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RESUMEN: Un fracasado éxito de Robert-Marie Johlio describe el funcionamiento tambaleante de un Estado ficticio africano salido de la experiencia colonial y, más recientemente, de la dictadura. A pesar de la democratización del país, el excolonizado no ha cambiado verdaderamente de estatus. La presente contribución investiga el correlato entre la política y la coerción, y sus consecuencias en la construcción de la identidad política del pueblo en el mentado texto, a partir de la poscolonia y la necropolítica de Achille Mbembe. Ambos conceptos son operativos para aprehender la dinamicidad de las dos modalidades en acción, a saber, el sujeto de la poscolonia (el nuevo gobernante), y el sujeto poscolonial (el nuevo gobernado). Los resultados a los que llegamos dan cuenta de un Estado ogomés políticamente reventado y sin respaldo político verdaderamente democrático. Esto desemboca en una comprensión individualista de la noción de "poder", que el colectivo empoderado utiliza para malversar los fondos públicos, reprimir, someter, silenciar y matar al sujeto poscolonial. Este último, por su parte, al adaptar sus convicciones políticas a las circunstancias, se difracta, entregándose a un nomadismo político en que sus potencialidades colectivas son sofocadas por las individualidades, lo cual contribuye, con eficacia, a consolidar al potentado en su gobernación. Robert-Marie Johlio's Un fracasado éxito describes the unsteady functioning of a fictional African state following the experience of colonialism and, more recently, dictatorship. Democracy has reached the country, but its status as a previously colonized nation has hardly changed. Drawing upon Achille Mbembe's theorizing about the postcolony and necropolitics this paper investigates the correlation between politics and coercion, as well as its effects on the construction of a community's political identity in Robert-Marie Johlio's text. Both concepts facilitate an understanding of the dynamism displayed by two modalities in action, namely, the subject of the postcolony (the new ruler) and the postcolonial subject (the newly governed). Our analyses show a politically broken Ogomese State, lacking true democratic political support. This leads to an individualistic conceptualization of the notion of "power," which the empowered class deploys to embezzle public funds, repress, subjugate, silence and kill the governed. The latter, for their part, adapt their political convictions to their circumstances. As a result, the community becomes fragmented, and prone to political nomadism with their collective potential suffocated by individualism; this effectively enables a consolidation of the authority of the potentate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the political thought of Filipino statesman Claro M. Recto (1890–1960), with a focus on the idea of nationalism. Upon his return to Congress in 1952, Recto advocated for Filipino nationalism in response to the so-called "special relationship" between the Philippines and the United States in the post-independence period. He claimed that the Philippines, though granted independence in 1946, remained under the disparaging political and economic influence of the United States because of one-sided treaties. In Recto's mind, this "special relationship" was the main reason for the country's retrogression in attaining political and economic growth and development. Throughout his post-independence career in Congress, Recto was consistent in his posture of advocating Filipino nationalism. This article uncovers that Recto's nationalist crusade was anti-imperialist in principle against American neocolonialism thus only protective of the welfare of the Filipinos. This rereading of Recto's political thought hopes to add more nuance understanding about him, but it also deepens our understanding of the essence of nationalism in the postcolonial period in the Philippines and Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing historical research identifies African first ladies, such as Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings of Ghana, as femocrats who appropriate women’s empowerment narratives to advance their self-seeking political interests. However, I contend that a femocratic analysis alone is insufficient to understand the historical significance of African first ladies thoroughly. Solely using a femocratic framework may overlook the complexities of power within political systems, the obstacles first ladies face in promoting their agendas, and the constraints they face because of limited resources. This article argues that it is important to understand the role of African first ladies within the context of patriarchal societal structures that suppress women’s political power and agency. Through a case study of Agyeman-Rawlings, this work explores the various factors that influenced her role and the opportunities and constraints she encountered as a political spouse for almost 20 years (1982–2000). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The popularity of comic skits on Nigeria's social media warrants the need to study the form and content of these pieces. This qualitative study examined the comic skits of Nigerian comedians: Taaooma, Mark Angel, Sabinus, and Bello Galadanchi. It employed Achille Mbembe's 'Theory of Postcolony', as its theoretical framework and Netnography as its methodology, and revealed that the skits tackle the themes of gender roles, lingering effects of colonialism, social inequalities, religion, and corruption. Laughter becomes a tool for navigating power structures, critiquing social norms, and expressing discontent within a postcolonial context. The skits leverage short format (51s–4min) ideal for social media, employ slapstick, simple dialogue, visuals (clothing, facial expressions), cross-dressing (Taaooma) and single-actor portrayals of multiple roles (Taaooma, Galadanchi). Languages used include English, Nigerian Pidgin, and indigenous languages, accompanied by subtitles for wider accessibility. While sound effects punctuate jokes, heighten reactions, and establish mood, most of the skits follow the structure of Introduction, Rising Action, Climax, and Resolution. Social media comments indicated that the skits resonated with viewers, highlighting the popularity of certain skit makers across demographics and transnationally, implying a cross-cultural comic appeal, and the internet serving as a pan-African tool for sharing local culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcolonial environmentalism in Africa explores interactions between humans and nature in the context of intensifying ecological violence in the aftermath of formal colonialism and its trademark violence of extractive power. As a critical approach that stresses the influence of colonial remains in everyday socio-political processes and relations, postcolonial environmentalism has been widely deployed to examine the interconnected relationship between the environment, materiality, and humans, with a focus on how one impacts and define the others. This study invokes, in a broad sense, African postcolonial ecocriticism to explore how creative literature is being used as a strategy of negotiating ecological violence in the era of global multi-national corporatism. The study adopts Grosfoguel's idea of global coloniality as a conceptual framework to examine how Imbolo Mbue's novel How Beautiful We Were (2021) portrays a Cameroonian postcolony where transnational corporations and corrupt governments perpetuate colonial machineries of extraction, ecological devastation, improvisation, dehumanization and violence. The article argues that Mbue symbolically uses decolonial environmental motifs to illustrate what is lost when symbiotic bonds between communal African societies and their natural environments are sacrificed for corporate profits that leave exploitation, environmental degradation and moral debauchery in their trails. Plain language summary: Global coloniality and environmental injustice in How Beautiful We Were This article provides an analysis of how the Cameroonian American writer Imbolo Mbue engages, in her novel How Beautiful We Were, the ways in which historical patterns of domination and colonization continue to cause various forms of injustices on powerless people and nature. In the novel, such injustices occur as ecological violence where a wealthy inter-continental company named Pexton exploits the natural resources of an imaginary African village called Kosawa, leaving a trail of environmental destruction. The article examines how the motifs of ecological degradation and the consequent unnecessary human suffering become metaphors for interlocking political, material, and social effects caused by persisting global networks of capitalist extraction. Mbue's characters suffer the consequences of Pexton's extraction. How this suffering is evoked by Mbue, particularly the loss of livelihoods through contaminated agricultural soil, poisoned water bodies, diseases as well as exposure to extractive toxins, demonstrate, in a critical way, the interconnected nature of human and ecological violation. The authors call upon appropriate ideas from critics who have generally thought through the relationship between capital, humans and nature, to deepen their understanding of how Mbue's novel highlights major cultural, economic, environmental and socio-political issues that arise when powerful global institutions use their financial might to extract more wealth in places where the poor are left worse off. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalisation has made it necessary to review modernity’s paradigms. One such paradigm that may no longer be an accurate descriptor (if it ever was) of international society is that of the sovereign nation-state. Through an exploration of both the western nation-state and the space collectively referred to as ‘postcolony’, two different experiences of globalisation are exhibited, each with different power manifestations. For the former, globalisation has challenged both internal and external legitimacy, which as in turn led to perceptions of a loss of sovereignty. However, the loss of sovereignty does not imply the loss of power; sovereign power has morphed into biopower, with power remaining within that space. In contrast, the postcolony’s historical relationship with sovereignty is one of negation- the denial of it. Globalisation thus threatens not the specific manifestation of power in sovereignty, but rather the continued subordination to western sovereignty. This has occurred due to a continuation of the ‘state of exception’ and socioeconomic hegemony. The piece does not, however, claim to be a definitive analysis of power, sovereign or otherwise, under globalisation. Such an inquiry would be a much greater project that went beyond the two broad categories west/postcolony, looking at specific national contexts: ‘realities’ rather than ‘reality’, accounting for the heterogeneity of both the forms and experiences of colonialism. It is a map of the terrain, and like any map is pitched at the level of generalisation.

