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Der Bericht zeigt Entwicklungen im Rahmen der Bildungs- und Erwerbsmigration von Drittstaatsangehörigen nach Deutschland im Jahr 2021., This report contains analyses on developments in educational and labour migration to Germany in 2021.

The often-posed claim that Europe is a pessimistic continent is not unjustified. In 2012, 53 percent of European Union (EU) citizens were pessimistic about their country. Surprisingly, however, societal pessimism has received very little scientific attention. In this article, we examine to what extent political and economic factors drive societal pessimism. In terms of political factors, we expect that supranationalization, political instability, and corruption increase societal pessimism, as they diminish national political power and can inspire collective powerlessness. Economically, we expect that the retrenchment of welfare state provisions and economic decline drive societal pessimism, as these developments contribute to socioeconomic vulnerability. We assess the impact of these political and economic factors on the level of societal pessimism in the EU, both cross-nationally and over time, through multilevel analyses of Eurobarometer data (13 waves between 2006 and 2012 in 23 EU countries). Our findings show that the political factors (changes in government, corruption) primarily explain cross-national differences in societal pessimism, while the macro-economic context (economic growth, unemployment) primarily explains longitudinal trends within countries. These findings demonstrate that, to a large extent, societal pessimism cannot be viewed separately from its political and economic context.

The Russian war of aggression against Ukraine is forcing Europeans into a confron­tational security order. This also makes European strategic sovereignty - in defence policy, but also in economics, technology, energy policy, and institutional framework - a more significant goal for the European Union (EU). Until now, however, a central narrative has been that the EU must be able to act autonomously without the United States (US). In the new security environment, the primary aim of strategic sovereignty should be protecting EU member states and asserting common European interests. For the foreseeable future, however, the Union remains confronted with a fundamental dilemma that can only be attenuated but not fully resolved: In Europe's new con­frontational security order, its strategic dependence on the US is likely to grow, while America's long-term alliance commitments remain fraught with question marks. Stra­tegic sovereignty must therefore include the pursuit of Europe’s collective defence capability in close cooperation and coordination with the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). (author's abstract)

The article analyses the prevalence of part-time employment in different EU countries with a focus on the factors affecting the rate of part-time employment across the EU. Based on the literature review, a distinction is made between three groups of factors that are relevant for the rate of part-time employment, in particular, cyclical factors, political and institutional factors, and structural factors. The article analyses how these factors influence part-time employment rates in EU countries. The linear regression analysis based on EU-28 macroeconomic data for the period of 2007-2018 has shown that all three groups of determinants (i.e. cyclical, political and institutional as well as structural factors) affect the rate of part-time employment in the EU-28. Part-time employment is a complex phenomenon which depends on a number of factors. However, the regression analysis has found that the following political and institutional as well as structural independent variables are also significant predictors of part-time employment rates in EU Member States (EU-28): average annual wages, the tax rate on low wage earners, expenditures on children and family benefits as a percentage of gross domestic product, trade union density, and the activity rate of people aged 15-24 and 55-64. Cyclical factors (the unemployment rate in Model (1) and real GDP per capita in Model (2)) have also been found to have a significant effect on part-time employment in EU-28 countries.

Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine zwingt die Europäer in eine konfrontative Sicherheitsordnung. Damit bekommt auch das Ziel strategische Souveränität eine neue Bedeutung für die Europäische Union. Das gilt zuvorderst für die Verteidigungs­politik, aber auch für Wirtschaft, Technologie, Energiepolitik und Institutionen. Bis­lang lautete ein zentrales Narrativ, dass die EU autonome Handlungsfähigkeit ohne die USA erreichen müsse. Vorrang sollte aber nunmehr haben, wie die EU-Mitglied­staaten geschützt werden können und wie sich gemeinsame europäische Interessen durch­setzen lassen. Dabei steht die Union vor einem Dilemma, das sich auf absehbare Zeit nicht auflösen, sondern nur abmildern lässt: In der neuen konfrontativen Sicher­heits­ordnung Europas steigt ihre sicherheitspolitische Abhängigkeit von den USA wei­ter, während Amerikas langfristige Bündnisfähigkeit mit Fragezeichen behaftet bleibt. Strategische Souveränität muss daher das Streben nach kollektiver Verteidigungsfähigkeit Europas in enger Kooperation und Koordination von EU und Nato einschließen. (Autorenreferat)

Der Bericht zeigt Entwicklungen im Rahmen der Bildungs- und Erwerbsmigration von Drittstaatsangehörigen nach Deutschland im Jahr 2021., This report contains analyses on developments in educational and labour migration to Germany in 2021.

