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As a fundamental communication tool, media has undergone transformative changes throughout history. This has a lot to do with education. Each era has been characterized by its own unique media paradigms, from the invention of the printing press in the 15th century to the emergence of radio and television in the 20th century. These paradigms not only define how information is disseminated but also shape the social and political landscapes of their respective periods. In the modern age, the emergence of digital technology and the internet has brought about a new media paradigm that deeply influences every aspect of human interaction and the fabric of society. Today, new media, characterized by its interactivity, decentralization, and unprecedented access, dominates our daily lives. The significance of new media, which affects individual behaviors and global politics, economy, and cultures, cannot be underestimated. This process is also of great importance in terms of education. In particular, media literacy education will enable the individual to personally prepare for or otherwise intervene in the positive or negative aspects of their interaction with the media. From connecting distant communities to altering the dynamics of political campaigns, the impact of new media is ubiquitous. However, along with these advantages, new challenges have also emerged. One of the most concerning aspects of this shift in media is the potential for its exploitation by malicious groups, particularly evident in the rise of "terror agencies" utilizing new media platforms. These organizations adeptly employ new media tools for propaganda, recruitment, and operations, forming a symbiotic relationship that poses significant threats to global security. This article explores how new media paradigms enable the existence of terrorist organizations, the place of education in this regard, and what this complex relationship means for our interconnected world.

New communication technologies express the transformation of traditional communication technologies in parallel with technological development. New media tools, such as propaganda tools in political elections, have become widespread in recent years. The use of social media in political elections has gained significant importance in recent years. Social media platforms provide an environment where political campaigns, candidates and voters can interact, and information sharing occurs quickly and widely. Candidates and political parties use social media platforms to deliver campaign messages, announce their policies, and communicate with voters. Through visual and written content, videos, live broadcasts and posts, candidates directly interact with voters and mobilize their supporters. Social media is an effective tool for spreading political propaganda and reaching large audiences with political information. Candidates and their supporters share various social media content to influence voters, defend their policies and persuade voters. Social media platforms gauge voters' opinions and preferences through surveys and feedback. Candidates and political parties seek feedback on social media to identify voters' expectations and concerns, shape their campaigns accordingly, and improve their policies. TRNC 2020 Presidential Elections is an essential topic for political science and international relations thesis studies. These elections provide a rich source for examining the political atmosphere of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, the election process, competition between candidates, election results, and political transformations. By discussing the use of social media in the 2020 TRNC Presidential elections, this research examined how the candidates used social media channels and what the reflections were by revealing the political communication languages of the propaganda and the differences it created in social perception. Qualitative research methods and scanning models will be used in the research. The candidates' use of social media in the 2020 TRNC Presidential elections was examined with their propaganda languages and statistics obtained in new media.

A silence in the resurgence of scholarship on W. E. B. Du Bois has been his work as an instructor. This article uses Du Bois's early teaching experiences and reflections on the "ugly" progress of schooling to ask: What should guide the pedagogy of sociology instructors when racial progress is so ugly? I sketch here a pedagogy inspired by Du Bois--who was "the teacher denied"--which is motivated by a positive notion of propaganda. Du Bois was a radical pedagogue whose mixed-methods instructional agenda informed a critical Black Sociology and bridges recent calls by American Sociological Association leadership for a discipline that is more emancipatory and educative. Embracing the right to propaganda gives pedagogical teeth to honest appraisals on racial progress. Triangulating art, science, and agitation in our pedagogy offers a general compass, and my article concludes with one direction that compass might lead: a classroom assignment where my undergraduate students became "print propagandists."

The present study aims to examine whether by promoting the socio-analytic thinking it is possible to intervene in the reliance on ethnic moral disengagement as a negative consequence of racial misleading news, that can seriously contribute to the diffusion of ethnic prejudice. We focus on the neglected phenomenon of racial hoaxes, which can be defined as misleading news stories dealing with health or safety threats, in which the protagonist is described in terms of ethnicity or nationality. The intervention procedure has been created starting from the well-established literature focused on media biases' reflection, integrated with the recent studies on 'mediated intergroup contact' where the observation of the person belonging to the outgroup is crucial for prejudice reduction. The intervention involved 83 adolescents (M[subscript age] = 13.9; SD[subscript age] = 0.9) and it was composed of two different parts, one focused on the analytical racial hoax reading, and the other focused on racial hoax rewriting after the 'mediated contact', represented by an alternative story given by the African protagonist. The results show that in dealing with misleading news, the promotion of this social-analytic processing reduces ethnic biases of moral disengagement. In particular, it was found that analytical processes are supported by the participants' level of propensity for analytical reasoning and that these processes directly hinder distorted ethnic beliefs. Overall, these results suggest that improving social-analytic processes related to reflexivity could be an effective intervention to counter those distorted beliefs, such as ethnic disengagement beliefs, associated with discrimination and racial prejudice.