This article contributes to contemporary theorising in comparative education by exploring how narratives of 'victims' and 'perpetrators' in postcolonial settings are understood in terms of affective justice. Affective justice is introduced as a framework for understanding justice as an affective practice. Through the analysis of two examples of girls' education in the Global South - Malala's shooting in Pakistan and the abduction of the Chibok schoolgirls in Nigeria - the paper shows how these stories are circulated through sentimental narratives that fail to recognise long-standing colonial conceptualisations of education and schoolchildren. It is suggested that the notion of affective justice helps reorient understandings of education in postcolonial settings by turning educators' attention to three domains - pedagogical practices, embodied affects, and emotional regimes. It is argued that a nuanced conceptualisation of affective justice offers insights into how educators and students can move beyond sentimental narratives to acknowledge coloniality and structural injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kabul Beauty School: The Art of Friendship and Freedom (2008) is a memoir written by the American beautician, Deborah Rodriguez. It recounts her individual story in Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban and the work Western programs of "economic empowerment" and humanitarian agencies of "social emancipation" have done to "reconstruct" the war-torn nation. This involvement in the raw, however, does not exist in some kind of political vacuum. The leaders of these global programs of humanitarian action and "sustainable development" represent an array of neo-compradors: social enterprisers and partisan actors, selling "the burqa-clad woman" of Afghanistan the illusion of economic independence and "social emancipation" through local micro-projects and self-employment initiatives. The language of these agencies of social entrepreneurship and humanitarian service offers a wide-ranging discursive domain within which post-9/11 "counter-terroristic formations" (Boehmer and Morton 2010, 7) thrived in an explosion of distinct discursivities, taking form in pedagogy, morality, sexuality, medical care, philanthropy, beauty industry, women's emancipation, human rights activism and international security and safety measures. These regimes of knowledge and expertise provide important sites of critical inquiry through which counter-terror can be conceptually subverted and discursively deconstructed as part of a larger system of global control and management, within which neo-liberal politics operate at the interface between the metropolis and the postcolony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I rethink thuggery, an overt form of dissent, as a spatial structural frame. Through a close reading of everyday forms of thuggery in Nigeria, exemplified in literary, musical, and photographic forms, I argue that not only is thuggery ubiquitous in the African postcolony but also that it is the means by which the citizenry assert their citizenship, structure their space, and perform democracy. I use the phrase "proximate thuggery" in two ways: first, to broaden the commonplace definition of thuggery as violent antisocial behavior which does not hold up in many postcolonial states where there seems no line separating the violent from the non-violent, where the insidiously violent masquerades as non-violent; and second, to signal the quotidian nature of dissent and therefore refocus attention on those manifestations of thuggery even in corridors of power. If the purpose of critical cultural studies is to understand a problem from its roots in order to suggest useful solutions, it seems fitting to pay attention to everyday, non-spectacular forms of dissent—for, among other reasons, attention to overt forms of dissent isolates them as anomalies and leads to inadequate solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Présence Francophone is the property of College of Holy Cross, Department of Modern Languages & Literatures and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article draws on the literature in development economics, psychology and sociology to explicate how decolonised early childhood education and care services can reverse the metacolonial cognition lingering in the postcolonial era. In particular, the author shows that colonial institutions persist even after formal colonisation has ended through the application of de facto power. Self-knowledge developed during early childhood impacts adult socio-economic life outcomes. Thus, decolonising early childhood development and care by ensuring positive