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This article provides an overview of the historical development of Palestine solidarity globally since the 1960s and compares the historical evidence to today's protest movement since the 7 October 2023 Gaza War. Through a reading of a recent collection of testimonies by activists worldwide, the article reflects on the historical coherence of the movement from the formation of the Palestinian liberation movements in the 1960s, the emergence of global solidarity groups in the 1970s and the fragmentation of the Palestinian political landscape since then. The article asks what this decades-long development of solidarity registers and strategies has meant for the Gaza protests since 2023. What is the significance of the structure and scope of early Palestine solidarity for the mobilization we are witnessing today? Which echoes can we observe from the earlier periods of protests, and how are memories and histories of the development of the movement reactivated today? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1980 and 1992, a civil war took place in El Salvador between its armed forces and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN). It was preceded by a popular mobilization of enormous wealth and unprecedented character (1972-1979). The present work reviews various analyzes on the mobilization of the 70s, mainly in the urban area, to account for two assumptions that underlie the debate: the 70s as a prelude to the civil war or the continuity between the mobilization of the 70s and the development of the armed struggle, and the continuity between the mobilization prior to the civil war and the democratic transition. A reading of recent Salvadoran history is proposed that seeks to dialogue with the afore mentioned by discussing this idea of continuity. For this purpose, emphasis is placed on those logics, dynamics and elements that were weakened or disappeared as a result of the repressive surge that took place around 1980. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exploratory fracking has commenced in the Beetaloo Basin, adjacent to Mudburra Country. At the time of writing, the Northern Territory Government is preparing to issue production licences to the gas companies involved. Environmental groups and some Aboriginal traditional owners, however, are insisting that the potential impact on land, water, pastoral operations, and Aboriginal communities has not been properly taken into account. Amongst other things, they point to the existence of stygofauna – tiny creatures that live in the underground water – which, though known to the traditional owners for millennia, are relatively new to western science. (It is likely that a word for stygofauna existed in the Mudburra language, but as far as we know it has not survived.) Research to establish environmental baselines prior to the commencement of fracking indicates that the stygofauna perform a vital function in purifying the underground water, and that they would be seriously threatened by fracking operations. As part of the protest movement against fracking, the authors have composed a song about stygofauna to be taught to the Mudburra children at Newcastle Waters School. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines how crowd empowerment and its control inscribe the agency of nonhuman nature in the social movement and the governmental strategy within the context of China–Hong Kong connections. Concerning the 2019 Hong Kong protest movement, it examines how the agency is dispersed among the interactions of human crowds and nonhuman forces in particular environments. Humans look to nature as a source of inspiration for their conduct, even if nature is never one thing. As the notions of nature are mediated by culturally specific prejudices, people only talk about their society's ideas about nature when they talk about "nature" and any appeals to nature are highly ideological. In the first part, the essay discusses the excessive use of tear gas to weaponize the atmosphere functions as a medium and message that articulates a communicative politics connecting the protesters and the larger community for interaffective attunement. The atmospheric change unravels an attunement to possibilities opening to some people who throw themselves to be affected and push a situation into an event. In the second part, the essay analyzes how the collective climbing of Lion Rock, a mountain symbolizing the ethos and values of the Hong Kong community, during the protest movement transcends the physical limitation of the protesters' perception to an expanded view and a higher status beyond human to confront a changing and incommensurable world below. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy responses to the coronavirus pandemic met with strong resistance. Examining the case study of the Querdenken protest movement in Germany, this article analyses collective action at the time of the pandemic. Ample discussion space will be devoted to the analysis of the collective action frame and the radicalisation process of the protest movement. Particular attention will be paid to the development of the Querdenken organisational network and the factors that influenced the transformation of the movement's collective action. Finally, the process of institutionalization of the protest movement will be analyzed. The findings of this study provide an in-depth overview of the collective action of a protest movement, which, in action and interaction, elaborates and redefines social problems and their solutions, then goals and means, within a framework of practices and repertoires of action that change in the course of mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the Indian English novel The Lowland (2012) by Jhumpa Lahiri and examines its representation of the Naxalbari movement's (1965-1975) gendered history to locate women, their roles, their marginalized position, and the growth of their individual independent identities. The Naxalbari movement is the first major peasant protest within 20 years of Indian independence. Though the first actions of the movement were in a village of North Bengal, this paper mainly concentrates on the movement's activities after it was urbanized and joined by the middle class. It, therefore, tries to locate the position of middle-class women within the movement. In the endeavor to engage with the different narratives regarding the roles of 20th century Bengal