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The Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, has had devastating effects on the Ukrainian population and the global economy, environment, and political order. However, little is known about the psychological states surrounding the outbreak of war, particularly the mental well-being of individuals outside Ukraine. Here, we present a longitudinal experience-sampling study of a convenience sample from 17 European countries (total participants = 1,341, total assessments = 44,894, countries with >100 participants = 5) that allows us to track well-being levels across countries during the weeks surrounding the outbreak of war. Our data show a significant decline in well-being on the day of the Russian invasion. Recovery over the following weeks was associated with an individual’s personality but was not statistically significantly associated with their age, gender, subjective social status, and political orientation. In general, well-being was lower on days when the war was more salient on social media. Our results demonstrate the need to consider the psychological implications of the Russo-Ukrainian war next to its humanitarian, economic, and ecological consequences., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Scholars have noted several connections between the COVID‐19 pandemic and the climate crisis, ranging from the material influence of the pandemic on climate change processes (e.g. how lockdowns temporarily lowered climate emissions) to the similar ways the crises have been managed. Both crises are also global in scope, have exerted a significant toll on human lives and require major changes in our lifestyles. However, while collective responses to COVID‐19 were rapid and concerted, efforts to address climate change continue to be met with resistance. In this article, we investigate the social vulnerabilities common to both crises and the lessons that policymakers in the climate field can take away from the pandemic. After outlining the theoretical and empirical similarities between the two crises, we present a general framework and recommendations for the use of social science‐based interventions. We focus on two broad topics of contemporary interest that lay bare social vulnerabilities of the coronavirus pandemic—conspiracy theories and racial and ethnic inequities—to highlight the ways that understanding social and psychological processes associated with the pandemic can help inform more efficient climate policies. Public Significance Statement This paper shows how the COVID‐19 pandemic's social and psychological lessons can guide climate change policies. By leveraging social science insights, we propose strategies and illustrations to combat misinformation and address social inequities, ultimately fostering more effective and inclusive climate actions and benefiting policymakers and society at large., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Relations between groups are particularly sensitive in post-conflict societies where tensions persist, and reconciliation remains unlikely. The present research investigated whether believing or learning that an outgroup humanizes the ingroup (i.e. meta-humanization) enhances conciliatory attitudes and intergroup negotiations. In three studies conducted in the post-conflict context of Kosovo (N = 1,407), we investigated whether meta-humanization, in comparison to meta-dehumanization (i.e. the belief that outgroups dehumanize the ingroup) or a control condition wherein no information related to (de)humanization is provided, impacts various intergroup outcomes through the attribution of secondary emotions (i.e. the tendency to deny outgroups the capability to experience human emotions) and blatant dehumanization (i.e. the tendency to overtly or explicitly regard outgroup members as being less than fully human). Using correlational data, Study 1 revealed that blatant dehumanization, but not the attribution of secondary emotions, mediated the effect of meta-humanization on conciliatory attitudes, including support for the outgroup, openness to future contact, and feelings of peace with outgroup members. However, this pattern did not extend to intergroup negotiation, as none of the indirect effects through both the attribution of secondary emotions and blatant dehumanization were significant. Using experimental data, Study 2 demonstrated that participants in the meta-humanization condition exhibited lower levels of blatant dehumanization towards the outgroup, increased support for the outgroup, greater openness to intergroup contact, and reported feeling more at peace with outgroup members compared to those in both the meta-dehumanization and control conditions. However, participants in the meta-dehumanization and control conditions showed greater support for intergroup negotiation than those in the meta-humanization condition. Moreover, Study 2 indicated that blatant de, SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Contact with outgroup members can serve as a powerful demonstration of the quality of intergroup norms to other ingroup members. This extended contact of fellow ingroup members with outgroup members is known to positively affect intergroup attitudes. Research has demonstrated a positive relationship between positive extended contact and positive intergroup attitudes—even for those most prone to prejudice, such as those high in authoritarianism. However, little is known about the relationship between negative extended contact and intergroup attitudes, or about its interaction with authoritarianism. With correlational data from seven samples (totaling 2,760 respondents across four countries), we ran an internal meta-analysis examining the relationships of positive and negative extended contact with attitudes towards immigrants for group members of advantaged ethnic-cultural groups. The analysis controlled for direct contact and relevant demographic variables to ensure robustness. We considered right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and its subdimensions as a moderator of these relationships. As expected, positive extended contact showed a stronger relationship with attitudes towards immigrants for high authoritarians. Unexpectedly, negative extended contact showed no interaction with authoritarianism. Put differently, negative extended contact showed a similarly large relationship with intergroup attitudes among high and low authoritarians. These results reveal an extended contact asymmetry: positive intergroup norms created by positive extended contact promote tolerance among authoritarians, whereas negative extended contact does not particularly harm those individuals more. Contrary to our expectations, the analysis of RWA’s subdimensions did not reveal further insights. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed in light of the current debates on norm-setting and intergroup tensions., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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This Special Issue editorial explores perspectives on intergroup reconciliation and its underlying processes in post-conflict societies, emphasizing the importance of four key themes: 1) victimhood, 2) acknowledgment, 3) forgiveness, and 4) intergroup contact. After presenting the state of the art in reconciliation research, we present the individual contributions in this Special Issue, and we link them to the four key themes. We end this editorial by setting out an agenda for future research, underscoring the timeliness and relevance of reconciliation efforts in today's world. By offering insights into evidence-based interventions and practical strategies for promoting positive intergroup relations, this Special Issue hopes to contribute to the broader discourse on peacebuilding and social cohesion in post-conflict societies., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Individuals differ in their general propensity to believe in conspiracy theories, often referred to as conspiracy mentality. Because prototypical conspiracy theories exhibit a conspiratorial content (i.e. they claim that a conspiracy occurred) and an alternative status (i.e. they are rejected by authorities), it is unclear if conspiracy mentality captures a general tendency to believe in conspiracies, to endorse alternative narratives, or to believe in conspiratorial alternative narratives. To adjudicate between these interpretations, we carried out three experimental studies (Ns = 364, 772, 629) in which we experimentally manipulated the respective statuses (endorsed by authorities vs. rejected by the authorities) of competing conspiratorial and non-conspiratorial explanations for fictitious controversial events. Overall, conspiracy mentality predicted the endorsement of conspiratorial explanations and the rejection of non-conspiratorial explanations. However, these relationships were moderated by the respective statuses of these explanations. When authorities endorsed the conspiratorial explanation and rejected the non-conspiratorial explanation, the relationships were either nullified (in Studies 1 & 3) or attenuated (in study 2). These effects were driven by participants scoring low on the conspiracy mentality measures, who reported a lower endorsement of the conspiratorial explanation when it was rejected by authorities. They also reported a stronger endorsement of the non-conspiratorial explanation when it was presented as endorsed by authorities. By contrast, conspiracy believers' endorsement of the explanations was unaffected by their status. These findings are informative of what conspiracy mentality scales capture and highlight the need to adopt more specific definitions in psychological research on conspiracy theories., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

In spite of the safety and efficiency of the COVID‐19 vaccines and the many promotion efforts of political and expert authorities, a fair portion of the population remained hesitant if not opposed to vaccination. Public debate and the available literature point to the possible role of people's attitudes towards medical institutions as well as their preference for complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) on their motivations and intentions to be vaccinated. Other potential ideological factors are beliefs about environmental laissez‐faire and divine providence insofar as they encourage people to let the pandemic unfold without human interference. In three cross‐sectional samples (total N = 8214), collected at successive moments during the Belgian vaccination campaign, the present research examines the distal role of these psychological and ideological factors on vaccination intentions via motivational processes. Study 1 gauges the relation between trust in medical institutions and preference for CAM on intentions to get vaccinated via motivations. Study 2 examined the role of beliefs in the desirability of letting nature take its course (‘environmental laissez‐faire beliefs’) on vaccination intention via motivations. Study 3 tests whether people's adherence to environmental laissez‐faire and beliefs about divine providence are linked to their motivations for vaccination via trust in the medical institutions and CAM. Results show that adherence to CAM has a deleterious effect on vaccination intentions, whereas trust in medical institutions has a positive effect. Both ideological factors pertaining to external control are only moderately related, with environmental laissez‐faire beliefs having stronger effects on CAM, medical trust and vaccination motivations. We discuss the importance of this set of results in light of the growing interest in CAM and the increasing presence of messages appealing to the environment., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Since 2015, Europe has experienced two