representations of self will improve self-perceptions and self-awareness. The implications for practice and policy are discussed within the context of deploying decolonised early childhood development and care services to raise a new generation of confident Africans to accelerate the development of the continent and regions with similar histories of colonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines postcolonial engagements with place in modern Nigerian poetry. By foregrounding the mutual implication of text and place, it attends to the transnational struggles over spatial representations and alterity. It also explores how similar tensions are replicated on a smaller scale in terms of nation, region, and ethnic geography. Such a focus on the literary articulation of both the local and the global demonstrates the fractal dimensions of colonialism, as well as the spatial consequences of coloniality within the (Nigerian) postcolony. Four works – Tade Ipadeola's A Time of Signs, Odia Ofeimun's London Letter and Other Poems, Niran Okewole's The Hate Artist, and Niyi Osundare's The Eye of the Earth – provide the basis for the analysis. The article also sets out the importance of poetry, which tends to be marginalized in studies of modern African literature, as a crucial dimension of the African postcolonial interrogation of place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study re-examines contemporary localization theory to understand the shortcomings of the theory using the case of a state-sponsored postcolonial technology localization project. I call for centering the analysis of the power reticulations in context-specific technology localization. Method: I engaged in extensive review of existing research on the subject and conducted ethnographic and digital surveys with users and non-users of the technology I studied. This method provided nuanced perspectives on technology localization for a grounded user experience analysis. Results: Against current theoretical assumptions that support localization in user contexts as the solution to the chasm between developer culture and user culture, I argue that the reticular nature of power and developers' neglect of users' geoepistemology also create a chasm within localization at users' sites. Conclusion: We need to examine the complex work of power in user contexts as part of a holistic theory on technology localization in user contexts. Thus, current assumptions must be revised. This revision must insist on the primary role of users' worldings in localization. The context of the postcolony provides a privileged insight into theorizing technology localization and must not be seen only as a "kingdom of ethnography" (Mbembe, 2021, p. 14). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages with the theme of the proposed special issue in a perhaps unexpected way: for me, the 'translinguistic movement' is a pertinent reminder to move beyond the boundaries of language and other visible/audible modalities that are involved in semiosis. It also encourages us to move beyond the naïve empiricism that has shaped sociolinguistic work over the decades. The 'sociolinguistics of the spectre' that I develop in this article is rooted in philosophies of radical empiricism; it acknowledges the sensuous and affective nature of social life, and refuses to work with the 'boundaries, binaries and demarcations' that are located within the temporal 'linearity of modernity' (Garuba, 2013). In doing so, I will look at a particular time-space: the postcolony. It is a time-space where the ghosts of the past are ever-present and shape translinguistic practices; a time-space where time is always somehow 'out-of-joint'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge and knowledge production play a significant role in the postcolonial project of de-traumatization and self-realization. However, such knowledge has often been couched within a Eurocentric epistemological framework. The postcolony is caught firmly within the orthodox which translates positivistic knowledge into the very definition of worldly progress—the idea of how a state attends to the welfare and well-being of its citizens through a development agenda. This essay engages the question: What might constitute an autonomous framework that could assist Africa and her thinkers and scholars in the development and validation of local forms of knowledge for social transformation? In this regard, I will examine the claims of Otto Neurath's postpositivism and the dynamic pluralism of the Ifá sacred corpus of the Yorùbá, both within the framework of the epistemology of the South project. Both of these epistemological frameworks outline a pluralistic understanding of knowledge that could enable the reconfiguring of knowledge production in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the representation of postcolonial marginalisation and adaptive/reactive models of masculinity in NoViolet Bulawayo's novel, We Need New Names. It focuses on the representations of masculinities in the text and their ramifications and entanglements at the global, regional and local levels. The analysis is mediated via a triangulation of the concepts of hegemonic masculinity, masculine (over)compensation and masculine hybridisation. It establishes that a