middle-class women in the movement, the paper historically views and assesses two contradictory perspectives regarding the involvement of women. While a few narratives stress how the participation of women enabled them to attain a certain degree of emancipation from the confinement of the patriarchal society, my detailed study revealed a counter-narrative that stresses the androcentric underpinning of the movement. Hence, this paper analyzes how Lahiri's novel The Lowland engages with this problematic and contradictory location of women within the Naxalbari movement. Though there have been few studies on the gendered historical narrative of the Naxalbari movement, as discussed briefly in the following sections, its representation has not yet been significantly explored within the scholarly studies of Indian English Literature. I address this gap by analyzing the text through the lens of the movement's gendered historical narratives to foreground the representation of women's experiences in it. Thus, my goal is to analyze women as a subversive force within the movement who represent both the dissenting voice of the Naxalbari movement as well as the critical voice against the gender hierarchy within it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discursive experiences can contribute to shaping lives and their identities. For minoritized youth in Hong Kong, the 2019 protest movement provided many such experiences, although very little has been heard about them. Instead, reporting has focused on the experiences of the dominant Chinese population. This paper aims to highlight the voices of minoritized youth in relation to the social movement that dominated Hong Kong in the second half of 2019. It is well recognized that identity is not fixed and that there are more likely multiple identities that transition from one to the other. Yet little is known about the influences on identity formation and the processes that underlie them. This was the issue addressed here. The paper draws on Lacan's theory of identity in examining interviews involving minoritized youth and their engagement in Hong Kong's 2019 protest movement. It shows how individual responses to the movement differed, how the movement challenged identities, and how these challenges were resolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on anthropological fieldwork among protesters against the Covid policy in Germany, this paper elaborates the symmetry of accusations made against each other by proponents and opponents of the state-imposed protection measures against the backdrop of an asymmetrical distribution of power. The social dynamics that emerged during the pandemic are often understood as the result of a knowledge controversy that most participants thus categorize as a media problem. A key finding of my research on protests against the German Covid policy is that, as in my research on the controversy over mediumism, the controversy is about the agency of human and nonhuman actors and carried out to a great extent based on the same values on both sides, which at the same time accuse each other of not conforming to these values. The protesters are part of a heterogeneous minority that in large parts embodies the values of the majority and, in a way, exceeds them, i.e., a minority that is hypercritical and has extreme expectations about the values of the majority society – in this case: of solidarity, science, transparency, rationality, and coherence. From its marginal position, the minority develops a canny eye for the unfulfilled promises of the majority: its contradictions and conscious or unconscious double standards are perceived as bigotry against the backdrop of the aspiration to absence of contradiction. Therefore, this minority suspects that the motivations and goals behind the measures taken are other than just the protection of health, while the majority in turn see the minority's commitment to society and democracy as (self-)deception and also suspect hidden motives and actors behind it. This mutual suspicion leads to a hysterical state of doubt and distrust, which is rooted in the nature of mediality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science / Ulum-i Siyasi is the property of Baqir al-Olum University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: to research the right to join in peaceful assembly and petition in the United States of America.Methods: dialectical approach to cognition of social phenomena, allowing to analyze them in historical development and functioning in the context of the totality of objective and subjective factors, which predetermined the following research methods: formal-logical and sociological.Results: the right to join in peaceful assembly and petition is critical to an effective democracy and is at the core of the First Amendment. The assault of peaceful protestors in the pursuit of racial justice is not a new phenomenon, and legislators at the federal and state levels have drafted anti-riot provisions as a measure to target protestors they deem an existential threat to American society. As these provisions have become increasingly prevalent in light of the protests following the murders of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd, they have the likelihood of severely chilling the effect on protestors' right to freedom of expression.Scientific novelty: this Note examines these effects, considering the Anti-Riot Act of 1968’s intent to protect the public from violent protestors and, in light of congressional inaction due to ongoing political polarization, asks whether presidential intervention is warranted. More specifically, this Note determines whether the Act's current interpretation meets Congress's intent or subverts the constitutional right to freedom of expression. This Note contends that while persuasive arguments exist both in support for harsher anti-riot provisions and for a novel approach to address public safety, these arguments tend to rely on anecdotal evidence due to the limited scholarship on this topic. Therefore, this Note argues that the president should establish a commission to comprehensively investigate the recent outbreaks of racially motivated protests before potentially moving forward with executive action.Practical significance: the main provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in scientific, pedagogical and law enforcement activities when considering the issues related to the right to join in peaceful assembly and petition.

