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This article attempts to explore the trajectory of an innovation to achieve gender equality in Mexico. Specifically, it analyzes the way in which parity, once debatable in the Mexican political sphere, became a widely used tool to address problems of gender inequality. Therefore, using the method of systematic review and legislative analysis, we try to offer evidence on the way in which the institutionalization of gender parity has occurred in various spaces of the Mexican government. To do this, the document is organized into three sections. The first explores the literature on policy propagation and transfer. The second describes the trajectory of gender quotas in Mexico. The third examines the adoption of parity in the composition of Congress and other policy domains. Finally, the conclusions are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Affirmative action policies (AAP) polarise the public debate in Western democracies as they involve favouring one candidate at the cost of others because of their group membership. Against this backdrop, we ran a factorial survey experiment in Denmark, France and Germany on the introduction of a hypothetical regulation favouring women and immigrants with equal qualifications in the recruitment process for a management position (N = 4264; YouGov online panel). Our data show that support for AAP for women is significantly greater than for immigrants in all three countries. Moreover, support for AAP is much higher in France than in Germany and Denmark. Germans and Danes show similar low support for AAP for immigrants, while support for AAP for women is higher in Germany than Denmark. We conducted multilevel regression models to investigate the power of several attitudinal factors in explaining target group and country differences. Results show that respondents' varying levels of ethnic and gender prejudice and perceived disadvantage entirely explain target group differences in support for AAP. Furthermore, differences between Germany and Denmark in the support of AAP for women are explained by different levels of prejudices and perceived disadvantage, and attitudes towards state intervention. However, these attitudinal variables cannot explain why support for AAP is much higher in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2011, Britain and France introduced affirmative action policies aiming at improving board gender mix in listed companies. While the reforms were similar in terms of target and timing, Britain opted for a 'soft law' (comply or explain) approach, while France enacted a mandatory quota. Using difference-in-differences analyses, we examine the differential impact of these two reforms on board composition and on women empowerment within boards. We first show that the quota has been associated with a more rapid adjustment of the gender mix without significant disruptive effects on board composition. However, we report that the quota has induced a more limited access of women to monitoring committees within boards, relative to soft law. As these committees are the most influential, this evidence shows that the quota came at a cost when considering within-board women's influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using standpoint epistemology and critical mass theory this study analyzes the potential impact on work culture and conditions in German newsrooms following a call for voluntary gender quotas in newsroom leadership. In-depth interviews with 53 journalists in 21 leading newsrooms in Germany find positive changes in work culture and conditions for all journalists in all newsrooms that reached or approached critical mass of women in leadership. Through the eyes of women and men working in these national newsrooms, an increase in women in newsrooms that came near or superseded the voluntary quota in leadership positions helped boost ongoing institutional support regarding paid parental leave and childcare options and augmented transparency around opportunities for mentoring, coaching, and hiring through more institutionalized processes. We recommend a continued implementation of voluntary quotas and further research to document and analyze long-term structural and systemic changes that more women in newsroom leadership could bring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we propose only a case study, without any comparative or generalizing claims. We will analyze the electoral system currently provided by Article 100 of Law no. 115/2015 on the election of local public administration authorities. We will focus on the provisions concerning the allocation of local council seats to independent candidates, to show how they are often disadvantaged, and more rarely, advantaged. Furthermore, we will bring several examples on how the regulations concerning the independents affect the allocation of seats as a whole, identifying some adverse effects that we may call paradoxes. Finally, we will make some proposals for their removal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IgualdadES is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Nursing Effect / Etkili Hemşirelik Dergisi is the property of Dokuz Eylul Universitesi Hemsirelik Fakultesi Elektronik Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of the electoral system on women's representation in Nepalese elections. The article utilizes a questionnaire-based approach to gather data on women's representation in Nepalese elections. The questionnaire is distributed to individuals from diverse backgrounds and aims to assess the influence of the electoral system on women's success in elections. The obtained data is analyzed to determine the correlation between the electoral system and women's representation. The study reveals that the use of the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system in the initial six elections resulted in limited success for women candidates. The