culture of both hegemony and domination mediates and permeates masculine relations resulting in the enactment of reactive and adaptive responses in the form of both masculine (over)compensation and masculine hybridisation. These responses are mainly enacted by those subaltern masculinities who are at the receiving end of domination and hegemony. Additionally, these responses favour the enhancement of male domination and/or patriarchy as opposed to gender equality. They also do not favour the promotion of a culture of tolerance, democracy and/or human rights discourses that are central to the realities of much of the contemporary world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alternative Francophone is the property of Alternative Francophone and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Túndé Kèlání is a Yorùbá filmmaker whose auteurial vision deploys Yorùbá cultural dynamics towards the understanding of not only Yorùbá people's beingness, but also of their place in the plural existence of the Nigerian state. This article takes seriously Túndé Kèlání's philosophical sensibility, grounded in the Yorùbá worldview, as a means by which Kelani relates with the world. The article argues that, although Túndé Kèlání's cultural philosophy serves as the basis for his cinematic vision and his search for cultural authenticity, his neotraditionalism fails to sufficiently interrogate the Yorùbá concept of àsà and its implication for what it means to be Yorùbá in the world today. This significantly undermines the capacity of his auteurial vision to project cinematic possibilities that nevertheless extend what it means to be Yorùbá in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What opportunities for the creation of new worlds and subjectivities could we craft if we experimented with critical qualitative inquiry and/as an aesthetics of the wound? In this piece, I set out to explore this question by drawing on the memory of watching the film Cry Freedom as a 9 year old. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories of authoritarianism and populism are insufficient if they do not take into account the power of gender and sexuality, in relation to other social divisions, within authoritarian power and the erotics that produce populism. Patriarchal power is a more comprehensive approach, showing how the new authoritarians rely on gendered security and securitization to produce the new post-secular and the post-postcolonial nationalisms of today. While populisms are divergent in empire and postcolony, for instance in the US and India, generated by grievances and disappointments of a waning empire on the one hand, and a failed modernization on the other, their authoritarian leaders are linked not just in modes of power and governance but also through sharing technologies of surveillance, security and accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In describing the nature of Christian ethics in America before some recent interventions, Stanley Hauerwas notes that the subject of Christian ethics in America was and is America rather than the Church. He finds this disturbing because it seems to marginalize distinctively Christian moral formation. This critique raises the question of the nature of Christian identity. What should Christian identity in America, Asia, Africa, Europe, Latin America, etc. be? This question becomes especially urgent with the rise of world Christianity which takes for granted the idea that Christians who live in different contexts perform the Christian faith differently because of said context. This paper argues that while the variety that exists in world Christianity is made necessary by the context in which world Christianity developed, when taken to extremes, it may, among other things, lead to ecclesial apartheid.

Science fiction written and visual narratives already amount to a vast corpus, standing out as new representations of African contemporaneity (Bould, 2015) and pointing to a set of critical issues that appear to be relevant for (re)defining postcolonial poetics and aesthetics. Examining literary works as Cidade dos Espelhos (2011) by João Paulo Borges Coelho and Ualalapi by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa (2016) through the critical framework of science fiction and speculative fiction, we aim to reflect on the aesthetics of memory and of, the future, framing these literary works as ways to renew the meaning of the “future of the past” (Koselleck, 2015) within the postcolony (Mbembe, 2000).