Der Bericht zeigt Entwicklungen im Rahmen der Bildungs- und Erwerbsmigration von Drittstaatsangehörigen nach Deutschland im ersten Halbjahr 2021., This report contains analyses on developments in educational and labour migration to Germany for the first half of 2021.

Dahrendorf's Quandary, an early formulation of the Rodrik Trilemma, stipulates that maintaining economic competitiveness requires countries either to adopt measures detrimental to the cohesion of civil society, or to restrict civil liberties and political participation. The global financial and economic crisis of 2008-09 offers a test case for the applicability of the Quandary. We do so by examining economic, political and social stressors afflicting countries during the period of 2009-2014 relative to the severity and type of crises they experienced, and the ensuing political consequences for economy policy, democracy and society prevalent in 2019. We find that the Quandary does not apply uniformly across advanced market economies. Instead we detect distinct clusters that vary in their intensity of the tension the Quandary stipulates. We also find a consistent and positive relationship between Quandary intensity and crisis severity, yet obtain inconclusive results when looking at the relationship with current trends. The findings suggest that the crisis preparedness and the actual governance capability of countries to address the negative effects of economic globalization are key to managing the tensions inherent in the Dahrendorf Quandary and the Rodrik Trilemma.

In the wake of the Nazi regime's policies, European Jewish cultural property was dispersed, dislocated, and destroyed. Books, manuscripts, and artworks were either taken by their fleeing owners and were transferred to different places worldwide, or they fell prey to systematic looting and destruction under German occupation. Until today, a significant amount of items can be found in private and public collections in Germany as well as abroad with an unclear or disputed provenance. Contested Heritage. Jewish Cultural Property after 1945 illuminates the political and cultural implications of Jewish cultural property looted and displaced during the Holocaust. The volume includes seventeen essays, accompanied by newly discovered archival material and illustrations, which address a wide range of topics: from the shifting meaning and character of the objects themselves, the so-called object biographies, their restitution processes after 1945, conflicting ideas about their appropriate location, political interests in their preservation, actors and networks involved in salvage operations, to questions of intellectual and cultural transfer processes revolving around the moving objects and their literary resonances. Thus, it offers a fascinating insight into lesser-known dimensions of the aftermath of the Holocaust and the history of Jews in postwar Europe.

Wie sich die deutsche Gesellschaft zu traumatisierten Geflüchteten verhält und welche Möglichkeiten der Verarbeitung sie ihnen bietet, ist extrem wichtig – sowohl für die individuelle Situation der Ankommenden als auch für das gesellschaftliche Zusammenleben. Die Konzepte des Kollektiven Traumas und der transgenerationalen Traumaweitergabe zeigen: Traumatisierungen sind nicht nur psychische Verletzungen auf individueller Ebene, sondern ein kollektiv relevantes Phänomen. Daher muss bei der gesellschaftlichen Debatte über Integration das Thema Trauma mitgedacht werden. Dabei geht es nicht nur um Therapiemöglichkeiten, sondern auch um politische und soziale Faktoren.

Die sozialwissenschaftliche Debatte über die politischen Potenziale von Gewerkschaften wird durch eine Reihe suggestiver Tendenzen geprägt. Eine sozialdemokratisch-internationalistische Haltung ist hierbei verbunden mit der Anwendung institutionalistischer und integrationistischer Axiome im Forschungsprozess. Um Fehlschlüsse zu vermeiden, müssen diese Tendenzen in ihren Auswirkungen auf die Wissensproduktion stärker reflektiert werden., Research in social science on trade unions in the course of European integration is shaped by a number of suggestive tendencies. A political affiliation to social democratic and internationalist ideas correlates with a widespread popularity of institutionalist and integrationist axioms. In order to avoid false conclusions, we have to reflect these tendencies and their impact on the production of knowledge more strongly.

Der Bericht zeigt Entwicklungen im Rahmen der Bildungs- und Erwerbsmigration von Drittstaatsangehörigen nach Deutschland im Jahr 2020., This report contains analyses on developments in educational and labour migration to Germany in 2020.

Der Bericht zeigt Entwicklungen im Rahmen der Bildungs- und Erwerbsmigration von Drittstaatsangehörigen nach Deutschland im Jahr 2020., This report contains analyses on developments in educational and labour migration to Germany in 2020.