proportional representation (PR) system, employed in the last three elections, led to a significant increase in women's representation. In the CA elections of 2008 and 2013, over 48 percent of women were elected through the PR system. Furthermore, in the 2017 House of Representatives (HoR) elections, more than 76 percent of female candidates emerged victorious. These findings emphasize the crucial role that the electoral system plays in promoting women's representation. This underscores the importance of selecting an electoral system that promotes gender equality and facilitates increased women's representation. The findings of this study have practical implications for electoral reforms in Nepal. Policymakers and electoral authorities should consider the impact of the electoral system on gender equality and design mechanisms to promote women's participation and success in politics. By implementing a more women-friendly electoral system, Nepal can strive towards achieving greater gender parity and inclusivity in its political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RETRACTED ARTICLESince mid-2021, Russia has applied floating export duty (damper) as a mechanism for state regulation of grain market. The results of the study have showed that introduction of damper as an instrument of state regulation of the Russian grain market has only exacerbated the problems associated with the growing volatility of grain prices and their increasing dependence on the global market environment. In addition, the mechanism of redistributing funds received by the state from export duties and allocated to grain producers in the form of subsidies remains opaque and incomprehensible. The transition from dollar to rubles in duty calculations has shown the viability of this method, hence the current practice is worth continuing in order to make the mechanism for distributing subsidies to grain producers from export duties received completely transparent and understandable. Thus, the operation of grain damper is economically justified only if the state is ready to support the grain market in proportion to this sector contribution to the national economy development.

Objective: The snow crab Chionoecetes opilio resource in Assessment Division 2HJ has experienced prolonged high exploitation rates and reduced exploitable biomass over the past two decades. We aimed to explore whether this poor state of the resource is associated with spatial management changes made in 2003 and 2013. Methods: We tested for differences in fishery performance trends before and after the implementation of spatial management which include standardized CPUE, spatial extent of fishing effort, and size at maturity of male snow crabs. Result: The results show that spatial regulatory changes were successful in increasing fishery catch rates in the short term but that chronic high exploitation eventually overrode these gains, with contracted fishing patterns leading to increased localized depletion rates on dominant stock components. This ultimately culminated in a downward shift in size at maturity and other concerning biological outcomes. Conclusion: The analysis demonstrates spatial management measures contributed to the present poor state of Assessment Division 2HJ snow crab and that such measures should serve as complements to—not replacements for—stringent quota control. Impact statementWe analyzed the outcome of two spatial management interventions in Labrador snow crab Assessment Division 2HJ. We demonstrated that a focus on spatial management measures rather than stringent quota control has contributed to the present poor state of snow crab in Assessment Division 2HJ over the past two decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is no doubt that during wars, women have not only been the victims, but they have also been considered as influencers. Thus, in many international activities they are the aims of many conventions and resolutions based on planning for protecting them and keeping their human rights. Of course, in the domestic level, there are a process of law making and policy implementation to defend women in the time of armed conflicts and after that, especially in the process of peace keeping. The authors with a critical approach examine different policies and programs in this respect in Iran and the US and show disparity between men and women in this regard. This inequality is mainly the result of functions of social and cultural infrastructures of the societies. Although in Iran the procedures of law making has many difficulties in its nature. The main question of this paper is that: what is the impact of gender consideration in the implementation of protective rules for the people who have been engaged in different stages of the war? The authors focus on positive discrimination to reduce neglected condition of women in this respect in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do women fail to rise in parties, especially youth parties? This analysis shows that female party members' preferences regarding the purpose of a committee, networking and the election rule in party organisations differ from male party members' which is likely a reason why women face challenges to rise in parties. This article investigates for the first time these gender based differences in preferences simultaneously by conducting a survey experiment with youth party members. Respondents (n > 1200) were asked if they would run for a seat in a decision-making committee of their youth party. In order to analyse which youth party members opt for which opportunities, the purpose of these committees, the networking opportunities they provide, and the election rule for these committees vary at random. The results show that female members hesitate to join committees that would grant them power, and that they are less likely to opt for upward networking opportunities than their male party colleagues. This effect is