More and more experts from the social sciences are appearing in the media to provide expert opinions on media coverage of events and social issues. However, with regard to the conditions under which media content is produced, a growing number of voices have been pointing to the fact that quasi-experts with a media interest tend to speak more in the media than scientifically trained scholars. This article conducts an analysis of media outputs to examine whether this criticism is relevant to the field of education in the Czech media landscape, and the analysis shows that in almost half of cases the so-called "education experts" commenting on education in the media were quasi-experts -- people to whom the authority and status to speak on education is attributed by the media -- rather than scholarly experts. The analysis results in a classification of experts on education speaking in the Czech media -- they usually choose similar rhetoric and accentuate only selected educational topics.

The manipulated or manufactured truth on social media platforms spreads false information to influence netizens' cognition, often resulting in fabricated social and political narratives. This study systematically reviews the literature on truth manipulation and its impact on the cognition of social media users. The primary focus is on disinformation, misinformation, fake news, and propaganda. The study appraises 162 peer-reviewed publications indexed in the Web of Science Core Collection database using the systematic review method. The data was put through a bibliometric analysis to unpack the evolutionary nuances of netizens' cognitive response to manufactured truth, informativity, and manipulation on social media. The study highlights emerging trends and issues from truth manipulation on social media. The bibliometric analysis reveals since 2017, there has been an increase in the trend of scholarly work about truth manipulation on social media and its effects on the cognition of netizens. The USA seems to be the most prominent node to contribute to the study of truth manipulation. The content analysis shows multiple aspects causing truth manipulation. This study also seeks ways and methods to prevent and counter truth manipulation on social media. It looks at the possibilities of altering netizens' cognitive abilities by improving their critical social media literacies through fact-checking. The study results show that knowledge gaps persist in truth manipulation on social media and the cognitional aspects in response to fabricated narratives. We emphasize the importance of further investigations in this domain.

Fake news can have enduring effects on memory and beliefs. An ongoing theoretical debate has investigated whether corrections (fact-checks) should include reminders of fake news. The familiarity backfire account proposes that reminders hinder correction (increasing interference), whereas integration-based accounts argue that reminders facilitate correction (promoting memory integration). In three experiments, we examined how different types of corrections influenced memory for and belief in news headlines. In the exposure phase, participants viewed real and fake news headlines. In the correction phase, participants viewed reminders of fake news that either reiterated the false details (complete) or prompted recall of missing false details (partial); reminders were followed by fact-checked headlines correcting the false details. Both reminder types led to proactive interference in memory for corrected details, but complete reminders produced less interference than partial reminders (Experiment 1). However, when participants had fewer initial exposures to fake news and experienced a delay between exposure and correction, this effect was reversed; partial reminders led to proactive facilitation, enhancing correction (Experiment 2). This effect occurred regardless of the delay before correction (Experiment 3), suggesting that the effects of partial reminders depend on the number of prior fake news exposures. In all experiments, memory and perceived accuracy were better when fake news and corrections were recollected, implicating a critical role for integrative encoding. Overall, we show that when memories of fake news are weak or less accessible, partial reminders are more effective for correction; when memories of fake news are stronger or more accessible, complete reminders are preferable.

If we live in a knowledge economy (Ford, 2021), then information literacy is a key to understanding the world and how we can shape it. Recently, there has been a renewed focus on information literacy (IL) as it pertains to misinformation, disinformation, and propaganda in both academics and popular media. However, most of the attention has been placed on outrageous claims and wild, often bigoted, conspiracy theories; very little attention has been paid to the more commonplace disinformation campaigns that support hegemony. This paper serves as both a brief recap of how we got here, but more so as a call to move beyond merely being critical, in the Frankfurt School sense, and taking a more revolutionary stand against the underlying cause of this disinformation: capitalism. What information is produced, how it is disseminated and promoted, how it is accessed, and how it is framed is determined by who owns and controls the methods of production and dissemination and within a capitalist system, such as the United States, the "who" are capitalists. Any attempts to understand information without acknowledging and compensating for that fact can never achieve its aim. Therefore, we need revolutionary information literacy to cut through the hegemonic veneer. Building on Freire's definition of literacy, revolutionary information literacy uses historical and dialectical materialism as the analytical lens to understand information and the context around it.

This article explores the causes of the epistemological crisis that gave rise to conspiracy theories which culminated in large swathes of the U.S. population refusing to accept the outcome of a democratic election. An epistemological crisis is defined by a blurring of facts and falsehoods to the degree that blatant and obvious propaganda holds sway over large segments of the population, resulting in truth decay. We provide an analysis of the propaganda themes collected and identified by the Computational Propaganda Project from April through July of 2020 that demonstrate their prevalence in American social media platforms. We then show how education may limit propaganda's deleterious effects. We approach our research in an interdisciplinary way from the fields of education and cultural anthropology and so contribute an angle to the current conversations about education in a democratic society that has not been the primary focus of educational thought.