Political communication via social media might well counter the eroding political trust. In particular, social networking sites (SNS) enable direct flows of communication between citizens and the political elite, thereby reducing social and political gaps. Based on the concept of personalization of politics, we argue that interactions with politicians on SNS affect trust in government through a two-step process: First, interactions on SNS make citizens evaluate politicians’ characters more favorably. Second, these evaluations serve as cues for the citizens to develop or withdraw trust in government. We test indirect effects using four character traits as mediators: leadership, benevolence, responsiveness, and likeability. A representative online survey (n = 1117; in Germany) reveals that interactions with politicians on SNS increase the perceived likeability of candidates, and thus also trust in government. However, they do not affect the evaluation of the other traits: leadership, benevolence, and responsiveness.

The aim of this paper is to assess the extent to which different levels of decentralisation across regions of the European Union (EU) affected citizens’ perceptions about European integration over the period 1973-2002. The paper uses Eurobarometer Surveys to explore by means of multinomial logistic regressions whether decentralisation was an important factor behind the varying perceptions about Europe. Two dimensions of decentralization - political and fiscal - are considered in the analysis, alongside several compositional and contextual effects. The results of the analysis show that fiscal decentralisation was fundamental for citizens’ support for European integration, while there is limited evidence that political decentralisation played a similar role. Hence, while fiscal decentralisation may have given prominence to the economic benefits of European integration, political decentralisation was more associated with its economic costs. Taking into account that history matters, this paper raises potentially interesting insights for the design of policies aimed at promoting social cohesion.

This special issue explores underrepresented aspects of the political dimensions of global warming. It includes post- and decolonial perspectives on climate-related migration and conflict, intersectional approaches, and climate change politics as a new tool of governance. Its aim is to shed light on the social phenomena associated with anthropogenic climate change. The different contributions aim to uncover its multidimensional and far-reaching political effects, including climate-induced migration movements and climate-related conflicts in different parts of the world. In doing so, the authors critically engage with securitising discourses and resulting anti-migration arguments and policies in the Global North. In this way, they identify and give a voice to alternative and hitherto underrepresented research and policy perspectives. Overall, the special issue aims to contribute to a critical and holistic approach to human mobility and conflict in the context of political and environmental crisis.

Latin America is considered the most unequal continent in the world. Paradoxically, the development of resource-intensive social systems has done little to change the social imbalance. The author traces this paradox using Argentina as an example, uncovering the underlying conflicts of power and interests, and identifying successful strategies for implementing inclusive policies. As the first study of its kind, it systematically examines the long-term development of social security for low-income earners in Argentina and analyzes the decisive political, social, and economic factors influencing it. One fundamental social problem of Latin America is widely known: While large parts of the population live in poverty, a small minority possesses enormous wealth. Less well known is that extensive social programs have been introduced in many countries on the continent since the early 20th century. In some countries - such as Argentina, Brazil, Costa Rica and Uruguay - the state spends a similarly large portion of the gross domestic product on social spending as in the Scandinavian countries. How does that fit together? For some time now, studies have repeatedly pointed out that in Latin America, of all countries, the poorer sections of the population are massively disadvantaged in their access to social security. However, little research has been done on the political circumstances that led to the existing regulations and the political forces and strategies that can contribute to the successful introduction of progressive reforms. The results of this book are striking: The results are explosive: Contrary to previous assumptions, the regressive character of most social programs was by no means constant. The formation of broad alliances between left-wing political currents, trade unions, and lower class movements repeatedly led to significant redistribution. The generally low level of social protection for the poorer sections of the population is thus not the result of a lack

In modern societies the functional differentiation of medicine and religion is the predominant paradigm. Contemporary therapeutic practices and concepts in healing systems, such as Transpersonal Psychology, Ayurveda, as well as Buddhist and Anthroposophic medicine, however, are shaped by medical as well as religious or spiritual elements. This book investigates configurations of the entanglement between medicine, religion, and spirituality in Europe, Asia, North America, and Africa. How do political and legal conditions affect these healing systems? How do they relate to religious and scientific discourses? How do therapeutic practitioners position themselves between medicine and religion, and what is their appeal for patients?