particularly strong in hierarchically organised youth parties of centre-right parties. Findings on preferred election rules mostly hold for women from left-wing parties. In contrast to men, this group prefers party quotas. Analysing differences by gender and political orientation, this article shows a clear gender preference gap exists both within and across youth parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcolonial democratic deepening brings new challenges to religion as a social imaginary in India. Increasing cultural differentiation and pluralization are countered by fundamentalization, but also challenge existing minority/multicultural imaginations. Religion, as the overarching identity category, has come under scrutiny given the politicization of caste among Muslims, who form the country's most significant religious minority. Through social-justice and anti-caste politics in the 1990s, lowered-caste Muslims started to enact a new identity named Pasmanda, which means "those who have been left behind". The Pasmanda discourse emphasizes internal heterogeneities and hegemonies and pluralizes the "Muslim". It thus ruptures the imaginary of Muslims as a homogeneous minority in a culturally diverse country and problematizes the majority–minority framework. An important site of contestation is the reservation (quota) policy in public employment, education, and the legislature. While privileged-caste Muslims generally prefer a quota based on religion, the lowered-caste Pasmanda Muslims increasingly mobilize for a caste-based quota, thus challenging systems of recognition and redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current Chinese Book Quota System derives from a traditional socialist model that integrates cultural governance, ruling party ideology and infrastructure management. Such a wartime legacy no longer suits demand from modern consumers, and yet bureaucratic management sustains the inefficient institution, which has accidentally fostered a countervailing informal market and in turn stimulates cultural policy changes. This article uses informal book number transactions and the complementary institutional effect of such informality, namely restructuring the state-owned, regulating the non-state-owned and adaptive digital regulation, to demonstrate one Chinese governance outcome of formal-informal linkages. Book quota system is doomed to be obsolete, nonetheless, its development in the visible future depends on party-state weighing domestic ideological guidance and a more vociferous stance in the international battle of cultural symbols. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this work, a newly dynamic step size-based 5G charging mechanism was proposed with the introduction of random forest algorithm, user daily traffic forecast model, and RG distribution model for the pressure release on charging system caused by the growing consumption demands based on the behavior feature selection of subscribers. After the verification of the dynamic step size mechanism, optimization analysis was performed from three aspects, including authorization step statistical results, Charging Data Record, and timely reminders by utilizing the real monthly traffic usage data of 13,000 users from China Telecom. Result shows that the amount of charging messages between the network elements and the charging systems decreases by about 35%, and the timeliness rate of reminder service increases by approximately 30%. This research realizes an innovative updating of traditional charging systems to effectively improve the efficiency of the 5G charging system and achieves a reduction in system maintenance and resource occupation. Along with the improvement of service quality and user experience, this work provides an innovation method for operators and different associated businesses to tackle new challenges in 5G.

Objective: The Objective of this study is to examine the history of student admission in Iran. Methods: This research is a qualitative research that used the historical research method. The method of data collection was library studies in such a way that the legal documents related to student admission (with emphasis on the documents of the Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution, the Islamic Parliament Research Center, the National Organization of Educational testing and historical resources) were studied. Results: This research generally shows four time periods for student admission in Iran: 1- assessment and admission period by faculties and universities (1313 to 1348); 2- assessment period by the national organization of educational testing and admission by universities (1348 to 1359); 3- assessment and admission period by the national organization of educational testing (1361 to 1386); 4- assessment period by the national organization of educational testing and the Ministry of Education and admission by the national organization of educational testing (1386 to now). Also, during these periods, many quotas were allocated to some volunteers, which can be categorized into five types of geographical quotas, revolutionary and self-sacrificing quotas, organizational (union) quotas, individual (award) quotas, and gender quotas. Conclusion: In the end, after the historical study of student admission in Iran, it was concluded that although at the beginning, most of the transformations were related to how to select students, gradually, as the actors of student selection increased, especially in the post-revolution period, there were more disputes about who. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article is the first to offer a comprehensive case against using racial quotas in pharmaceutical studies by providing a detailed examination of the arguments for and against the practice. It begins by discussing the current racial classification system, calls for racial quotas in pharmaceutical trials, and the troubling history of combining race and scientific investigation. It next examines the cautionary tale of BiDil, the first drug authorized by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for use in only Black people. The third part of the Article sets forth the arguments against racial quotas. The fourth part provides legal analysis of these arguments, concluding that racial quotas in pharmaceutical trials likely would not satisfy the strict scrutiny standard for two independent reasons. The fifth part evaluates the alleged benefits of racial quotas and demonstrates that when properly understood they are insignificant in comparison to the disadvantages. The final part weighs the evidence to arrive at a conclusion and considers future implications. Ultimately, this Article provides a valuable framework for assessing the legal and pragmatic implications not just for pharmaceutical trial quotas but also for other racial-classification issues in health care. For example, while it presents a cumulative case against the proposed practice of racial quotas in pharmaceutical trials, many of the same arguments presented are also applicable to the currently mandated practice of acquiring and reporting racial data of pharmaceutical trial participants. It will serve as a valuable resource not only for opponents of racial quotas but also for advocates. For example, this Article provides numerous race-neutral alternatives for consideration. And the strong case against racial quotas helps facilitate a refocus of efforts away from merely ameliorating the end results of health care disparities and instead targeting the root causes. Evidence suggests that this redirected focus on root causes is more effective at producing positive change. In this way, rejecting these quotas is not in conflict with addressing health disparities; rather, it is beneficial to it. This Article will hopefully serve as a catalyst for future research regarding best practices on how pragmatic; legal; and diversity, equity, and inclusion considerations can synergistically exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the emergence, development and current legal regulation of the sale and purchase agreement, and reveals the place of sale of quotas for greenhouse gas emissions in the system of civil contracts. The character of the sale of emission quotas between states is considered, as well as the legal nature of the quota sale (carbon units) contract in the framework of national jurisdictions. The authors conclude that the term “quota” means a quantitative limitation of greenhouse gas (G.H.G.) emissions, which should be understood as gaseous waste (G.W.), which has not received clear regulation in the national (Russian) law. Recognition of G.W. as a kind of industrial waste will make it possible to better understand and explain its legal nature, and directly the alienation of a certain amount (quota) of G.W. within the framework of civil legislation is the conclusion of a contract of sale of property rights belonging to the owner of G.W. to another business entity for a fee and for a certain period.

Over the past three decades, there has been a rise in efforts to increase the percentage of women in decision-making bodies across the globe including representation of women into electoral office. This was done through quotas, constituency elections, regulations, and party lists. Yet, women's representation in the electoral office globally is still low. There are different contributory factors to the aforementioned progress and challenges. The challenges are caused in the main by cultural and religious conditions. There are countries that are globally recognised for achieving parity in the election of women into parliaments, The Nordic states and Rwanda in Africa have done well in this regard. Yet, the achievement of equal representation does not translate into gender equality within their society and institutions. This study evaluates women's representation in the electoral office in selected countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We examine two policy instruments—subsidy and quota—applied to Sustainable Aviation Fuel (SAF). • Our analysis reveals that when an airline maintains consistent SAF usage across both policies, the subsidy method leads to higher airline output and emissions. • The subsidy policy surpasses the quota policy in promoting higher social welfare, provided that Traditional Aviation Fuel (TAF) prices are low and emission regulations under the subsidy policy are stringent. • The cost of SAF production and the potential of the aviation market are crucial determinants in shaping government policy decisions. Sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) serves as a critical short-term measure for reducing aviation's carbon footprint. Two main policy tools, subsidy and quota, have been developed to support its usage. We build an economic model to compare the environmental and welfare impacts of these two policies. First, we find that if an airline uses the same portion of SAF under both policies, the subsidy approach results in reduced SAF costs, augmented airline output, and heightened emissions. Second, the subsidy policy is better than the quota policy in terms of consumer surplus, airline profits, SAF blender profit, and social welfare, if the traditional aviation fuel is sufficiently inexpensive and the emission regulation under the subsidy policy is adequately stringent. Finally, to demonstrate the empirical relevance of our theoretical framework, we have employed empirically-validated parameters for model calibration. Sensitivity analysis indicates that SAF production costs and market potential are pivotal factors influencing governmental policy formulation. With the reduction in SAF production expenses and the growth of the aviation sector, the government is positioned to adopt a more aggressive policy stance, characterized by higher SAF quotas and increased subsidies, to stimulate the uptake of SAF by