In this study, I discuss the potential implementation of José Ricardo Morales' relevant dramatic literature (scripts) as an additional pedagogical learning tool for teaching the topics of media manipulation and propaganda in Chilean secondary schools. Moreover, this process encourages students to critically examine and discuss specific past and present-day local conflicts. From a qualitative approach, I analyze several learning objectives from the Chilean national curriculum frameworks that best suit the aforementioned topics developed and problematized in Morales' plays. As complementary, I discuss the previous results with eight randomly chosen secondary teachers and their students about using Morales' plays to teach particular topics in Chilean history. The results reveal that incorporating two of Morales' plays as a reading and writing activity can be helpful for secondary teachers to teach their students the topics of media manipulation and propaganda in authoritarian regimes from a contextualized perspective.

The research is focused on the emerging practices of digital photojournalism in war contexts, in relation to the use of user-generated content from social networks. The focal point is the coverage of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict by the two main online newspapers of the belligerent countries: Ukrayinska Pravda and Rossiyskaya Gazeta. From the analysis of an initial sample of 7,194 articles (6,646 Ukrainian and 548 Russian), published during the first semester of the war, the preferred type of graphic content and the degree of presence of images from the different social platforms will be determined. Likewise, the article offers a theoretical innovation on the current state of the routine of war digital photojournalism, introducing the definition of the concept of "false collective source" due to the appropriation of mechanisms of collective intelligence for potential propaganda purposes. The informative use of the social web has generated a transition from "gatekeeping" to "gatewatching" that makes it necessary to review the state of the art to avoid a possible instrumentalization of the role of users. Finally, a decalogue is proposed to combat digital illiteracy and identify new appropriation practices, by distinguishing the use of the social web as an information source versus its use as a mere distribution channel.

The graphic edition of Snyder's "On Tyranny" (2021) states "truth dies in four modes," which is a contemporary synthesis connected to Klemperer's "Language of the Third Reich" (1957). The researchers connected these four modes to information literacy (IL) instruction - but would others? The researchers surveyed academic librarians engaged in IL instruction on whether they felt they addressed any of the modes in their work. The researchers also asked whether they believe the ACRL "Framework for Information Literacy for Higher Education" works to circumvent any of the four modes. Nearly 150 librarians responded and, while most respondents were unfamiliar with the two texts referenced and their thoughts were mixed, many saw their work and the "Framework" as antagonistically related to Mode 1 (Open Hostility to Verifiable Reality). This paper discusses survey results and their implications for better understanding of how academic librarians engaged in IL instruction view their work in a socio-political context.

The language vitality of non-dominant communities has gained increasing attention worldwide with international declarations and national legislation enacted to protect the right of non-dominant language use and development. As information and communication technology (ICT) has spread, extending ICT to ethnic or indigenous languages has lagged. Nevertheless, their use on social media and other platforms has been growing rapidly, raising the question of their role in supporting non-dominant language vitality. In 2020 in China, non-dominant languages were used on various social media platforms to communicate anti-COVID messages. Drawing on language revitalisation frameworks, the investigators explore how the global pandemic has provided minority nationalities in west China the opportunity to increase recognition of their cultures and languages. We explore how minority communities in Yunnan and Gansu provinces in western China participated in China's anti-Covid-19 campaign through the creation and dissemination of multilingual materials of different forms, genres, and modes on ICT social media platforms. We argue that using multilingual and multimodal ICT platforms to publicise countermeasures against Covid-19 has the potential to contribute to recognition and use of languages of non-dominant ethnic communities and revitalisation of heritage languages and cultures.

Integrated river science provides decision-making life-skills for individuals and communities facing environmental change; it is a variant of critical physical geography through its socio-political dimensions. As an example, the frequency and magnitude of river flooding are amplified by climate change: society needs to understand how to cope through learning, adaptative behaviour and planning. Choices should be informed by trusted science that can only be delivered by education, to avoid "knee jerk" post-hazard reactions. We examine curricula and resources in physical geography for England to judge if they make river science more pervasive and persuasive. "Scales" of causation and impact remain a central geographical focus. The concept of "place" is revitalized: environmental processes harnessed to improve resilience. Literacy and numeracy skills to communicate and predict need improving, to ensure that students understand problems sufficiently well to identify the best long-term, rigorously assessed options. Higher education has a hub role for empowering lay individuals, communities and professionals but the core learning principles need to be set at school. We conclude the current physical geography river science content is not fit for future needs, notably at A-Level. Weaknesses include naivety about river processes (water and sediment movement), arcane jargon, absence of a catchment-wide approach to river management, and inadequate links between disciplined fieldwork and databases. Contemporary community dimensions of social learning, argument and countering myths are also weakly developed.