Efforts aimed at canvassing the past–present continuum of criminal tribes, though appreciable, have proven to be piecemeal, sporadic and awkward. Avoiding some characteristic pitfalls, a historical anthropology of the Pardhis of Chhattisgarh reveals how geographies that were relatively untouched by a colonial programme of criminalization before independence can become active sites of the same in the post-independence period. In avoiding either extremes of emphasizing absolute continuities or alternatively marking a putative rupture between the (colonial) past and (postcolonial) present, this article makes a case for how the colonial programme frequently mutates with/through a number of other discourses, such as regional state formation, administrative procedures, wildlife conservation, nascent ideas of tribal development, and democratic struggles, as part of its relentless movement. This article summarizes the effects of the same for the Pardhis at the level of 'history'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of E-Cadernos CES is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the latest uprising in Tunisia, the agitated crowd almost totally destroyed the autocratic monumental landscape. As the provocative 'Anti-Clock Project' by visual artist Nidhal Chamekh shows, the strongest element of this landscape was not destroyed; it still stands in the capital today and illustrates how the imbricated strata of the contemporary monumental landscape can be understood as an inherited palimpsest that reveals hegemonic assumptions about the prevailing politics of time. The monumental translation of the new era promoted by the contested Ben Ali regime paradoxically froze the idea that change would facilitate general progress, innovation, modernization and development and guarantee a better future. In this article, we argue that the Clock Tower and the civilization project it materializes, initiated by colonial occupation and upheld by the consecutive postcolonial regimes, does not necessarily warrant a better future. Rather, it continues to restrain political sensibilities in the present time, dismisses historical pasts and withholds alternative futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• From 2015–2017 South African universities were gripped by student protests. • The movement, known as #FeesMustFall, protested the ongoing increase of university tuition. • #FeesMustFall was motivated by the twin demand of free and decolonised education. • In December 2017 a policy for implementing free education was introduced. • However, decolonised education in a globalised world is a more challenging, elusive goal. Colonialism's legacy in South Africa includes persistent economic inequality which, since the country's universities charge fees, bars many from higher education, perpetuating the marginalisation of those previously disadvantaged by the apartheid regime. In 2015–6, country-wide unrest raged across university campuses, as students protested the yearly cycle of tuition increases under the slogan #FeesMustFall, demanding " free, decolonised education ". Protests ended in December 2017 when the government announced a sliding-scale payment policy alleviating the economic burden for poorer students. This paper sets the #FMF movement and its twin demands within the context of decoloniality, and argues that while free education has been achieved, imagining and implementing decolonised education for South Africa in an increasingly globalised world is a more challenging, elusive goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article unpacks notions of humour, vulgarity, and allegory in social media discourses during the trial of Oscar Pistorius by analysing the dynamic interactions between South Africa's judicial system and multiple discourses on Facebook and Twitter. It explores whether social media, in this instance, provided a platform for citizen-led conversations on the South African judiciary's legal processes. It proposes that where the "legacy media" were constrained in facilitating case-related public discussions, social media created an alternative sphere for citizens to engage with the South African justice system throughout the trial. The article examines the popular views that were posted on Facebook and Twitter during the trial. Using a Foucauldian approach and Achille Mbembe's interpretation of the postcolony, the article argues that the trial of Oscar Pistorius can be used as a lens to examine the humorous, vulgar and allegoric views of South Africans towards the judicial system in the postapartheid era. This is more so in a context where intersectional contestations of class, race, and gender exist within popular socio-political discourses of "rich white men's justice" versus "poor black men's justice." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of music as a tool for political communication is widely acknowledged. In many societies and their respective traditions, cultures and customs, music has been central in reflecting the historical, contemporary and future aspirations of such communities. In reference to South Africa, recent student movements have been central in calling into question the postcolonial status of the country amid its colonial legacies. These movements have relied on decolonial discourses (#RhodesMustFall, #FeesMustFall, #StatuesMustFall) and have deployed them as a means of critiquing the condition of “formerly” colonised subjects within South Africa's postcolonial status. This paper focuses on the role of music in understanding colonial legacies within a postcolony. It deploys decolonial theories as a means of understanding the lived condition of black people and particularly Africans in the “post” settler colonial context of South Africa. Using Letta Mbulu's hit song “Not Yet Uhuru,” the paper argues that her lyrical message is instrumental in understanding the “colonial situation” within the country. Therefore in this paper, the question of the continuities and discontinuities of coloniality is read through Mbulu's lyrical