important influxes of vulnerable migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers. Despite heterogenous reactions within and across countries, acts of humanitarianism and solidarity have occurred in a diverse range of behaviors. Given the particularities of Intergroup Helping in favor of refugees, a more nuanced understanding of intentions to engage in helping behaviors would enrich theoretical and applied research. We developed and validated a scale of Intergroup Helping in favor of refugees, that covers the two dimensions of help, i.e. Intergroup Giving (alleviating the suffering of others) and Intergroup Acting (addressing injustices and inequalities). Following scale construction practices, we proceeded in three phases. First, we identified and defined our domains of interest, and proceeded to collect representative helping behaviors, using secondary data of semi-structured interviews on volunteers. These behaviors were pre-tested. Then, across two studies, we examined the scale’s reliability, dimensionality, and validity qualities. Study 1 was distributed among a student sample at two time-points. Results yielded robust internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and predictive validity, and displayed preliminary evidence of the bidimensional structure. Study 2 was distributed among a non-student sample and supported the bidimensional structure of the scale. This research demonstrates that Intergroup Helping intentions in favor of refugees can be classified into Intergroup Giving and Intergroup Acting behaviors and offers a predictive tool to investigate these behaviors in an intergroup context., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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Migrant men who have sex with men (mMSM) from sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and other regions outside Europe are highly vulnerable to HIV. However, research on the determinants of HIV testing among mMSM from SSA, and how these differ across the categories of mMSM living in Europe, is limited. Using data from the European MSM Internet Survey (EMIS-2017), we assessed HIV testing prevalence and recency in mMSM from SSA and other mMSM residing in ten European countries, as well as the determinants of HIV testing across different mMSM categories with logistic regression analyses. Ever-testing for HIV was slightly higher in mMSM from SSA (83%) compared to other mMSM categories (75–80%), except for mMSM from Latin America and Caribbean region (84%). Overall, 20% of mMSM had never tested. In multivariable analysis, higher age (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] 1.05, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.01–1.10), higher HIV knowledge (AOR 1.45, 95%-CI 1.11–1.90), and residence in smaller settlements (AOR 0.45, 95%-CI 0.21–0.96) were significantly associated with ever testing for HIV in mMSM from SSA. Comparing mMSM from SSA to mMSM from other regions, we found varying significant similarities (higher age, residence in smaller settlements and HIV knowledge) and differences (lower educational attainment, not identifying as gay, being a student, and limited disclosure of homosexual attraction) in the determinants of ever-testing for HIV. Community-specific interventions addressing identified sociodemographic and behavioral determinants to increase HIV testing uptake in the different mMSM categories and better data for further research are warranted., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

We present a global experience‐sampling method (ESM) study aimed at describing, predicting, and understanding individual differences in well‐being during times of crisis such as the COVID‐19 pandemic. This international ESM study is a collaborative effort of over 60 interdisciplinary researchers from around the world in the “Coping with Corona” (CoCo) project. The study comprises trait‐, state‐, and daily‐level data of 7490 participants from over 20 countries (total ESM measurements = 207,263; total daily measurements = 73,295) collected between October 2021 and August 2022. We provide a brief overview of the theoretical background and aims of the study, present the applied methods (including a description of the study design, data collection procedures, data cleaning, and final sample), and discuss exemplary research questions to which these data can be applied. We end by inviting collaborations on the CoCo dataset., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

More and more studies show that neurotype mismatching (e.g. autistic-non-autistic pairing) rather than being autistic leads to interaction difficulties in autism. This study further tests this assumption by investigating communication efficiency and first impressions of verbal interactions across three dyad types (autistic, non-autistic and mixed (autistic-non-autistic) dyads). To address this aim, we used an online version of the Director Task (DT) - a task in which dyads need to organize unlexicalized images in a specific order across several turns. To do so, they need to create novel referential expressions for these images. Dyad members communicate about these images across several rounds, prompting them to negotiate shorter descriptions and therefore taking less time to complete a round. The DT thus provides objective measures of conversation outcome which can then be related to more subjective measures (ratings). Following the DT, dyads engaged in an unstructured, get-to-know-you task. Afterwards, they rated each other’s discourse abilities (coherence, fluidity & efficiency), interaction quality and likelihood to hang out. Preliminary results from fifty-two dyads (23 non-autistic dyads/16 autistic dyads/12 mixed dyads) indicate that turn duration and expression length decreased for all dyad types, suggesting that all dyads became increasingly efficient as the task proceeded. Furthermore, during the DT, perceived discourse coherence, fluidity & efficiency did not differ across dyads. However, during the get-to-know-you task, in non-autistic dyads, ratings of coherence and fluidity were higher than in autistic and mixed dyads. Finally, in mixed dyads, ratings of likelihood to hang out were lower than those in same-neurotype dyads. These results suggest that neurotype mismatching does not influence impressions of the discourse and interaction quality but does seem to influence future behavioural intentions (e.g. likelihood to hang out). This study will help us be, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