Six months after the outbreak of the severe socio-political crisis in Israel, a group of experts and researchers from a variety of fields met at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) to discuss the root causes of the crisis, its characteristics, and likely ramifications from a forward-looking, system-wide perspective, with special emphasis on ramifications for national security. Naturally, the questions addressed have no absolute or unequivocal answers, and analysis of the crisis draws from the various interpretations of the respective observers. One important element regarding the roots of the crisis is the very different--and at times polarized--way in which reality is perceived, which necessarily dictates profound disagreements over the significance of what unfolds. This article seeks to paint a picture that reflects both differences of opinion and points of agreement vis-à-vis the means and conditions that might allow Israel to extricate itself, at some point, from the current severe crisis and return to normal functioning. A key springboard here is broad discussion, which may enable identification of common denominators that still exist among the Israeli public and within the country's political and social sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As in many other parts of Europe, anti-government protest has been a topic of political and academic discussion in the Netherlands for some years. The definition of what anti-government protest entails and which groups and individuals it refers to is not as straightforward as it may seem. Where other institutions have attempted to place anti-governmental protest movements in frameworks of traditional extremist movements, the Dutch authorities describe the anti-government protestors as a group that is characterised by its pluriformity and fluidity. In 2022, they have even changed the term 'anti-governmental' to 'anti-institutional' to more broadly refer to the set of targets that the movement opposes, which includes government, but also the media, the scientific community, experts and the judicial system. In this paper we try to understand the anti-government, or anti-institutional, protest in the Netherlands using a different lens. We use Ernesto Laclau's discourse theory and its concept of empty signifiers to show how opposed interests and goals can be seen as a unified ideology to its proponents. Instead of trying to primarily define the group of people who are anti-government by their actions or characteristics, we look at how those actors define themselves and how they see their struggle against the authorities. We describe the rise and dynamics of anti-government protest in the Netherlands since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, focusing on "genealogies" and the eclectic topics of the protest movement. We compare our observations with the definition of anti-governmental protest and the antiinstitutional narrative as used by the authorities. We arrive at the conclusion that analysing the antigovernment protest through the lens of their shared ideas and grievances gives us more insight into the nature and dynamics of this movement than solely looking through the lens of the potential threat to the democratic legal order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hirak protest movement in Algeria began in February 2019, sparked by widespread anger and frustration over the government's handling of the country's economic and political situation. The protests were initially triggered by President Abd al-Aziz Bouteflika's announcement that he would seek a fifth term in office despite his advanced age and declining health. The Algerian people had long been dissatisfied with the ruling elite and the government's perceived corruption, economic mismanagement, and lack of political freedom. The Hirak movement was a response to these grievances, and it quickly grew into a massive protest movement that brought together people from all walks of life, including students, professionals, workers, and retirees. The protesters called for an end to the Bouteflika regime and demanded an overhaul of the country's political system. The movement was peaceful and largely decentralized, with no clear leaders or formal organization. One of the important points of the paper is the position of the Algerian authorities, particularly the army, the structure that has real power in the country. Along with the progress and development of the opposition movement, the tactics of the authorities changed too. The Algerian political elite chose a tactic appropriate to the moment to maintain their position, influence and wishing to prevent the situation from escalating at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What accounts for the survival and long‐term participation of activists in contentious movements under repression? I argue for the role of an important yet oft‐neglected factor: protective support by civilian bystanders. I propose that, mainly motivated by victim‐oriented sympathy, bystanders engage in high‐risk protection that helps activists to escape crackdowns and bolsters their dedication to the movement. To test my theoretical claims, I examine hard cases for activist survival at the height of state violence during military rule in Myanmar between 1988 and 2010, with an original qualitative data set consisting of oral history interviews and written accounts by more than 100 protest observers and former pro‐democracy activists. The data set presents an unprecedented number of voices from the average, non‐contentious general public, which are mostly missing in existing research on social movements. This approach generates a fresh perspective to better understand opportunities and constraints around movement entrepreneurs in hostile environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discursive experiences can contribute to shaping lives and their identities. For minoritized youth in Hong Kong, the 2019 protest movement provided many such experiences, although very little has been heard about them. Instead, reporting has focused on the experiences of the dominant Chinese population. This paper aims to highlight the voices of minoritized youth in relation to the social movement that dominated Hong Kong in the second half of 2019. It is well recognized that identity is not fixed and that there are more likely multiple identities that transition from one to the other. Yet little is known about the influences on identity formation and the processes that underlie them. This was the issue addressed here. The paper draws on Lacan’s theory of identity in examining interviews involving minoritized youth and their engagement in Hong Kong’s 2019 protest movement. It shows how individual responses to the movement differed, how the movement challenged identities, and how these challenges were resolved.

