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Many public health experts worried that Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s presidential campaign would elevate an anti-vaccine movement that's seen its reach and fundraising skyrocket since the COVID-19 pandemic. But a closer look at what's happening in state governments shows that Kennedy—America's most famous anti-vaxxer—isn't the leading edge of the anti-vaccine movements effort to make inroads in electoral politics. At a time when routine school vaccination rates are dropping to precarious lows in many places, the anti-vaccine movement has seen great success in getting supportive politicians elected, and notching previously unattainable wins in statehouses across the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article undertakes a critical examination of the paucity of political ideology within Nigeria's party system, with a particular focus on the 2023 presidential election. It further explores the ramifications of this deficiency on the political landscape and developmental trajectory of the country. In liberal democracies, political ideology plays a crucial role in shaping the political system and determining the course of a state's political and economic development, but Nigeria's political landscape currently suffers from a lack of ideology. Political parties in Nigeria are not driven by ideas, beliefs, and values. They are not groups of individuals who share a common ideology, but rather serve as platforms for patronage and wealth accumulation for the political elites. This article advances the argument that the lack of political ideology in Nigerian politics weakens the political system and creates a democratic deficit. These factors challenge the process of democratic development in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberalism advances democratic rights and representation through three principles. First, it seeks to protect individuals from abusive state power. Second, it shares an affinity with the epistemology of the Enlightenment, where an objective world can be discovered and observed. Third, it limits "tyranny of the majority" through civil liberties that counter the weight of public opinion and political rights that enable political competition of ideas. Rapidly evolving demands for recognition in the United States have advanced a broad critique of liberalism, highlighting the boundaries it imposes on representation as well as its limited success protecting rights. This essay traces disenchantment with liberalism to two very different sources: first, many progressives who resent how the jurisprudence of equal opportunity obscures efforts to achieve actual equality reject "anonymity" under the law-removing a core civil rights principle for promoting fairness. Such demands for more explicit rights and representation conflict with the majoritarian model's application of liberalism, which biases cultural assimilation over multicultural integration. Movements for recognition increasingly challenge both assimilation and the institutional devices of multicultural integration. The other source of tension around recognition comes from the right, where populists have set out to revive nativist ideas of coerced assimilation or outright homogenization through exclusion (ie, nonrecognition). Such failures of representation have promoted subjectivist views as a credential for contesting facts. The paper argues for "pluralist solidarity" as a tool for reconciling multiculturalism with new rights and demands for recognition emanating from liberalism's traditions of individual liberty. This device aims to help separate the quest for recognition and dignity from the subjectivity that contributes to post-truth politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the 2024 presidential election campaign, the proliferation of memes as a medium of public and supporter expression has become increasingly prominent. Memes serve as a vehicle for political commentary, often reflecting public sentiment and opinion. However, a significant concern arises from the pervasive use of linguistic impoliteness within these memes. This study aims to examine the phenomenon of linguistic impoliteness in memes related to the 2024 presidential election. Employing a descriptive qualitative research method, data were collected from a variety of meme images sourced from the internet. The analysis reveals that linguistic impoliteness in these memes manifests in several forms, including bald on-record impoliteness, positive impoliteness, negative impoliteness, sarcasm, and the withholding of politeness. These forms of impoliteness not only reflect the aggressive nature of political discourse but also have the potential to incite conflict among different political factions. The findings suggest a need for more responsible meme usage, particularly in politically charged contexts, to foster a healthier and more constructive political dialogue. The study concludes that while memes are a powerful tool for political expression, their potential to exacerbate tensions should not be overlooked. Implications for future research include exploring strategies for mitigating the negative impact of impoliteness in online political communication.

This research aims to analyze the capital market reaction to the event study of Prabowo-Gibran's victory in the Indonesian Presidential Election by comparing the variables of stock price, stock return and Infobank15 stock trading volume activity in the research period 20 days before and 20 days after the announcement on March 20 2024. Including quantitative research because the data taken is secondary data sourced from idx.co.id where the population which is also a sample is 15 leading banks with good performance according to the Indonesian Stock Exchange. The research results reveal that there is no difference in the average stock price, average stock return and average TVA before and after the announcement of Prabowo-Gibran's victory.