In order to promote their anti-immigration agenda, many politicians resort to gender equality discourse, often suggesting that national or European values should be protected against Islam that subordinates women. This co-occurrence of racist and anti-sexist arguments is striking because research generally shows that people with racist views and lower levels of egalitarianism tend to have more sexist attitudes. In this study, we use textual data to examine whether this co-occurrence emerges in lay people’s discourses and how it relates to their ideological positions. Drawing on data collected via an online questionnaire with French-speaking Belgians (N = 500) and using statistical text analyses, we investigate participants’ responses to open-ended questions pertaining to their conception of European lifestyle, the relation between Islam and Christian religions, and Islam and feminism. We find that participants with right-wing political orientation and higher levels of system justification associate women’s rights with European way of life more than other participants, perceive Islam and Christianity as more different, and perceive Islam as incompatible with feminism. They justify their views using gender equality arguments. In contrast, left-wing participants do not see feminism and Islam as incompatible and blame both religions for being an obstacle to gender equality. As a set, our findings confirm that people with right-wing political orientation and higher levels of system justification tend to exploit the issue of gender equality to promote their anti-egalitarian views towards Islam. In view of the widespread and normative support for gender equality in many Western countries, this phenomenon is particularly treacherous., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Dans certains pays, les évaluations des enseignements par les étudiant·es (EEE) sont considérées dans les décisions relatives à l’emploi à l’université, où la participation des femmes diminue au fur et à mesure que l’on gravit les échelons de la carrière scientifique. S’insérant dans le cadre des politiques d’égalité à l’université, cette revue systématique vise à identifier la présence et la nature des biais de genre dans la littérature sur les EEE. En général les biais repérés défavorisent les enseignantes, surtout en sciences et techniques et dans le premier cycle d’études, mais la taille des effets est faible. Menant une discussion critique, nous réfléchissons à l’importance de comprendre la signification des scores attribués aux enseignant·es par les étudiant·es qui pourrait découler de la méthodologie utilisée pour analyser les EEE et des cultures propres aux domaines disciplinaires. Ces aspects sont essentiels pour élaborer des politiques de genre efficaces., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The present manuscript examines the way young Europeans represent Europe’s history. A study conducted in 11 European countries (N = 1406 students in social sciences) shows that the characters considered most important in the history of Europe are mostly men linked either to WW2, authoritarianism, or conquests and empires. Although these appear later in the rankings and despite some imbalance between countries, Europe’s history is also associated with religious figures, artists, scientists, and philosophers. These results show that the representations of the history of Europe currently shared by young Europeans correspond, in part, to historical narratives based on a specific set of experiences, events, and values supposedly common to the peoples of Europe that were promoted by European elites throughout the integration process. Further, these results suggest that beyond the negative narrative of war and the crimes of totalitarianism, the history of Europe is also embodied by positive characters transcending national boundaries and associated with a set of key elements of the EU identity: democracy, tolerance, solidarity, humanism, and the Enlightenment. Finally, we also highlight the near-total absence of characters unambiguously related to colonization and, especially, decolonization, and a strong overall under-representation of women., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

A common explanation for the success of populists is that they rhetorically shift blame for their followers' hardships toward “elites,” therefore creating a culpable outgroup. However, we argue that there are two confounded effects at play here: shifting blame toward an outgroup and shifting blame away from oneself. Therefore, we theorize that above and beyond elite blame, victimization rhetoric heightens leader support because it specifically relieves followers of the pressure of having to take responsibility for negative life outcomes, especially when they subscribe to neoliberal competition ideology. Supporting our predictions, we show via a survey that victim rhetoric increases leader support while controlling for elite blame, especially among people subscribing to neoliberal competition ideology. In a subsequent experiment, we replicate the findings causally and show that the effect works by reducing perceived personal responsibility for negative life outcomes. Our results indicate that populist rhetoric involves shifting blame toward others and away from oneself. This can explain some of the