The article analyzes the main approaches to defining and understanding modern protest movements in the USA. The role of political protest as one of the forms of contentiouspoliticsis defined. The key importance of protest in the formation of mass social movements is clarified. The main theoretical approaches to defining the essence of the phenomenon and the concept of «social movement» are presented. The stages of development of modern protest movements and their key importance in the political life of the United States of America are studied.

Since 2012, judges and prosecutors in Benin have repeatedly protested against political interference and demanded compliance with their statutorily guaranteed independence. In 2014 and 2017, magistrates demonstrated in their judicial robes in the streets, protesting against the government's bill to deprive them of their right to strike and other freedoms. Benin has been described as a 'success story of democracy' (Stroh and Never, 2006, p. 1) and even as a 'model democracy' (cf. Kohnert, 1996, p. 78; Magnusson, 2001, p. 211; Bierschenk, 2009) since its peaceful transition to democratic conditions and its participation in a national conference in 1990/91. So why were magistrates in Benin demonstrating in the streets for the first time in the history of their profession? Based on fieldwork in Benin in 2009 and 2015 and archival research in 2017 in France, my paper analyses the change in the style of interactions between parts of the executive and parts of the judiciary in the history of the profession – a change from political negotiation to confrontation. Through their strikes and industrial action, magistrates fought for judicial independence; yet, at the same time they constructed legality and strengthened democracy because their actions emphasised the rule of law. My paper also considers the specifics of their strikes in the context of other striking civil servants. When magistrates, as bureaucrats, become politically active, it marks a transformation in their self-conception, as they are usually reserved and withdraw themselves from political and public spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Campos en Ciencias Sociales is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper examines formation, evolution and political perspectives of the Spanish radical left-wing populist party ‘We Can!’ (Podemos) in the face of growing support for populism in the the Southern European countries as well as in the European Union in general. The author identifies the origins and country-specific characteristics of the left-wing populism in Spain and provides the general overview of trends in the country’s party system since the middle of the 2000s, including the growing axiological, generational, political and ideological cleavages in the Spanish divided society. Special attention is paid to the political portrait of the Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias and the prospects for development of political situation in the country after his resignation and subsequent electoral defeat in the Autonomous Community of Madrid in May 2021. As such, this case study can provide some useful insights on the nature of populism in the EU member-states in general. In particular, the paper shows that the fragmentation of traditional political systems and the impacts of the sovereign debt crisis per se do not provide a sufficient explanation for the growing demand for populist rhetoric and charismatic leaders, but rather they have exposed certain structural economic and social imbalances. It is exactly these imbalances which traditional political parties are unable to address that create a breeding ground for various left- and right-wing parties and movements. As a result, the author concludes that populism will remain an essential element of political landscape in Spain despite all scandals that accompany populist politicians as the case of Pablo Iglesias has clearly demonstrated. At the same time the author emphasizes that it is this clear and imminent threat posed by the populist movements that may eventually serve as an impetus for a renewal of traditional parties and of the country’s political system in general.

Introduction. The basic reasons of increasing turbulence in the political sphere of different state entities are analyzed. It is emphasized that the main fault of this phenomenon was the active formation of the new social groups.Methodology and sources. A sociological analysis of stratification models of society, starting from the 19th century and up to our days in the context of the works of K. Marx, M. Weber, R. Florida, G. Stending, I. Vallerstein and others is used.Results and discussion. The conclusion is made that the political sphere itself is self-sufficient, political groupings play an independent and very important role, and new tendencies of the modern global market significantly change of the society.As new social groups are formed different factors of growth emerge which include functional flexibility and lack of guarantee of the working place. It can also asserted that technological progress at the present stage doesn’t recognize civilizational boundaries and ignores the factor of backwardness of some countries and regions which leads to ambiguous results and can cause social cataclysms.Conclusion. A number of important conclusions follow from these circumstances. Among the active participants and actious of participants there are no clear of stratification barriers. Financial indicators still play a role. Indicators of financial position, level of education, and professional classification in combination with other factor still play a role. Blurred social boundaries inevitably imply the absence of a solid ideological base, which is replaced by protest trends often unrelated to political events and demands. The actions of the green eco-activists or LGBT community can serve as an example. The problem is that the political individuals react actively to any movement, which make the sphere of political decisions lose its authentic character.