As China increasingly engages in global human rights mechanisms, it has demonstrated a commitment to reforming its national curriculum. Through examining textbooks published during Xi Jinping's tenure, this study investigates how China embeds human rights issues in the English language curriculum. The findings indicate that the human rights issues addressed in the English textbooks have surpassed China's official revisionist narrative. This can be attributed more to the inherent features of the discipline of English than to a deliberate state strategy. Human rights issues are sorted into three categories: strictly taboo, decontextualised, and actively promoted. The meticulously constructed narratives highlight China's leadership in addressing global issues while avoiding critical examination of its domestic human rights situation. As a result, genuine social issues in human rights education (HRE) are overshadowed by propaganda. This study concludes that China's commitment to HRE largely remains an empty promise.

The proliferation of deepfakes and visual misinformation coupled with the fast-paced nature of social media has prompted an increased need for media literacy skills among emerging citizens. The unit activity detailed in this article overviews a media literacy framework for engaged citizenship and presents media literacy strategies that emerging citizens can use when confronted with mis/disinformation on social media. The approaches include SIFT and a four-step process for debunking misinformation. As students participate in this media literacy unit activity, which is focused on debunking deepfakes and halting the spread of mis/disinformation, they acquire tools for discerning truth and learning how to think critically before responding to and advancing the spread of misinformation. Courses: The unit activity is relevant for courses that address digital media, fake news, mass media and society, media literacy, and misinformation, including Digital Media, Fake News and Misinformation, Media Studies, Media Literacy, Political Communication, Rhetoric and Pop Culture, and Visual Communication. Objectives: This activity will enable students to (1) differentiate between disinformation, misinformation, and fake news in relevant media content; (2) identify and analyze examples of deepfakes, misinformation, and disinformation; (3) summarize and apply the 5 As of Media Literacy framework to a current event; and (4) employ media literacy strategies, including SIFT and a debunking approach, to respond to and halt the spread of visual misinformation on social media.

This paper uses critical discourse analysis and critical literacy to analyze the first in a series of literacy primers developed with US support for children in Afghanistan in the 1980s, called 'Jihad literacy'. The text is analyzed for its ideological content as related to the themes of religion, violence, and martyrdom in the historical perspective of the Cold War and the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan. The paper demonstrates how the notion of 'Jihad' was subverted to promote a holy war against the Soviet invasion. The educational system supported by the US created a radical version of Islam based on violence and martyrdom, shaping the Afghan society to this day. We contend that the same or similar institutions shape current discourses as in the past and that children are the main victims of politico-economic warfare.

U.S. libraries and classrooms are under siege by private and governmental entities working to simultaneously ban/remove justice-focused literature and inundate these spaces with reactionary/ultra-conservative materials. It is within this educational crisis that we conducted a critical content analysis of the award-winning, best-selling historical fiction series, "Rush Revere: Time Travel Adventures with Exceptional Americans" by Rush Limbaugh. The analysis worked to answer two central research questions: How does the "Rush Revere" series promote white lies about U.S. history? and What curricular violence is enacted through the "Rush Revere" series? Findings illuminate how each book individually centralizes an aspect of white supremacy exceptionalism, capitalism, militarism, patriotism, paternalism - that collectively then creates the infrastructure to indoctrinate young readers into white supremacist ideology.

This paper analyses the Chinese party-state's production of visual racism towards Uyghurs as a discursive foundation for its ethnic policy, as globally reproduced and disseminated by non-state actors. The paper draws from theoretical literature on the relationship between visual politics and affect, stressing the need for visual literacy to reflect on how images emotionally affect audiences' identities and insecurities. It focuses this analysis on education texts in China's post-2012 'de-extremification' and 're-education' campaigns, specifically on how images tell stories about life-or-death security issues that define Chinese identity. Chinese education about Uyghurs tends to frame Uyghur identities as racialised, culturally external existential threats to be defeated by state violence or teaching them to be Chinese. However, Uyghurs' own visibility strategies in global advocacy counter the party-state's imagery by centring their lives and experiences. The article shows how these strategies can be used as resources for teaching about Chinese politics and society.

It is widely believed that we are facing a problem, even a crisis, caused by so-called "echo chambers" and "filter bubbles." Here, David Coady argues that this belief is mistaken. There is no such problem, and we should refrain from using these neologisms altogether. They serve no useful purpose, since there is nothing we can say with them that we cannot say equally well or better without them. Furthermore, they cause a variety of harms, including, ironically, a tendency to narrow public debate within predetermined limits.