conundrums that have plagued the literature, such as why elites also fall for populist rhetoric. We discuss our findings in relation to cultural differences and differences in left‐ versus right‐wing populism., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The present research aimed to investigate the impact of ingroup identification (national vs religious), threat perception, and construals of violence (victimhood perceptions and responsibility attribution) regarding the Lebanese civil war on Christians-Muslims relations in Lebanon. Using a (survey) correlational design conducted among Lebanese citizens in 2020 (N=343) our study showed that stronger religious identification and belonging to the Lebanese Christian group increased perceived intergroup threat, leading to a stronger endorsement of competitive victimhood and a lower endorsement of inclusive victimhood, which decreased positive outgroup attitudes and willingness to engage in intergroup contact. This study replicates prior research on collective memory and its impact on intergroup relations and brings further understanding of this phenomenon in a complex intergroup context such as Lebanon., info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Various national and international political associations have claimed that present- day racism towards people of African descent living in formerly colonizing European countries is caused by these countries’ colonial past and their governments’ failure to adequately address this historical legacy. However, no empirical study has yet examined the relation between social representations of colonialism (SRC) and attitudes towards Afro-descendants among majority group members. To investigate this phenomenon, we carried out two cross-sectional studies, which both confirmed that SRC are associated with attitudes towards the Congolese and with support for compensations. Study 1 (N = 407) investigated, among Belgian participants, the association of the two dimensions of SRC – Exploitation and Development – with present-day intergroup attitudes and support for compensations (material and symbolic) for colonialism. Representing the colonial past in terms of Exploitation was associated with more positive attitudes and more intentions to compensate for colonialism, whereas representing it in terms of Development had the opposite effect. Some of these effects were moderated by national identification. Study 2 (N = 203) used the same design but also included a modern racism scale. Results of Study 1 were generally replicated, and effects of SRC on modern racism were obtained: SRC in terms of Exploitation was associated with less modern racism, and SRC in terms of Development was associated with more modern racism. Results are discussed in terms of post-colonial intergroup relations., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The aim of the present article was to investigate how and why Afro-descendant decolonial activists in Belgium morally typecast their group when discussing their struggle to challenge the status quo. Ten Afro-descendant activists from different associations or movements active in Brussels were interviewed, and the interviews were examined through a thematic content analysis using the following themes and sub-themes: moral typecasting (positive agent, positive patient, negative patient, and negative agent), the period of time (pre-colonial, colonial, and pre- sent times in Belgium), and perceived strategy. Overall, our analysis revealed that the interviewees referred to multiple moral statuses. The association of sub-themes allowed to investigate how and why the moral statuses were mobilized. We thus concluded that moral statuses were used in reference to both past and present times and that their mobilization was recognized as being strategic to challenge the status quo. The results were interpreted in light of decolonial actions and minorities' strategies to challenge the ingroup situation and to motivate its members., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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This study examined the roles of perceived influence of the media, exposure to verbal assault, and desire for self-reliance on national identity. Using an online self-reported questionnaire from Qatari college students (N = 293). Mediation analysis revealed that both perceived media influence and desire for self-reliance fully mediated the effects of exposure to verbal assault on national identity. The findings support the efficacy of strategies which targeted the development and implementation of media and economic programs fostering the construction and/or strengthening of a sense of national identity in Qatar during the Gulf crisis., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Prosociality is often considered as quintessential in coping with the threats of health emergencies. As previous research has suggested, prosocial behaviors are shaped by both dispositional factors and situational cues about the helping situation. In the present research, we investigated whether “bonding” types of prosociality, helping directed towards close others within one’s social network, and “bridging” types of prosociality, helping directed towards vulnerable people across group boundaries, are predicted by basic individual values and threat appraisals concerning COVID-19. During the pandemic, we conducted a cross-sectional study in the US and India ( N total = 954), using the Schwartz value inventory and a multifaceted measure of threat assessment to predict prosocial helping intentions. After controlling for other value and threat facets, self-transcendence values and threat for vulnerable groups uniquely predicted both bonding and bridging types of prosociality. Furthermore, threat for vulnerable groups partially mediated the effect of self-transcendence on prosocial helping intentions: People who endorsed self-transcendent values were particularly concerned by the effect of the pandemic on vulnerable groups, and thus willing to engage in prosocial behaviours to help those in need. Our findings support the idea that prosociality is stimulated by empathic concerns towards others in need and underline the importance for future research to consider the broad spectrum of threats appraised by people during health emergencies., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