Technological developments with the use of artificial intelligence in political communication, especially during the presidential election. AI in addition could take part in the presidential and vicepresidential elections of Indonesia in 2024. The objective of this research is to dissect artificial intelligence as a potential strategy that may be implemented during the upcoming elections within digital era. The role of artificial intelligence will be studied to assess the influence that is still being widely spread by artificial intelligence. The systematic literature review (SLR) was used as the methodology. The results of this study are of importance for supporting the assumption that it is possible to influence public opinion with AI analysis, increase voter participation and utilize AI for political campaign strategies. Steps involved in systematic literature review process include stating research objectives, developing, and validating review methods, searching literature, selecting articles for inclusion, assessing article quality, forming data findings, data analysis and reporting results. As such measures demonstrate, use of artificial intelligence (AI) in political communication can shape public discourse, serve as a campaign strategy, and offer more tailored interactions between politicians and electorate. Trust and democratic integrity call on promoting transparency, ethics, and data security above everything else. Therefore, for achieving full potential of AI in context of political communication field, political practitioners, researchers as well as policy makers can receive considerable suggestions out of this research study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute / Selçuk Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Journal of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, the geographical factor has been increasingly studied in electoral processes. The purpose of this study is to identify and explore the spatial pattern of votes in the first round of Afghanistan's presidential election in 2019. The votes of 14 election candidates at the district level was collected from Independent Election Commission (IEC). To measure spatial autocorrelation and identify spatial patterns, global and local Moran Index were used. The results of Moran's index are positive for the votes of all candidates, which indicates the spatial cluster pattern. Then clusters and outliers were investigated according to the ethnic map. The results show that the ethnicity factor is important in the formation of spatial clusters of electoral votes in Afghanistan. Spatial approach increases our understanding of the important processes that can be caused by the context conditions in each area. Thus, this research provides an accurate scientific support for further research in the field of political science, political and social geography of Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the effects of presidential elections (PEs) on firms' accounting conservatism in Korea. The Korean president exerts great influence on the government's financial, monetary, subsidiary, and regulatory policies. At the same time, however, the Korean constitution prohibits the re‐election of the incumbent president. This simultaneously strong and fragile presidential system creates unique political uncertainty, which deteriorates the information gap between firms' insiders and outsiders. According to the efficient contracting channel, accounting conservatism is expected to relieve information asymmetry by recognizing the economic losses faster than economic gains. But we posit that the effectiveness of accounting conservatism depends on the information environment within which they operate. If the information environment facilitates a compensation system for an increase in accounting conservatism under high uncertainty, managers may prefer to expand conservative accounting practices. However, if there is no such incentive mechanism, managers may opt to suspend accounting conservatism because the cost of revealing bad news increases during periods of uncertainty. Test results show that PEs encourage managers to delay rather than expedite the timely recognition of economic losses. This negative effect becomes more pronounced in firms with higher reliance on government contracts than firms with lower such reliance. We also find that Korean chaebol‐affiliated firms are likely to increase accounting conservatism during PEs. In general, US‐based studies support the positive relationship between information asymmetry and accounting conservatism, while this study demonstrates that this relationship can be reverse depending on the institutional environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The authors construct two time-varying political connection (PC) indexes to measure a firm's political tendencies toward ruling and opposing parties and analyze whether a firm with ruling party tendencies obtains better bank loan contracts compared to the contracts obtained by a firm with opposing party tendencies and a firm with fixed PC tendencies. Design/methodology/approach: Linguistic text mining is used to construct the two time-varying PC indexes from news sources that reflect the tone and frequencies of characteristic texts to determine a firm's tendencies to favor the ruling or opposing parties. Findings: The results show that varying PC firms connected to the ruling party receive preferential loan contracts when their political tendencies increase but varying PC firms connected to the opposition party do not. In contrast, fixed PC firms gain similar benefits only when the connection is determined in the presidential election year but not in other years. Firms supporting two parties receive minimal financial rewards in terms of loan terms. Originality/value: In past studies, once a firm is identified as having a connection with a political party, it is assumed to have PC throughout the sample period (i.e. fixed PC firms). The authors lift this assumption and examine how varying PC affect bank loan contracts. The two time-varying PC indexes can identify a firm's more immediate party tendencies and more precise effects of a firm's party tendencies on bank loan contracts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social media accounts of 2023 presidential candidates Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu and Sinan Oğan, 889 Instagram and 1635 X posts on were examined in this study. Pre, inter and post-election analysis periods were conducted using Natural Language Processing techniques to process the posts. Erdoğan, unlike other candidates, maintained a consistent number of devoted and possessive followers. During the election periods, the candidates participating in the election, and in the post-election period, Erdoğan who won the election, maintained their social media presence. The candidates utilized Instagram for election propaganda and X for disseminating messages related to everyday politics and other topics. Despite more followers on X, the Instagram engagement numbers/rates were higher. Erdoğan had more followers in both platforms and all periods but Kılıçdaroğlu had higher engagement rates. The study suggests engagements alone cannot predict election outcomes; while likes can indicate support, comments may not always be entirely positive. It was observed that different elements were emphasized by the candidates in the posts during the election periods. In the campaigns, Erdoğan aimed to motivate and unite voters, while Kılıçdaroğlu wanted to generate excitement and energy in the first and stressed the importance of voting in the second period. Oğan, who competed only in the first-round of the election, emphasized the significance of a vote in the first period to bring about change, while emphasizing nationalist discourses in the second and third periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we analyzed the factors that intensified affective polarization among voters during the 2022 South Korean presidential election. We also examined this polarization's effect on their political attitudes, including their satisfaction with democracy, perception of the fairness of elections, and trust in political institutions. We found that the greater the perceived ideological differences between the two parties the People Power Party (PPP) and the Democratic Party (DP) and the more ― ― extreme the voter's ideology, the more affective polarization increased. We also found that affective polarization intensified with increasing ideological extremity among all age cohorts except those in their forties. Finally, in contrast to DP supporters, PPP supporters' political attitudes became more negative as their affective polarization increased because the opposing party, the DP, was the governing party. This suggests that affective polarization may polarize support for democratic norms and trust in the political institutions that underpin democracy, depending on one's partisan allegiances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kobe College Studies / Kobe Jogakuin Daigaku Kenkyujo Yakuin is the property of Kobe College Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Liberalism advances democratic rights and representation through three principles. First, it seeks to protect individuals from abusive state power. Second, it shares an affinity with the epistemology of the Enlightenment, where an objective world can be discovered and observed. Third, it limits “tyranny of the majority” through civil liberties that counter the weight of public opinion and political rights that enable political competition of ideas. Rapidly evolving demands for recognition in the United States have advanced a broad critique of liberalism, highlighting the boundaries it imposes on representation as well as its limited success protecting rights. This essay traces disenchantment with liberalism to two very different sources: first, many progressives who resent how the jurisprudence of equal opportunity obscures efforts to achieve actual equality reject “anonymity” under the law—removing a core civil rights principle for promoting fairness. Such demands for more explicit rights and representation conflict with the majoritarian model’s application of liberalism, which biases cultural assimilation over multicultural integration. Movements for recognition increasingly challenge both assimilation and the institutional devices of multicultural integration. The other source of tension around recognition comes from the right, where populists have set out to revive nativist ideas of coerced assimilation or outright homogenization through exclusion (ie, non-recognition). Such failures of representation have promoted subjectivist views as a credential for contesting facts. The paper argues for “pluralist solidarity” as a tool for reconciling multiculturalism with new rights and demands for recognition emanating from liberalism’s traditions of individual liberty. This device aims to help separate the quest for recognition and dignity from the subjectivity that contributes to post-truth politics.