airlines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simple Summary: The European turtle dove (Streptopelia turtur) is an important gamebird in south-western Europe, and in some areas a significant proportion of hunting grounds conduct targeted management aiming to increase its breeding densities and hunting opportunities, mainly through food provision. Using harvest data from managed grounds, we estimated the productivity (juvenile/adult ratio), the harvesting levels and the local turtle dove abundance before the hunting season, the latter being compared to the number of birds observed by hunters in food plots. Our research found high values of productivity and significant differences between the estimated abundance and the number of birds observed by hunters, which suggests that in a high proportion of grounds, the latter method may have led to bird overestimation and overharvesting. As managed grounds for the turtle dove may increase the productivity and recruitment of the species, it is crucial to ensure sustainable harvesting through (1) bird monitoring based on transects to calculate abundance and (2) promoting regulations to adjust the number of hunting days. In some regions of Spain, hunting grounds conduct management targeting the European turtle dove (Streptopelia turtur), a commonly hunted species, and unsustainable harvesting levels at these sites have been identified as one of the factors responsible for the species' decline across its range. In hunting grounds where food was provided, we estimated the local turtle dove abundance before the hunting season, productivity (juvenile/adult ratio) and harvesting levels using harvest data from managed grounds over 4 years (2009, 2015, 2019 and 2020). Compared to previous research, a higher productivity value was found (median 1.67, range 1.24–4.15) in grounds providing more food for a longer period. We calculated that the harvesting rate should not exceed 37% of the estimated turtle dove population size (35–45%). Significant differences were found between the estimated local turtle dove abundance using a removal sampling protocol and the number of birds observed by hunters before the hunting season, which suggests that in a high proportion of grounds, the latter method may have led to bird overestimation and overharvesting. Our research supports the current European Union's harvest management plan to promote sustainable hunting in grounds where targeted management is conducted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We evaluate the impact of an affirmative action policy, which reserves quotas in public jobs for disadvantaged groups, on educational and labour market outcomes through 'incentive effects' in future employment prospects. Unlike the affirmative action policies based only on caste (in India) or race (in the United States), Nepal offers a novel context because its policy provides multiple channels of affirmation in public jobs to highly discriminated groups, depending on their caste/ethnicity, gender, geographic origin, and impairment status. Our difference-in-differences estimates using the Nepal Labour Force Survey III (2017/18) suggest that the policy significantly improved the educational and labour market outcomes of younger reservation eligible in the schoolaged cohort at the time of policy change. On average, the younger cohort improved their years of schooling by 1.53 years and monthly earnings by NPR 1,812 (approximately USD 17.76; about 11% of the national average). Our findings also indicate a higher policy impact on education for those who obtain treatment through multiple channels. However, the higher educational attainments of these multiple treatment groups are yet to transmit fully into their labour market outcomes. Our findings offer some important policy implications for not only Nepal but also societies fighting to reduce inequalities across caste, geographic, ethnic and racial groups [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using standpoint epistemology and critical mass theories this study examines outcomes of the 2012 ProQuote [ProQuota] initiative in Germany demanding at least 30% women in leadership per newsroom. In-depth interviews with 53 journalists in 21 newsrooms show that ProQuote boosted women's ascension into leadership by triggering and sustaining a debate about gender in newsroom leadership. This contributed to the normalization and legitimization of women in top positions, somewhat alleviating the stigma of tokenism. With critical mass in a given newsroom, women's standpoints have entered the discourse on leadership. More representation of women of different backgrounds and overall diversity in leadership are still needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcolonial democratic deepening brings new challenges to religion as a social imaginary in India. Increasing cultural differentiation and pluralization are countered by fundamentalization, but also challenge existing minority/multicultural imaginations. Religion, as the overarching identity category, has come under scrutiny given the politicization of caste among Muslims, who form the country’s most significant religious minority. Through social-justice and anti-caste politics in the 1990s, lowered-caste Muslims started to enact a new identity named Pasmanda, which means “those who have been left behind”. The Pasmanda discourse emphasizes internal heterogeneities and hegemonies and pluralizes the “Muslim”. It thus ruptures the imaginary of Muslims as a homogeneous minority in a culturally diverse country and problematizes the majority–minority framework. An important site of contestation is the reservation (quota) policy in public employment, education, and the legislature. While privileged-caste Muslims generally prefer a quota based on religion, the lowered-caste Pasmanda Muslims increasingly mobilize for a caste-based quota, thus challenging systems of recognition and redistribution.