Marine coastal governance encompasses the formal and informal processes of interaction and decision-making of actors involved in any issue of public interest regarding the marine and coastal environment. This report focuses primarily on summarizing and describing the main state-driven processes related to the governance of the coastal fisheries and (marine) aquaculture sectors (i.e. mariculture) in Peru. However, we also explain the predominant tensions between resource-based development regulations and key user groups. These tensions include strategies of contestation and adaptation of users which can involve or relate to informal and illegal processes in marine and coastal resource management. In a short introduction we will first provide context to the described processes by framing them with broader debates about the ways in which resource-based development is organized in Peru, namely privately owned and centralized, and discursively naturalized through narratives that prioritize economic growth over sustainability. The following second section provides the broader institutional background of fisheries and aquaculture governance by sketching the cornerstones of the Peruvian legal and political systems. The third section of the report is dedicated to the governance of fisheries, especially artisanal and small-scale fisheries, paying special attention to the mech-anisms of different fishing access regimes. Peruvian artisanal and small-scale fishing is one of the most relevant economic activities of the Humboldt Current Upwelling System (HCUS) as it provides the majority of fish for domestic human consumption, targeting more than 300 species, and employing four times more people than the industrial fisheries. The fourth and last section then focuses on the governance of mariculture following the same structure as the previous one. In this section, the information presented is being related to the specific case of the Peruvian bay scallop [Argopecten purpuratus]. T

This article aims to present a picture of Turkish journalism in German exile. By Turkish journalism, I refer to the production and circulation of news about Turkey, in Turkish and for a Turkish-speaking audience - primarily those living in Turkey. By German exile, I mean journalists who have migrated from Turkey since 2010 due to the country’s increasingly oppressive political climate, which has made journalism a dangerous profession there. Under-standing news in this context as the outcome of processes of transnational transfer of knowledge and experience from one regime to another, I ask how dissident Turkish journalists currently living in exile in Germany practise their profession from a distance, and what tools they use to critically engage with the overall political situation in Turkey. For this project, I have been carrying out ethnographic research in Berlin since November 2018. This research stands at the intersection of the anthropology of journalism and transnational migration. In the light of mapping the journalism scene in Berlin through this filter, I anchor historical foundations of the current migrant media scene where paths cross each other to understand their political references and to situate them in the context of Turkish-German migration. Then, I discuss the process of project-based journalism, by exploring the challenges and opportunities offered by the conditions within which journalists can practise their profession from a physical and temporal distance. Reviewing the choice of the audience that journalists aim to target, I also show how they meet a need for community media that had remained unaddressed in the Turkish-German context, in connection to the difficulty of establishing solidarities among themselves. Finally, I discuss recent debates on what journalism should be - or what happens to the expertise when activism and profession collide.

Der Bericht zeigt Entwicklungen im Rahmen der Bildungs- und Erwerbsmigration von Drittstaatsangehörigen nach Deutschland im Jahr 2019., This report contains analyses on developments in educational and labour migration to Germany in 2019.

Die Parlamentswahlen in Südkorea am 15. April waren die weltweit erste landesweite demokratische Abstimmung seit dem Ausbruch der Corona-Krise. Dass sie überhaupt durchgeführt werden konnten, steht in direktem Zusammenhang mit der Strategie, die Südkoreas Regierung bei der Eindämmung der Corona-Pandemie verfolgt. Klarer Sieger war denn auch der amtierende Präsident Moon Jae-in, der insbesondere für sein erfolgreiches Krisenmanagement belohnt wurde. Doch ist die Wahl auch ein Sieg für die noch immer vergleichsweise junge Demokratie in Südkorea. Da Regierung und Bevölkerung aus den Erfahrungen früherer Epidemien gelernt haben, mussten sich die Bürger nicht zwischen der Ausübung ihrer demokratischen Rechte und dem Schutz ihrer Gesundheit entscheiden. (Autorenreferat)

In der Slowakei haben die Parlamentswahlen vom 29. Februar einen Machtwechsel eingeläutet. Die von der sozialdemokratischen Smer-SD geführte Regierungskoalition wurde abgewählt, die Antikorruptionsbewegung OĽaNO obsiegte. Deren Vorsitzender Igor Matovič, der künftige Ministerpräsident, hat nach kurzen Verhandlungen eine Mitte-rechts-Koalition aus vier Parteien geformt. Übergeordnetes Ziel der neuen Regie­rung, die noch im März antritt, soll der Kampf gegen Korruption, intransparente Finanzinteressen und den Einfluss von Oligarchen sein. Angesichts der Verbreitung des Corona-Virus werden jedoch auf absehbare Zeit gesundheitliches und wirtschaftliches Krisenmanagement im Vordergrund stehen. An der europafreundlichen Grund­haltung der Slowakei dürfte sich wenig ändern, ebenso an ihrer Kooperation mit Polen, Tschechien und Ungarn in der Visegrád-Gruppe. (Autorenreferat)

While communication and media studies tend to define privacy with reference to data security, current processes of datafication and commodification substantially transform ways of how people act in increasingly dense communicative networks. This begs for advancing research on the flow of individual and organizational information considering its relational, con-textual and, in consequence, political dimensions. Privacy, understood as the control over the flow of individual or group information in relation to communicative actions of others, frames the articles assembled in this thematic issue. These contributions focus on theoretical challenges of contemporary communication and media privacy research as well as on structural privacy conditions and people’s mundane communicative practices underlining inherent political aspect. They highlight how particular acts of doing privacy are grounded in citizen agency realized in datafied environments. Overall, this collection of articles unfolds the concept of ‘Politics of Privacy’ in diverse ways, contributing to an emerging body of communication and media research.