In line with Andrew Culp's work "Dark Deleuze" (2016) and in opposition to the tendency in some education studies communities to selectively engage affirmative and vitalist dimensions of Deleuze's work, this article engages the radical critical theory foundation of "Anti-Oedipus" (1972/2009) by exploring anatomies of desire at work around students and animals in educational practice. Desiring-machines, with their capacity to produce repression as much as revolution; freedom as much as fascism and slavery take on specific and outlandish manifestations in the presence of animals in different educational settings. Drawing on ethnographic data from upper secondary school and higher education, the article identifies the subjectivation of students to implements of animal killing and control, and to the risk of physical harm accompanying work with wild animals, as constitutive anatomies of desire in these settings. The article argues that the way society and education make use of animals is emblematic of multiple and accelerating social-ecological crises. Emerging from Deleuze and Guattari's unsettling question, why we invest in the systems that destroy us, is not only a hierarchical human exceptionalism, but an invasive human expansionism that forces itself upon other species as well as upon philosophy of education in the 21st century.

The wars of the 21st century are not the first media wars, and many tropes and schema have long histories, particularly propaganda and the othering of a purported enemy. What is new today is that although mass media remains a central and hegemonic source of insight and perspective, citizen journalism, social media, spreadable media, and surveillant, data-driven media have grown in significance at an exponential level, adding a layer of complexity. In this article, we focus on disparity in media coverage and make the point that media and information literacy provide a valuable set of lenses from which to view a cluster of news and social media accounts taken from the government, mainstream media, alternative media, and the DIY mediasphere of the social media. It centers on two conflicts that receive little media exposure--the Nagorno-Karabash conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the internal Anglo-Francophone conflict in Cameroon. It also offers examples of classroom activities that could be adapted and modified to most educational settings.

Many American parents, whose dream is to have their kids enrolled in one of the elite American Universities, do not suspect that the realization of this dream will result in the almost guaranteed leftist indoctrination of their children. The dominance of leftist ideology at elite American universities has serious implications not only on the process of education but also on scientific research--a fact that the academic left not only admits but celebrates. In this article, Yuriy V. Karpov examines how through the conveyance of its graduates into influential positions in corporations, state bureaucracies, and the media, elite universities propagate leftist ideas throughout American life.

During the period 1922-37, both the British and Italians launched institutes for educational cinematography and collaborated in the creation of the League of Nations' International Educational Cinematographic Institute. Their leading newspapers dedicated entire sections to the advertising of educational campaigns through cinema. Comparing official documents and the print apparatus about the establishment and the activities of two institutes for educational cinema in Europe gives us a perception of how similarly and differently the British and Italians used their educational films to convey imperial sentiments and rhetoric into civilian life during fifteen years of colonial rule.

In recent years, news media have increased reporting about alleged foreign interference in universities worldwide. A flurry of new policies has followed. This article reviews discourse and policy on foreign interference in higher education in select countries. It identifies the alleged perpetrators and victims, the victims' concerns and responses, and the voices shaping the narrative about foreign interference. We combine the concepts of sharp power and right-wing authoritarianism to inform a discourse analysis and comparative policy analysis of a data set of 161 news articles and related media sources spanning a 30-month period of 2019-2021. Our findings highlight how government actors within the United States and Australia drive the international English-language discourse about Chinese foreign interference in a polarized media environment. We observe well-founded fears of China's exploitation of international students and research collaborations to the detriment of national security. At the same time, a resurgent worldwide authoritarian movement is also exploiting these concerns to augment longstanding assaults on higher education. Our study helps to bridge the gap between the primarily positive framing of the internationalization of higher education in scholarly discourse and the negative focus on foreign interference in higher education in the media, government, and other public discourse. It also serves as an important introduction to this phenomenon and call to action for scholars of the internationalization of higher education to conduct further research and actively engage in the broader discourse around this topic.

Political communication exemplifies rhetoric and propagandist approach in its various forms, among which the Aristotle's rhetorical theory and its three aspects, ethos, pathos and logos are the major ones. This study used these three as indicators of public rhetoric in the context of Indonesian parliamentarian speeches This study used a qualitative research design, to produce descriptive data comprising sampled speech excerpts of parliamentarians. Secondary data from journals, books, documents, websites, media helped in sustaining the rhetorical criticism. The data was analyzed using data reduction techniques prior to describing, clarifying, and interpreting the data. The study took a discourse analytical approach to find out the implied ideas in the sampled speech excerpts. The theoretical dimensions explained by Wodak (2012) and Fairclough (2000a, 2000b) helped this study to analyze the linguistic data and find out the structures intended by the speakers. The study findings imply that the parliamentarians who speak on the policy of handling COVID-19 in Indonesia are largely determined by their position, whether from parties supporting the government or the opposition. The application of the Aristotelian three principles would provide useful insights to understand the objectives and impact of the political speeches.