How do rising powers engage with international institutions? While this question has remained important, we have very few theoretically grounded, empirical studies that look at this engagement. This paper seeks to address that gap by focusing on India's engagement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). It argues that rising powers engage with the institution's distinctive design, seeking to change features such as the rules for controlling the institution. The issues the institution covers matter: the nature of the issue area can facilitate engagement. For example, in the case of India's engagement with the IMF, the technical nature of the issue arena provided autonomy to the executive and facilitated the process of formulating and implementing its strategy. The Indian executive has engaged mostly with formal rules during the period under review. Contrary to expectations that status-quoist institutions will normally discourage states from seeking change, the paper finds that India expended its resources to influence quota reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of quota policies in federal educational institutions increased the heterogeneity of socioeconomic status of students. The objective of this study is to analyze whether the academic performance of the most economically and socially vulnerable students is inferior to the others. The academic performance of students of integrated courses was analyzed using descriptive statistics and machine learning techniques. In the first one, the students were classified as qutota and non-quota students and the results showed that the performance of both is similar. The machine learning analysis found socioeconomics situations where students tend to have a lower performance compared to other students. The obtained rules in this analysis can justify closer pedagogical monitoring for students who fit into them, preventing evasion and improving the performance of these students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

APIs are increasingly becoming new business assets for organizations and consequently, API functionality and its pricing should be precisely defined for customers. Pricing is typically composed by different plans that specify a range of limitations, e.g., a Free plan allows 100 monthly requests while a Gold plan has 10 000 requests per month. In this context, the OpenAPI Specification (OAS) has emerged to model the functional part of an API, becoming a de facto industry standard and boosting a rich ecosystem of vendor-neutral tools to assist API providers and consumers. In contrast, there is no proposal for modeling API pricings (i.e., their plans and limitations) and this lack hinders the creation of tools that can leverage this information. To deal with this gap, this paper presents a pricing modeling framework that includes: (a) Pricing4APIs model, a comprehensive and rigorous model of API pricings, along SLA4OAI , a serialization that extends OAS; (b) an operation to validate the description of API pricings, with a toolset (sla4oai-analyzer) that has been developed to automate this operation. Additionally, we analyzed 268 real-world APIs to assess the expressiveness of our proposal and created a representative dataset of 54 pricing models to validate our framework. • Pricing4APIs, a novel model for RESTful API pricings, and a set of validity criteria. • An extension of OpenAPI Specification to serialize Pricing4APIs. • A dataset of 54 real-world pricings modeled with our proposal. • Analysis of the expressiveness of Pricing4APIs using a systematic review of 268 APIs. • An automated validation tool to check for pricing inconsistencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recovering or threatened carnivore populations are often harvested to minimise their impact on human activities, such as livestock farming or game hunting. Increasingly, harvest quota decisions involve a set of scientific, administrative and political institutions operating at national and sub‐national levels whose interactions and collective decision‐making aim to increase the legitimacy of management and ensure population targets are met. In practice, however, assessments of how quota decisions change between these different actors and what consequences these changes have on population trends are rare.We combine a state‐space population modelling approach with an analysis of quota decisions taken at both regional and national levels between 2007 and 2018 to build a set of decision‐making models that together predict annual harvest quota values for Eurasian lynx (Lynx lynx) in Norway.We reveal a tendency for administrative decision‐makers to compensate for consistent quota increases by political actors, particularly when the lynx population size estimate is above the regional target. Using population forecasts based on the ensemble of decision‐making models, we show that such buffering of political biases ensures lynx population size remains close to regional and national targets in the long term.Our results go beyond the usual qualitative assessment of collaborative governance systems for carnivore management, revealing a system of checks and balances that, in the case of lynx in Norway, ensures both multi‐stakeholder participation and sustainable harvest quotas. Nevertheless, we highlight important inter‐regional differences in decision‐making and population forecasts, the socio‐ecological drivers of which need to be better understood to prevent future population declines.Synthesis and applications. Our work analyses the sequence of decisions leading to yearly quotas for lynx harvest in Norway, highlighting the collaborative and structural processes that together shape harvest