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Context Methods Findings Conclusions Policy Points Policymakers should consider both material (e.g., cost) and attitudinal (e.g., skepticism) barriers to mental health treatment access. Public support for government action on mental health is high but varies based on experience‐based and hypothetical beliefs about barriers to treatment. Appeals to personal experience and perspective‐taking may be successful in building support for government action on mental health. Policymakers should consider both material (e.g., cost) and attitudinal (e.g., skepticism) barriers to mental health treatment access. Public support for government action on mental health is high but varies based on experience‐based and hypothetical beliefs about barriers to treatment. Appeals to personal experience and perspective‐taking may be successful in building support for government action on mental health. Mental health problems represent a major public health issue for the United States, and access to mental health treatment is both inadequate and unevenly distributed. There is a strong justification for government action on mental health treatment, but it is unclear whether there is a political constituency for such action. Existing work suggests that stigma and othering of people with mental illnesses contributes to reduced support for intervention. I expand on the existing literature by focusing on mental health as an issue that may apply to Americans’ own lives rather than only to a stigmatized outgroup.Using original questions on a nationally representative 2023 survey of 1,000 American adults, I measured agreement with statements about barriers to mental health treatment access that respondents have experienced or, if they have not sought treatment, their hypothetical assessment of these barriers. I also measured their support for statements in favor of change to address mental health. I analyzed the demographic and political correlates of agreement with the barrier statements and used regressions to examine their possible causal effect on support for change.Agreement with statements about access barriers follows expected patterns in some cases (e.g., socioeconomic status) but not in others (e.g., race/ethnicity). I also documented a notable partisan and ideological divide in these experiences and beliefs. I found that Americans who agreed that material factors are a barrier to access were more supportive of action on mental health, whereas those who agreed with statements suggesting discomfort or skepticism were less supportive.These findings suggest that personal experience and perspective‐taking should be integrated into the study of public opinion on mental health, complementing existing work on stigma and othering. Appeals to experience and perspective‐taking may be a successful strategy for building public support for action on mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Legal Theory / Jogelméleti Szemle / Zeitschrift für Rechtstheorie is the property of Journal of Legal Theory / Jogelmeleti Szemle / Zeitschrift fur Rechtstheorie and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Media Research / Zeszyty Prasoznawcze is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is an essay on nonrespondent bias in statistical random sampling surveys. In particular, it focuses on the personalities of respondents and nonrespondents in survey cooperation. First, I review previous relevant research on nonrespondent bias and outline the main points of the nonrespondent bias problem. Next, focusing on items related to interpersonal trust, I analyze personality differences between cooperative and non-cooperative respondents using time series data from the Japanese National Character Survey and its related surveys. I then present rules of thumb that may be useful for survey researchers dealing with nonrespondent bias. Finally, I discuss future issues. Particular mention will be made of social disparities in electoral voting and polling, i.e., people who tend to drop out of electoral voting and polling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many public opinion polls report a mythical margin of error. These reported margins of error are calculated on the basis of a nonexistent (fictitious) dichotomous poll question and are completely unrelated to the actual question responses in a poll. Because it can convey a false sense of poll precision, a mythical margin of error can lead to unsupported and even incorrect inferences regarding the precision of a public opinion poll. This research note documents the existence and implications of mythical margins of error and offers suggestions for addressing them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the first days of September to mid-October 1981, the 1st National Congress of Delegates of NSZZ “Solidarność” took place in Gdańsk. The assembly attracted significant public attention. A reliable source of information about the event was the official magazine “Głos Wolny”, published on the occasion of the Congress. So far, the newspaper has not been studied by historians yet, although the magazine contains information worth detailed studies. This work presents the analysis of the Nasza sonda column, one of the forms of a public opinion poll published in the newspaper. This analysis regards the subject of the survey along with its results. Additional attempts to determine the importance and the role of the column are made. The diagnostic survey, content analysis, quantitative and qualitative analyses are the methods used to study all 24 issues of the journal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present article we discuss the results of sociological researchings of the attitude of contemporary Russians to domestic mass-media and also reveal the level of trust in them, as well as the degree of social legitimacy of the media in the Russian society of the XXI century.

Copyright of Socjolingwistyka is the property of Instytut Jezyka Polskiego PAN and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Defense Sciences / Savunma Bilmleri Dergisi is the property of Turkish Military Academy Defense Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Modern socio-political history of Russia can be quite clearly divided into several important periods, each of which is characterized by particular political environment and specific social consciousness. The accession of Crimea and Sevastopol to the Russian Federation in March 2014 is one of the landmark events, a milestone that marks the transition from one phase of this history to the next. This event (or rather, process that started, according to some estimates, in the autumn of 2013, or in February 2014) indicated a sharp turn in Russian foreign policy and in its relations with the West and East. The accession of Crimea has led to phenomenal growth and expansion of support for the policy pursued by Vladimir Putin and for his personality: without exaggeration, he has become not just a political leader but the leader of the nation. The trend set by the accession of Crimea was evolving in 2014–2015; a special feature of this development was that Russia obtained the positive effect almost immediately, and negative consequences followed only after a while. And the farther our life from March 2014, the more pronounced these deferred negative consequences; while the benefits gained are being partly exhausted and partly forgotten as they recede into a background. Negative consequences include the conflict with the West and the efforts of several influential countries to isolate Russia in the international arena, the war in Ukraine and the collapse of Russian-Ukrainian relations in all areas, Western sanctions against the financial and commodity sectors of Russia’s economy, the weakening of the Russian currency and growth of prices for imported goods and then – for food and non-food commodities. Thus, in the course of time, the price paid by Russian society for the accession of Crimea grew rather than fell

Few spiral of silence studies have explored the influence of cross-cutting, multiple opinion climates on opinion expression outcomes across different online platforms. A 2 ' 2 online experiment, accounting for individual issue-based and culturally influenced dispositions, reveals a main effect of individuals' perceived opinion congruity with forum commenters but not with public opinion polls on opinion expression. An interaction effect shows that individuals are more likely to post comments when they perceive opinion congruity with forum commenters and when they perceive incongruity with public poll results, with a greater overall likelihood to comment on social media (Facebook) than on website forums. Significant relationships are also found between the likelihood of expressing one's opinion and personal issue involvement, fear of authority, and fear of breaking the law online. Implications of the findings for the theoretical scope of an online spiral of silence in multiple opinion climates and cross-platform opinion expression are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Silvae et Ligni is the property of Biotechnical Faculty, Slovenian Forestry Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Most Americans reject some or all parts of evolutionary theory, contrary to the scientific consensus. Americans' attitudes toward evolution at least partially depend on their religious or political values, and prior work has argued that knowledge of the theory plays a negligible role. But there have been no systematic, large-scale attempts to measure the public's knowledge of evolutionary theory, which means that claims about a lack of significant impact of evolution knowledge on evolution acceptance may be premature. Using a new demographically representative survey (N = 1100) that includes a detailed measure of evolution knowledge, we find that knowledge predicts level of acceptance, even after accounting for the effects of religion and politics. These results demonstrate that Americans' views on evolution are significantly influenced by their knowledge about this theory and therefore might be amenable to change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]