On 1 July 2020, a new National Security Law for Hong Kong has taken effect. It is intended to end the three-decade tradition of Hong Kong protests. While it might successfully suppress protests, it will not mitigate the grievances that Hong Kong’s citizens protest against. Politically, it restricts civil liberties of Hong Kong – quite the opposite of what the protesters call for. Economically, the law will come with a weakening of Hong Kong as a financial centre, particularly since it undermines the cybersecurity of financial services. This will most likely further fuel the economic challenges that underlie the demonstrations. The law also contributes to a further Mainlandization that disregards the call of many Hong Kong protesters to acknowledge Hong Kong’s post-colonial identity. While the Chinese Communist Party’s calculus that the introduction of the law during the coronavirus pandemic would reduce the political, economic and legal price it has to pay will turn out to be a misjudgement, the prospects for Hong Kong have turned to the worst.

Copyright of Ciencia Política is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A complete analysis of protest activity in the XXI century is not possible without an account of complex interrelations between online and offline behavior of different actors. Social media and the whole internet-space become a placement for new forms of behavior that transform the classical types of protest activity. Digital placements are not neutral to the communication due to specific laws and characteristics of online-interactions that affect the way actors try to communicate in the online and the extent they succeed doing that. This work investigates the influence of quantitative characteristics of text style on communication around protest movement in social media. The set of used characteristics consisted of mean length of a word in a post, the number of words in a post, a fraction of question marks over number of words in a post, a fraction of exclamation marks over number of words in a post, a fraction of brackets over over number of words in a post and a dummy on the difference between opening and closing brackets. Using regression analysis on a sample of original posts published in social media “Vkontakte” in 2018, we found that quantitative characteristics of text style have statistically significant impact on the promotion of the politically engaged posts. However, the predictive ability of these predictors to describe the variation between activity and broadness of protest communication in different context was inconsiderable.

The article inquires into structural prerequisites of the unprecedented political mobilization and solidarity of Belarusians who opposed the Lukashenka regime in the framework of the presidential election campaign and in the post-election period in 2020. Author argues that the structuring of the political field and the nature of hegemony in Belarusian society were determined by a remarkable reconfiguration of the relationship between the ethical and the political. By the ethical is understood self-determination of plural community in terms of choice between the good and the bad. By the political -- struggle for the right and opportunities to define laws/rules of social life and to control their implementation. The first part of the article is devoted to the analysis of the political antagonism that was characteristic of the election campaign after the creation of the joint headquarters by Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, Maria Kalesnikava and Veranika Tsapkala. It is shown that already at this stage a kind of ethical framing of political antagonism took place. The second part addresses the post-election period and thematizes a structural split between the ethical and the political that resulted from the outbreak of the state's unlimited physical violence. The split is conceived as an a priori structure that has determined new radical polarization in Belarusian society: on the one hand, there was the excess of the sovereign power (the sovereign'sauthorization of the use of the extraordinary violence), on the other hand, the ethics of nonviolence opposed to that excess by the plural democratic community. Author suggests to look at the post-electoral socio-political transformations in Belarus through the lenses of this confrontation between the ethics of nonviolence and the principle of sovereign power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The yellow vest movement started in November 2018 and has formed the longest protest movement in France since 1945. The movement provoked different reactions of the French government—on the one hand, violence and repression; on the other hand, concessions. One of them was to provide a possibility for citizens' participation by organizing the so-called "Grand Débat." It was clear to all observers that this was less an attempt to further democracy in France than to calm down the protests of the yellow vests. Thus, it seemed doubtful from the beginning whether this form of participatory democracy could be understood as a real form of citizens' deliberation, and in fact, several shortcomings with regard to procedure and participation were pointed out by theorists of deliberative democracy. The aim of this article is to analyze the Grand Débat with regard to its deliberative qualities and shortcomings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]