sustainability. In doing so, we provide a predictive framework to evaluate participatory decision‐making processes in wildlife management, paving the way for scientists and decision‐makers to collaborate more widely in identifying where decision biases might lie and how institutional arrangements can be optimised to minimise them. We emphasise, however, that this is only possible if wildlife management decisions are documented and transparent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims at assessing the role of women quota in empowering women and enabling them to reach parliaments and decision- making positions as a step towards gaining their rights in Arab societies, with special reference to social and religious factors which play an effective role in the Arab World. The study is based on the hypothesis that women do not have a chance to win seats or have representatives via traditional elections due to social reasons and popular interpretation of religion. Consequently, the presence of women and equality between sexes is impossible without quota application. The study carries out a comparative analysis between results of elections held in different parts of the Arab world with and without quotas showing a clear difference in the level of women representation in both cases. The study assures that there is a trend among political parties and religious authorities towards accepting the quota despite it being a sensitive issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia, as well as the impact of tariff preferences on foreign trade between two countries. The analysed measures were: dynamics of the Russian Federation’s exports to the Republic of Serbia, dynamics of the Russian Federation’s imports from the Republic of Serbia, tariff preferences applied between countries. The article provides statistical data on the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia for 2010–2019 and their dependence on the application of tariff preferences, as well as indicators of trade between the EAEU and the EAEU member states with the Republic of Serbia for 2017–2019. The paper analyses the possible directions of Serbia’s participation in the EAEU and the European Union, assesses the benefits of creating a free trade zone between the EAEU and Serbia, as well as the costs of Serbia’s integration into the European Union. The importance of tariff preferences in the development of foreign trade relations between Russia and Serbia is shown.

Copyright of IgualdadES is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The fundamental objective of the research is to present an overall assessment regarding the role of Iraqi women in political participation in the Iraqi parliament after 2003, due to changes in the political level of the country, taking into account the year 2005, as the beginning of the study, since in this year the first Iraqi government was formed, taking into account giving women an important place in the political life of Iraqi society, and this was considered an achievement for Iraqi women to reach the Iraqi parliament through a participation rate of 25% representation, i.e., the so-called "quota". granted to Iraqi women through the Iraqi constitution of 2005. The findings of the study showed that the Iraqi woman was able, to reach to the Iraqi parliament, by the proportional representation process, whereby a women play an important role in participating in decision-making process and defend about the rights of Iraqi society components, despite of its in simple representative, but they have influential role in the political life of the Iraqi people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Kufa Legal & Political Science is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Guangdong Architecture Civil Engineering is the property of Guangdong Architecture Civil Engineering Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Exploitation freshwater turtle for local consumption, medicine, and pet in several parts in Asia caused the declining populations in the wild. The purpose of this study is to evaluate of turtle harvest that listed in Appendix CITES in South Sumatra and Central Borneo. We reported the trading network of the three most exploited turtle species in South Sumatera and Central Borneo. We visited the largest middleman in the two provinces and collect the data that comprises the harvest number, prices, trade flow, catching area, and the level of harvest for local consumption. During our survey in Sampit (Central Borneo) (one week in April 2019), we recorded 667 kg of turtles were sent to a middleman and harvested from Jemaras and Sembuluh district. This amount comprises 549 individuals of Cuora amboinensis, 173 Siebenrockiella crassicollis, and one individual of Cyclemys dentata. Contrary to that, in Palembang, we did not find any delivery of turtle from the hunters. However, 387 individuals of C. amboinensis and 132 individuals of S. crassicollis were found in a middleman pool. We also recorded that local people in Central Borneo consumption of turtle meat. The national quota of C. amboinensis in Central Borneo and South Sumatra are 1700 and 2000 individuals for 2019. The national quota of S. crassicollis in South Sumatra is 500 individuals, while Central Borneo does not have any quota for this species. The realization of these wild-caught turtles indicates an over harvesting beyond the annual harvest quota. Moreover, the two middlemen are indicated to carry illegal carapace trading, although the scientific authority recommended to ban the carapace trade