The role of advertising animation film as a political motivate in the contemporary reality strategy through multimedia in the research scale of universal unilateral force "America". And this reflection on the animation industry, which made the US authorities and capital owners as a political motivate towards political trends and political changes within and outside America worldwide, and this impact and reflection of our country Egypt and monitoring the effects and results of modern political changes in the contemporary Egyptian reality, and the need to presence of an national Egyptian defensing resistant to Western ideologies, especially the American ideology, which push the changes towards her interests and her advantages as well as the need for writing the history of our contemporary reality by Ourselves via all multimedia forms until they are not forging for the facts or the history with different ideology of the good Egyptian thought. Referring to the futurology, which was concentered with it by the century. As "Dr./Salah Qunsoua "pointed at introduction Book, entitled "The clash of Civilizations" composed by: Samuil Hentgton -- In response to what the current events causes in the world, like problems and questions, do not find their solutions, or responses in previous models, samples, tribes, familiar and accepted theories until recently. As the contemporary world status, which America & Western Europe present the motivate of what facts happen and destroy the theories stabilized from the analysis of an interpretation.

The contexts of social and political polarization are generating new forms of communication that affect the digital public sphere. In these environments, different social and political actors contribute to extreme their positions, using bots to create spaces for social distancing where hate speech and incivility have a place, a phenomenon that worries scientists and experts. The main objective of this research is to analyze the role that these automated agents played in the debate on social networks about the Spanish Government's management of the global COVID-19 pandemic. For this, "Social Big Data Analysis" techniques were applied: machine learning algorithms to know the positioning of users; bot detection algorithms; "topic modeling" techniques to learn about the topics of the debate on the web, and sentiment analysis. We used a database comprised of Twitter messages published during the confinement, as a result of the Spanish state of alarm. The main conclusion is that the bots could have served to design a political propaganda campaign initiated by traditional actors with the aim of increasing tension in an environment of social emergency. It is argued that, although these agents are not the only actors that increase polarization, they do contribute to deepening the debate on certain key issues, increasing negativity.

The article is devoted to the autobiographical texts by E.A. Malov, a missionary and a teacher of the Kazan Theological Academy during the second half of the 19th-early 20th centuries. This period of time was characterized by a massive apostasy in the Kazan province of Orthodox newly baptized and old-baptized "foreigners" to Islam or paganism, which largely predetermined the specifics of the academy scientific work and its professors. The texts are written in the form of a diary describing the reflections on the implementation of a missionary campaign among Muslims and Orthodox "foreigners" and the conversations with shakirds and mullahs of the Kazan province during the second half of the 19th-early 20th centuries. E.A. Malov's diaries are directly related to his missionary activity, in which he participated actively throughout his life. Unlike many autobiographical texts that belonged to the clergy of that period, the Kazan missionary's diaries do not reflect the facts from his personal, and family life. The author of the diaries formulated the principles of "missionary science", the methods of refuting paganism and the Islamic religion. The texts of the diaries show that E.A. Malov strove to establish clear disciplinary boundaries of "missionary science," based mainly on historical criticism of sources, requiring specialized training. It is concluded that this source can be considered as one of the valid educational references in the field of propaganda science.

This paper shows how a significant, but short-lived, episode in Scotland's educational history--the rise and decline of Socialist Sunday Schools (SSSs) in the first half of the twentieth century--provoked controversial debates about issues that continue to have relevance today. The first half of the paper explains the origins of SSSs, their links to adult political groups, the form and content of their meetings, and publications designed to advance their agenda. It also describes the criticisms they received from religious leaders and Conservative politicians, on the grounds that they undermined faith and preached revolution. This leads into the second part, which considers whether SSSs might be regarded as agencies of indoctrination, promoting a version of citizenship that sought to subvert existing institutions and disrupt the social order. It is argued that complete neutrality in educational systems is not possible and that a study of the SSS movement has considerable potential as an educational resource, particularly for teachers of history, politics and social studies.

Recognizing the need to prepare elementary education teacher-candidates to implement state-mandated curriculum, a Genocide Studies Unit was developed. This study evaluated the effectiveness of the Unit in building preservice teachers' knowledge-base and efficacy levels with a mind toward preparing teachers to implement difficult content more effectively. Participants reported increased content knowledge about genocide studies, and expressed confidence in teaching sensitive and challenging topics in their classrooms.

The learning outcomes concerning the characteristics of persuasive communication are specified within Turkish curriculum from 4th grade onward. Depending on the field and purpose, persuasive communication exhibits different characteristics. Turkish language education program addresses such general characteristics of media texts as cultural transmission, interpretation, elucidating, entertaining and persuading. In Turkish courses, activities regarding the characteristics of persuasive education are not implemented. Therefore, this particular study primarily aimed to provide activities concerning persuasive communication instruction with the aim of assisting secondary school students analyze and interpret media texts. In this mixed methods study, the data were collected through literature review, pre-post test and course activities towards persuasive communication used in education, public relations, advertisement and propaganda. The activities were carried out with 14 voluntary students attending 7th grade in a Turkish state school. Pre and post-test activities were assessed by two experts. The results were keyed into SPSS 18 program. The data were analyzed via paired sample t-test and Wilcoxon Test together with students' opinions. Based on students' performances evaluated prior to, during and after the activity, it has been concluded that learning towards the characteristics of persuasive communication occurs with a significant level. As a result, teaching the characteristics of persuasive communication in Turkish lessons should be considered.

