generally accurate replication of the variable grammar forbe likeand, by this token, how it can inform existing models of language change. (Sociocognitive salience, linguistic diffusion, L2 acquisition of structured variation, variationist sociolinguistics, World Englishes,be like)

This paper analyses the use of the discursive pattern ‘claim+ indirect quotation in quotation marks’ in journalistic discourse in French and Hebrew, purporting to contribute to the understanding of how reservations are conveyed through the combination of indirectness with explicitation and redundancy. This pattern is somewhat ambiguous as it feeds on two paradigms – quotations and ironic criticism – but its interpretation as conveying mild reservations is redundantly enhanced by the conventional implicature inherent in the quotative verb claim. An analysis of big corpora of newsfeeds in French and in Hebrew indicates that (a) the use of the redundant ‘claim +’ is significantly higher as compared with ‘say +’ in Hebrew than in French; (b) in both languages two explicitation strategies are used – stating rejection of the implied attitude without any reasoning, and quoting conflicting views without necessarily elaborating on them. It is argued that explicitation strategies are used to enhance preferred interpretations in both languages.