content. Ultimately, the central argument of the paper relies on the role of music as a form of political or decolonial communication and how such can be instrumental in understanding the legacies of the past within postcolonial South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Raising the relevance and the merit of Kimoni Iyay's work in the study of the Negro-African literature in its variations and ruptures, does place us in front of a demanding task to analyze first over all his impulses in the social-politico context then and current: colonization. It is in this way that we can then release the vitality or the audacity of his mind and grasp the reasons for social tearing and current anomie. In facing globalization and the ideology of the dominant society, a new world political order is needed. The turning point of pragmatism that our contemporary literature has taken does stimulate ethical thinking with regard to the vicissitudes (shifts) and the injustices of globalization in Africa and the world. He chants the political commitment of the citizens of the world on all sides. In the debate which we are conducting with Kimoni Iyay, we indeed inquire his thought to realize the place that Negro-African literature can still occupy and what destiny to assign to it in the concrete practical life of the citizens today. The political stakes (challenges) already seem decisive in this new critical writing of culture. In this perspective, it is necessary to wonder: How to overcome the malaise (discomfort) that invades the "black man" and his culture? Does not his survival depend on the adoption of the new order without losing one's his soul nor questioning one's his own traditions therein? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Bakhtin’s concept of ‘heteroglossia,’ this article examines the layering and intersections of multiple claims to heritage places that form dialogics about heritage truths. Social groups derive their collective-self, in part, through association with a place, or places, to which they attribute their origin, described here as a ‘first-place.’ Identity maintenance can occur through the praxis of heritage tourism in which group members exhibit emotional performances during their visits to a first-place. Through the extended example of the Tsodilo Hills in Botswana and the various social groups – local ethnic communities, national citizens, and segments of the global community – who each form a collective-self using Tsodilo as a first-place, this article addresses the roles of science (archaeology) and tourism, and their interplay, in enabling several languages or dialects of belonging to coexist without dissonance. The argument is that heteroglossic heritage is possible because visitors’ affect-mediated encounters with heritage places facilitate the reaffirmation of their shared group identity. While all heritage discourse is heteroglossic, the article focuses on claims to a first-place set within a postcolonial context of nation building and modernising that involves the politicisation and re-spatialization of heritage places through tourism development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Anxiety and hysteria proliferate in contemporary postcolonial, post-apartheid South Africa, where it is always intimately related to the question of the Law and, specifically 'the Constitution'. I begin by tracing Freud's discussions of the co-occurrence of anxiety with hysteria, after which I consider Lacan's unique account of anxiety as the 'lack of the support of the lack'. I continue to offer a re-interpretation of the Master's discourse (here, of liberal authority), namely as a discourse that in its very structure exposes the (postcolonial) subject to the production of the object of anxiety. I then consider two possible ways in which anxiety may affect the discourse of the Hysteric: acting out and the passage à l'acte. I conclude that Lacan's shorthand for the relationship between the Hysteric and the Master is also an accurate description of the present moment in the postcolony: 'she reigns and he does not govern'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does rule of law look like from beyond an Anglo-American perspective? This Commentary excavates a subterranean strand of Singapore’s rule of law discourse – rule of law as the necessary subordination of ‘the people’ – to argue that colonial ideologies are inevitably perpetuated and revitalized when the postcolony adopts rule of law as a pillar of the nation-making project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legacy of white supremacy remains a reality Africans must deal with in their daily lives. Nonetheless, the academic inquiry of race in African contexts remains marginal. This article analyses how racial hierarchies structure contemporary Dakar's society. Departing from an empirical analysis of Black perspectives, the article explores the usage of the term “tubaab” which belongs to the Senegalese common vocabulary and addresses “the coloniser” in its multiple manifestations. Tubaab designates whiteness and/or westernness. Furthermore, it is attributed to Blacks and other People of Color to describe issues of cultural assimilation and of the participation in processes of (re-)colonisation. Thus, tubaabité reveals to