Despite 40 years of equal opportunities policies and more than two decades of government and organization initiatives aimed at helping women reach the upper echelons of the corporate world, women are seriously underrepresented on corporate boards. Recently, fifteen countries sought to redress this imbalance by introducing gender quotas for board representation. The introduction of board gender quota legislation creates ethical tensions and dilemmas which we categorize in terms of motivations, legitimacy, and outcomes. We investigate these tensions through four overarching theoretical perspectives: institutional, stakeholder, social identity, and social capital. We outline a future research agenda based on how these tensions offer greater focus to research on quotas and more broadly to ethics and diversity in organizations in terms of theory, anticipated ethical tensions, data, and methodology. In sum, our review seeks to synthesize existing multidisciplinary research and stimulate future enquiry on this expanding set of legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Value Studies is the property of Asos Egitim Bilisim Danismanlik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is focused on the Albanian electoral system, its total inclusion approach, protection and promotion of gender characteristics, historical and legal developments on the gender quotas necessity, the comparison in time and space, the barriers and opportunities to promote gender politics in public and social area in Albania. The methodology will consist of a comparative analysis of legislation, the international legal framework, recommendations of international institutions, policy papers on identifying the causes why higher gender representation in politics produces estimated results in the public area, social and economic development. Analysis of the circumstances, historical periods, social and economic impact in legal amendments would be another methodology component. Gender quotas provide a critical minority of women, from 20% to a gender balance of 50%, either as an education of the community to face with real gender balance in common life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the provisions in the European Union's revised Audiovisual Media Services Directive concerning video on demand (VOD) services and the effectiveness of supply-side cultural diversity regulations in achieving their purported policy goals of increased production and consumption of European works. Because the Netherlands is the 'country of origin' to several multinational VOD services, including Netflix, we conducted a case study of this specific national context. We examine the quota for and prominence of European works, as well as different forms of financial obligations. We find that the former two policy tools may require new strategies to effectively reach their objectives in a nonlinear context. Our evidence also indicates that the latter remains controversial in the domestic audiovisual industry, as stakeholder positions are dependent on the type(s) of production stimulated. Based on this, we argue that securing the independence of producers and ensuring VOD services are transparent with respect to performance data are essential to promoting source diversity and a sustainable value chain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many important decisions in societies such as school admissions, hiring or elections are based on the selection of top-ranking individuals from a larger pool of candidates. This process is often subject to biases, which typically manifest as an under-representation of certain groups among the selected or accepted individuals. The most common approach to this issue is debiasing, for example, via the introduction of quotas that ensure a proportional representation of groups with respect to a certain, often binary attribute. This, however, has the potential to induce changes in representation with respect to other attributes. For the case of two correlated binary attributes, we show that quota-based debiasing based on a single attribute can worsen the representation of the most under-represented intersectional groups and decrease the overall fairness of selection. Our results demonstrate the importance of including all relevant attributes in debiasing procedures and that more efforts need to be put into eliminating the root causes of inequalities as purely numerical solutions such as quota-based debiasing might lead to unintended consequences.

Austrian gender equality policy in higher education is characterized by the successful implementation of a comprehensive set of gender equality policies and persistent gender imbalances. After the introduction of a legal quota for university bodies, for instance, female representation in decision-making bodies increased significantly within a short period of time. However, this did not lead to a cultural change or the abolishment of barriers to women’s careers. Research has attributed this paradoxical situation to a lack of reflexivity because the current gender equality policies do not force institutions or individuals to challenge traditional practices, which are perceived to be merit-based and therefore gender neutral. To overcome this paradox, the Austrian Federal Ministry of Education, Science, and Research launched a policy process aimed at strengthening gender competence in all higher education processes—management, administration, teaching, and research. This paper provides a critical discussion of the Austrian quota regulation and its implementation. It also introduces the concept of gender competence and outlines the underlying assumptions as to why the new policy is expected to contribute to change. Following a critical reflection on these assumptions, the paper also discusses how existing steering instruments have to be adapted to support individual and institutional reflexivity.