Die Forschungsstudie zu freiwilliger und zwangsweiser Rückkehr wurde für das Europäische Migrationsnetzwerk (EMN) gefertigt. Der Bericht behandelt vorrangig die Rückkehr ausreisepflichtiger Personen, macht Angaben zur Datenlage, stellt den politisch-rechtlichen Rahmen dar und gibt einen differenzierten Überblick über verschiedene Rückkehrmaßnahmen. Er bietet detaillierte Informationen, bettet sie in einen größeren Rahmen ein und weist auf bestehende Forschungslücken hin. Der umfangreiche Bericht wird ergänzt um verschiedene kleinere Studien, die vom Bundesamt zur thematischen Abrundung der EMN-Forschungsstudie an Experten vergeben worden sind, die dem nationalen Netzwerk des EMN angehören. Die Expertisen behandeln migrationstheoretische Fragen der Rückkehr, die historische Entwicklung der Förderung von freiwilliger Rückkehr in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, die aktuelle Praxis der Rückkehrberatung sowie die Verbindungen zwischen Rückkehr und Entwicklung., The research study regarding voluntary and forced return was drawn up for the European Migration Network. The report primarily deals with the return of persons who are obliged to leave the country, providing information on the data available, describing the political and legal contexts, and provides a differentiated overview of various return-related measures. It offers detailed information, embedding it in a broader framework, and indicates existing gaps in research. The extensive report is supplemented by various smaller studies which were commissioned by the Federal Office from experts who belong to the national network of the EMN to round off the topics dealt with by the research study of the EMN. The expert reports deal with return-related questions of migration theory, with the historical development of the promotion of voluntary return in the Federal Republic of Germany, with the current practice of advice on returns, as well as with the connection between return and development.

This report contains analyses on developments in educational and labour migration to Germany in 2018.

The status of women in China has deteriorated markedly since 2006 relative to other countries, according to the World Economic Forum Gender Gap Index. Taking a longer view, the position of women has greatly improved since the founding of the People’s Republic of China but, after the ‘opening up’ of the economy, the logic of the market and the legacy of patriarchy have worked to the detriment of women. After briefly reviewing trends in China’s economic, demographic and social development, this editorial follows the structure of the thematic issue in focusing on the processes which may have caused women to slip behind. Socio-economic and political factors are considered first before focusing on the impact of unprecedently large scale migration. The circumstances and experiences of women ‘left outside’ mainstream society are explored next before reflecting on the lives of women left behind in poverty.

This essay examines the Ugandan police by combining approaches from political science, sociology and anthropology. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Uganda the essay draws a detailed picture from inside the police force and examines the everyday practices of the police, their bureaucratic dimensions and their relations with the Ugandan public. Following John Dewey’s understanding of adaptation, the essay argues that the Ugandan police cannot be seen as a product to external standards. The main thesis here is that the police in Uganda are a highly self-referential institution, embedded in a local context and a global policing code of self-representation.

This paper investigates micro- and macro-level determinants of participation in demonstrations worldwide, focusing on the role of resources and grievances across different democratic contexts. The analysis relies on a data set stemming from the ex-post harmonization of five international survey projects covering 100 countries between 1989 and 2009: Americas Barometer, Asia Europe Survey, European Values Study, International Social Survey Programme, and the World Values Survey. Results provide mixed support for previous findings and point to new insights. First, I find that the positive association between education and participation in demonstrations is stronger in democratic countries than in nondemocracies, but there is no evidence of similar variation in the case of income. Second, the effect of trust in parliament is U-shaped, and more pronounced in non-democracies compared to democracies. Overall the findings indicate that the role of resources as well as disaffection with the political system in explaining participation in demonstrations depends on the political context, thus emphasizing the importance of incorporating both levels of analysis in theoretical and empirical models. The paper concludes with a discussion of the opportunities and challenges associated with ex-post harmonization of survey data.