be a fruitful means by which to discuss racial hierarchies within Dakar in all of their intersectional complexities. The analysis highlights the necessity to embed explorations of the articulations of racial domination in the context of specific power constellations, whilst being sensitive to the fact that our concepts of race in changing times and spaces need to be readapted to new postcolonial realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem this text sets out to examine can be described as the social consequences of the legal encoding of the Slovenian nation and its membership versus citizenry in the Slovenian post-independence constitution and laws, illustrated by two cases in which the conflict between the two came into full play. What is the nation, what is its relationship to the state, who are its members, what is the relationship between belonging to the nation, and being a citizen; and finally, what are the possible relationships between the members of the nation that live outside the Slovenian state, and the said state? These seemingly legalistic questions that every modem state defines on the basis of empirical and practical insights into its population have, in their application, entirely practical consequences for the lives of the people. In Slovenia, the people who are deemed members of the Slovenian nation, whether living in Slovenia or not, are privileged in both the constitution and legislation and are given a status that is, in fact, equal or higher than that of a citizen. The article presents two cases where the tension between these two ascriptions played out in full, with catastrophic consequences to the lives of the people: the case of Slovenian re-patriates from the warring Bosnia and Herzegovina in the early 1990s; and the case of the so-called Erased, residents of Slovenia and citizens of other ex-Yugoslav republics in the early time of Slovenian independence who were stripped of their status of permanent residents in an unconstitutional and illegal way. The article brings a detailed analysis of the underlying ideology of ethnicity vs. citizenship in Slovenia that is representative of this type of ideologisation in Mitteleuropa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major conceptual apparatuses in Mudimbe's critical repertoire is the concept of the 'colonial library', an abstraction that denotes the immense body of texts and systems of representation that for centuries has functioned to produce Africa as a paradigm of difference and alterity. A transdisciplinary space the huge knowledge capital of which constitutes and is constitutive of the epistemological locus of Africa's invention, the colonial library, Mudimbe tells us, also incarnates a paradox: while its knowledge capital serves to justify monstrosities such as Atlantic slavery and colonialism, it has also been from within the foundations of its power knowledge regimes that Africans themselves have sought to interrogate western discourses on Africa, as well as produce their own notions of self-identity, discourses of Otherness and ideologies of alterity. What exactly is this library, and how does it structure knowledge on and about Africa? This article examines the colonial library and the problem it poses for Africanist knowledge. It asks whether discourse on and about Africa outside of the power-knowledge regimes of the library is possible, or, whether Africanist knowledge is always already doomed at its very moment of enunciation since it is always contaminated by the violence of its epistemological region of emergence. The article concludes by engaging with Achille Mbembe in order to illustrate the difficulty of escaping the vicious circle generated by the colonial library. La 'bibliothèque coloniale' est un des principaux appareils conceptuels du répertoire critique mudimbéen. Ce concept est une abstraction censée représenter un immense corpus de textes et d'images qui, pendant des siècles, a alimenté l'idée selon laquelle l'Afrique serait le continent de la différence et de l'altérité. Espace transdisciplinaire dont l'énorme capital intellectuel constitue le locus épistémologique de l'invention de l'Afrique, la bibliothèque coloniale, ainsi que Mudimbe le remarque, incarne aussi un paradoxe. D'un côté, elle fut mobilisée pour justifier des monstruosités telles que la traite négrière atlantique et le colonialisme; d'un autre côté, c'est à partir du pouvoir-savoir qui la constituait que les Africains se sont employés à interroger les discours occidentaux sur l'Afrique ainsi qu'à produire leurs propres notions identitaires et, finalement, à élaborer leur singularité discursive et idéologique. En quoi consiste exactement cette bibliothèque et de quelles ressources tire-t-elle profit pour structurer le savoir africain? Cet article se penche en outre sur les défis que la bibliothèque coloniale pose à l'émergence d'un savoir africaniste. D'autres questions connexes seront abordées: peut-on concevoir une réflexion sur l'Afrique en dehors de la dualité pouvoir-savoir qui régit la bibliothèque? Doit-on plutôt se résigner à accepter que tout discours africaniste se trouve, dès le moment de son énonciation, irrémédiablement contaminé par son contexte épistémologique d'origine? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]