The purpose of this research is to identify the structural barriers faced by the PKB political party in promoting its members as presidential and vice-presidential candidates from 2004 to 2019. Additionally, the research aims to explore the political strategies employed by the PKB that resulted in the absence of its members in the highest democratic contests. Structural policies play a crucial role in determining political steps, taking into consideration both internal and external conditions. This research employs a qualitative descriptive method, combining data from interviews and documents, supported by field observations. Interview data serves as preliminary findings guiding the discovery of document data, which is further elaborated through observations. The findings indicate that the absence of PKB members in presidential and vice-presidential contests is directly attributed to a strategic decision made in 2008 to consolidate internal party divisions. The logical reasons behind PKB’s political strategy include strengthening the party’s financial stability and choosing to remain within the power circle. The ingenuity of PKB’s elite in addressing structural obstacles and turning them into a political opportunity by consolidating internal cadre and rebuilding relationships with grassroots stakeholders.

With the rapid advancement of information technology and increased internet access in Indonesia, citizens' participation in the digital realm has grown substantially. Digital citizens' presence is crucial in the 2024 Presidential Election, playing a pivotal role in disseminating political information, influencing public opinion, and providing support to candidates. This study examines the digital citizens' discourse on presidential and vice-presidential candidate pairs in the 2024 election in the digital public sphere. The method of issue analysis employs topic modeling with keywords "anies muhaimin," "ganjar mahfud," and "prabowo gibran" on social media platform X. The research findings indicate that the discourse is clustered for each candidate pair. Narratives of support and optimism predominantly characterize the Anies-Muhaimin pair. The Ganjar-Mahfud pair exhibits clusters covering volunteer support, constitutional narratives, development aspirations, uniform buzzer narratives, and support from figures such as Yenny Wahid and advocacy for Palestine. The Prabowo-Gibran pair has clusters discussing support from the younger generation, political dynasty issues, PDIP reactions, and buzzer strategies with massive hashtags. Digital citizens engage in organized and diverse discourses regarding presidential and vice-presidential candidates, emphasizing the importance of understanding these dynamics to ensure responsible participation in the digital political process.

The Indonesia’s presidential election 2024, as one of the largest democratic nations, gained wide attention from both national and international media. This research carries out a pragmatic analysis of news report on the post-presidential election of Indonesia 2024 from selected national and international newspapers using Austin (1962) and Searle’s (1969) Speech Act Theory. 30 utterances were purposively taken from three newspapers (The Jakarta Post, The Guardian, and The New York Times). By implementing qualitative research method, this research analysis discussed three aspects of Speech Acts: locutionary, illocutionary, and perlocutionary. The result of the analysis showed that there was obvious finding on the reporting style of newspapers on the election outcome. Based on the analysis, assertive statements were dominantly found as it is in line with the nature of newspaper style; present factual information impartially, aiding in neutral and concise reporting. Directive statements wielded figures’ influence and attitudes toward ongoing issues. Commissive speech acts conveyed promises, pledges, and accusations persuasively, while declarative ones declared figures’ initiatives and actions on issues. Expressive speech acts reflected collective societal feelings, particularly regarding election outcomes.