Today, as many as two million Uighurs (WEE-guhrs)--a predominately Muslim, Turkish ethnic minority group--in China's northwest Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) have been arbitrarily detained in highly-secretive, government-run mass detention centers. After years of conducting intensive surveillance--which included the collecting of biometric data and the seizing of passports--the Chinese government began imprisoning hundreds of thousands under the guise of expelling religious extremism. These detention centers have been likened to the concentration camps of Nazi Germany; and satellite imagery, leaked government documents, and testimony from released Uighur detainees have revealed numerous accounts of torture, starvation, brainwashing, organ harvesting, sexual harassment, and even execution occurring inside the camps. However, while the international community has covered the crisis, it has not been covered in sufficient depth to result in any form of large-scale, cohesive international action to protect the Uighurs. Through an analysis of over 400 news articles obtained from the ProQuest News and Newspapers database, this thesis investigates the potential reasons for why this massive-scale human rights violation has failed to garner substantial international action to put a stop to the Chinese government's systematic repression of the Uighurs. Three theories are presented for this apparent global apathy: (1) Our international human rights organizations are ineffective and lack an enforcement component, (2) China's strict censorship laws, propaganda, and misinformation campaigns have been relatively successful in keeping the issue out of international spotlight, and (3) China is a global economic superpower upon which the rest of the world relies, and we are afraid to question its legitimacy in terms of human rights.

Academic racism is an intellectualized and race-based ideology of hatred fostered and propagated in classrooms and newsrooms. In this article, William Howard asserts that rather than transparent, unadorned, visceral hatred, academic racism consists of a maze of theory that conceals visceral hatred under a veneer of intellectualism and enlightenment. Its object is to attain political power. Now that the woke have attained that power, they intend, with the leadership of the President of the United States, to institutionalize their own racism. He goes on to say that those who authorize themselves to accuse others of racism are the racists themselves. Further, he argues that the ideology of academic racism has been concocted in the laboratory of leftist ideologies: American universities. Academic racism is not about remediation of a social problem; it is about discrediting and demoralizing the citizens of a country as a pretext for taking it over. Howard resolves that academic racism is intellectual futility transformed into hatred and power-seeking. But if educators teach students the thought of Yeats, Ellul, Orwell, Arendt, and other champions of freedom, they can equip them to detect and reject malicious racial propaganda and discover truthful principles. And one day they can look back and say that academic racism was just academic after all.

Across various forms of media, Muslims are often portrayed as a homogenous group prone to violence, yet scholars have increasingly called upon schools and teachers to transcend stereotypes and prepare students to understand Muslims in more thoughtful and nuanced ways. This qualitative case study recounts how students and a teacher in a high school multicultural studies class investigated problematic media materials about Islam sent by an organization called the Christian Seniors Association. Drawing upon Mihailidis's (2014) 5A's of Media Literacy heuristic, I analyzed field notes from classroom observations, interviews, and student produced artifacts. Findings revealed how a teacher's use of questioning techniques and encouragement of close readings of texts supported students to critically analyze media materials. Yet, opportunities for students to address issues of power and take up activist-oriented roles in responding to media were limited. Implications are offered for research and practice.

In sharp contrast to the musings of a senior student, the mandatory history texts follow a narrow provincial orientation. The recently introduced Quebec high school history program offers adolescents a slanted narrative devoid of larger interconnected contexts as hailed; for example, by Oakeshott (2004), MacMillan (2009), and/or Canadine (2013). In our view, secondary students are forced to travel a historical journey that deals with Canadian and Quebec events through a "unique" Quebec lens (Woods, 2014). The widely engrained twenty-first century concept of global interconnectedness, first articulated on a wide scale over a hundred years ago (Wells, 1920), has been replaced by one anchored in a retro-nineteenth-century construct viewing only carefully selected unconnected historical snippets devoid of a contextualized narrative. Anchored in a narrow political perspective, this secondary course of study forces adolescents into a stilted and fragmented "patch-work" historical landscape. This journey silences many voices, brushes others from the chronicle, and twists recognized historiography to fit a specific contemporary self-determined internalized orientation. We review the official course of study to unpack several major world themes demonstrating this constrained point-of-view via a close investigation of one of the approved English language student texts. Further, we illustrate how the deliberate manipulation of historical stories, as well as "alternate facts," leads adolescents into a realm deprived of meaningful connections.

This article consists of two study areas, examining Chinese international students' experiences pursuing American higher education in the Age of Trump and COVID- 19. Despite different issues explored in each area, these issues have a common theme of better understanding the current generation of Chinese international students against the backdrop of Sino-US tensions, the global pandemic, and anti- Asian racism in the US. Drawing on theories in international education, the first area stresses the role of human agency and demonstrates that Chinese students tend to live and study resiliently amid current heightened uncertainties. The other one focuses on how Chinese international students perceive race and racism in the US. Through semi-structured interviews and follow-up text exchanges at the climax of two anti-racist US social movements, the Black Lives Matter and Stop Asian Hate, the findings reveal that Chinese students held contrastive views on race and racism before and after their arrival, due to the disjuncture between ideological indoctrination in the home country and experiential exploration in the host country. [Note: The publication year (2022) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct publication year for this article is 2021.]