In 2022, Europe experienced unprecedented citizen mobilizations to help Ukrainian refugees. Based on two parallel lines of scholarship, we examined individual prosocial dispositions and superordinate identities related to intentions to help Ukrainians. Employing a French-speaking student sample in Belgium (N = 374), in Study 1, we showed that dispositional prosociality and European identification were both positively related to intentions to help Ukrainians. An interaction qualified these main effects, so that highly prosocial European identifiers were particularly willing to help. With a nationwide quota sample of the French-speaking population in Belgium (N = 371), in Study 2, we identified two processes mediating the relationship of dispositional prosociality and European identification with intentions to help Ukrainians. On the one hand, dispositional prosociality was positively related to empathy with Ukrainians, which in turn predicted participants' helping intentions. On the other hand, European identification was positively related to both empathy and identity fusion with Ukrainians, which further predicted participants' helping intentions. Overall, these findings suggest that individual prosocial dispositions and superordinate identities represent two cumulative pathways to intergroup helping. Concluding, we discuss common and specific processes related to intentions to help Ukrainians, compared with other refugee groups., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

A more nuanced understanding of the complex relationship between ethnic diversity and social cohesion is needed. Ever since Robert Putnam (2007) has put forward the highly contested constrict claim holding that diversity is related to less trust and more social withdrawing, hundreds of follow-up studies across the globe have been conducted. In the present contribution, we investigated the association between diversity and “hunkering down” in the Netherlands, hereby taking into account the role of segregation. Indeed, Uslaner (2012) pointed to local segregation as the true motor of the so-called diversity effects on intergroup relations in general, and trust in others in particular. We did not only investigate objective indicators of diversity and segregation, but also added an “eye of the beholder” perspective by probing into the subjective perceptions of these variables. Specifically, in a stratified community sample of 680 Dutch ethnic-cultural majority members (52% male, mean age 51), we assessed the additive and interactive effects of four variables (objective diversity, perceived diversity, objective segregation, and perceived segregation) at the municipal level in the prediction of three outcomes (generalized trust, ingroup trust, and outgroup trust). The results revealed three interesting patterns. First, neither of the objective indicators of diversity and segregation, nor their interaction effect significantly predicted any type of trust. Second, higher perceptions of diversity and higher perceptions of segregation were negatively associated with outgroup trust (but not with generalized and ingroup trust). Third, and most importantly, there was a significant interaction effect between perceived diversity and perceived segregation, indicating that simultaneous perceptions of high levels of diversity and high levels of segregation were related to the lowest levels of trust in other ethnic-cultural groups. These findings shed a more nuanced light on the divers, SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Subtle and blatant dehumanization exacerbates negative intergroup relations while intergroup contact ameliorates them. An emerging body of research has started to examine the link between intergroup contact and dehumanization as a potential method for promoting harmony and social cohesion between different social groups. In this article, we examine how direct and indirect contact strategies can reduce both subtle and blatant dehumanization and how humanization can increase willingness for contact with outgroup members. This suggests a range of ways in which exploring contact and dehumanization might contribute to improved intergroup relations. Last, we explore how enhanced empathy, trust, prejudice, and inclusive norms toward outgroups, along with lower anxiety, explain the link between contact and dehumanization., SCOPUS: re.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Positive intergroup contact has not only been shown to be positively associated with favourable attitudes towards members of the contacted group but also with attitudes towards members of secondary outgroups (secondary transfer effect, STE). Only a few studies have addressed a potential STE of negative intergroup contact (i.e. a generalization of negative contact experiences to secondary outgroups). Furthermore, longitudinal studies on STEs and on underlying mediation processes are lacking. In the present research, we investigated the existence of a STE for negative (and positive) intergroup contact in four longitudinal samples with three (Studies 1a and 1b) and two waves (Studies 2 and 3; Noverall = 2052, time lags between waves 2 to 12 months). Our studies did not provide robust evidence for a STE of negative (and positive) contact, nor for indirect STEs via attitude generalization, ingroup identification or diversity beliefs. We discuss implications and suggest avenues for future research., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published