In 2004 China began establishing Confucius Institutes at universities around the world with the aim of promoting Chinese language and culture. At their peak, more than 100 operated at universities in the United States. Questions surrounding Confucius Institutes have existed since they first began to proliferate, and in 2018 the federal government responded to those concerns with policy changes tied to federal funding to encourage the closure of Confucius Institutes in the United States. This paper uses critical discourse analysis to examine how the language of university press releases relays the ideological and power dimensions involved in the decision to close a campus Confucius Institute in the United States and how the language used in university issued press releases reflects the broader discourse surrounding Confucius Institutes and U.S.-Sino relations.

Scout Rally at Birmingham and Imperial Scout Exhibition organised in July of 1913 by the Boy Scouts Association constituted educational propaganda of the British Empire. The term "imperial", which was used in the British press, reflects the ideological meaning of this outsized event which gathered scouts from the United Kingdom and its dominions, and much smaller groups of scouts from Europe, including quite numerous groups from Poland. In the eyes of Poles, British "imperialism" or "patriotism" confronted as an ideal compared to Russian and German rule, and their attitudes were enthusiastically Anglomaniacal. This is the psychological key to understand the attractiveness of performing on the British arena for the representation of the young generation of Poles who were invited. For Polish scouts, the Scout Rally in Birmingham was an opportunity to demonstrate not only their skills but also patriotism as a function of political presence. This is how the Polish press understood these things, and which after the British -- what needs to be emphasised -- paid the most attention to the events in Birmingham. The most important Polish dailies publishing in Cracow, Warsaw, Poznan, and Lvov (now Lviv) closely followed the course of the rally, which was given the rank of success by a two-sentence "depeche" from London and a lengthy letter published in the "Czas" daily paper. The object of interest for the author of the article is the book written by the founder of Polish scouting, Andrzej Malkowski, which constitutes a noteworthy record of observations made by him during the Scout Rally as well as those made by other organisers of the Polish delegation's trip and of letters from journalists who accompanied this delegation and sent their correspondence to the Polish press from Birmingham, London, and Paris. Only one journalist broke out from apologetic opinions about the excellent performance of Polish scouts, who noticed shortcomings in performance and wrote about them. The article introduces the content of these letters and interprets and compares them. The opinion about the triumphant rally in Birmingham rooted firmly in Polish public opinion, constituting an important element of the founding myth of Polish scouting, which in the history of this movement is worth noting.

This article takes a close look at the Czech children's magazine "Materídouška" from 1945 to 1989 and analyses it as a historical source for children's subjectivities in a socialist society. "Materídouška's" promotion of happy socialist childhoods employed aesthetic strategies and narratives that combined strict norms with readers' participation and thus invited the child reader to take part in the development of its own socialist subjectivity.

This article examines textual traces of the standard language ideology within current education policy in England, focusing on post-2010 reforms which are characterised by a (re)shift towards conservatism, discipline, and standards. Using tools and methods from critical stylistics and the critical discourse analysis of language policy, I interrogate a number of mechanisms which textually reinforce and reproduce the standard language ideology: curriculum documents, assessment instruments, national test materials and guidance for teachers. Whilst previous criticisms of current policy have focused on individual policy mechanisms, in this article I examine these mechanisms as a cluster, showing how they work together as de facto language policy. I show how teachers are presented with a de-historicised and de-politicised version of standardised English which masks the structural power relations that are embedded in language, and how they are constructed as standard language role-models who have a professional duty to reproduce the standard language ideology.

This paper explores how Japan employed language education to justify Japanese imperial surveillance practices by examining the depiction of policemen and military police officers in Japanese language textbooks used by Korean primary students during the colonial period under Japanese rule. The analysis of the Japanese language textbooks used during this period uncovered the colonial educational goals and ideologies presented to Korean students, the ideal colonial citizens desired by the ruling system, and colonial aims furthered. This study investigates the ideologies presented in the textbooks using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Visual Image Analysis (VIA) by analyzing eight textbooks that were used in Japan and Korea. Both images and texts relating to Japanese government officials in the textbooks for Koreans from the colonial era are analyzed. The study reveals that the textbooks positioned Korean students to accept and integrate Japanese ideologies and attempted to indoctrinate Koreans into believing that the Japanese government officials were kind and cooperative, while also maximizing their authority over the colonized in their portrayal. The portrayal of government officials in the textbooks further reinforced this by showing the colonized having to display good behavior to authority figures, while not conveying any negative images of the government officials.