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This commentary on Craig Thompson's 'Towards an Ontology of Consumers as Distributed Networks' moves beyond his emphasis on the need for CCT to embrace material-semiotic theories to reflect our dynamically interconnected world. We argue that this restates the objectivity and apoliticality of academic practice, and critique the implied 'light' versus 'heavy' selves dichotomy, arguing instead for emphasising scholars' responsibility to recognise their own heavy situatedness within the socio-cultural phenomena they study. We propose a 'heavy' CCT scholarly self, (re)integrating the political dimensions of material-semiotic theories often denuded in translation. This suggests a paradigmatic shift from 'praxeomorphic' (the observing/theorising of light academic selves) to 'praxeomorphing' (the active engagement of heavy academic selves), guiding socio-economic transformations towards equity, sustainability, and transformative change in a more politically-conscious scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In much extant scholarship, Dante is either misused as the prophet of the modern Italian nation-state or dismissed as a naive imperialist. This paper steers clear of both these characterizations and gives serious consideration to Dante’s own understanding of nationhood. I examine the construction of language and national community in De vulgari eloquentia and then place Dante’s idea of the nation in the context of his argument for world government in Monarchia. Grappling with the received view that for Dante, as for Aristotle, language is inherently political, the paper suggests that Dante’s nation is first and foremost a kind of psychological bond arising from the experience and use of common language; it is not embodied in political-juridical institutions, nor is it a suitable sphere for human self-realization through civic discourse and participation. The recovery of Dante’s ‘non-political’ understanding of the nation cautions against a blanket dismissal of premodern ideas of the nation and offers a more nuanced perspective on language, national identity, and the future of nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the question of the possibility of moral and ethical grounds for the justification of the use of violence in modern times international conflicts. And specifically, how does the tradition of just war fit into this discussion? For this, a closer look at what just war thinking means is necessary. In this respect we would describe just war thinking more as a just war tradition than a just war theory, as there is no encompassing theory on just war. In history you see a development from the justification of war to a more problematic relation to the possibility of the use of military force. This can be illustrated by the more recent shift from just war thinking towards just peace thinking. This leads to the question: what kind of peace? We argue in this article that peace and justice are connected, and that you cannot have true peace without true justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As William Cavanaugh has remarked, the scholarly notion of religion "should often be surrounded by scare quotes. Its flexibility and occasional nebulousness make evaluating its role in conceiving of, effecting, and justifying violence even more difficult. At the same time, it sticks around and remains a vital category of contemporary analysis. What if getting behind the Wars of Religion—the period to which Cavanaugh traces the emergence of his "myth of religious violence"—could plant the seeds for a new paradigm in understanding the relationship between religion and violence? In this article, I analyze the Chronicon of Jean Hocsem, a fourteenth-century canon from Liège. Untranslated into English and rarely written about, Hocsem's text offers an unexpectedly political perspective on this question. Combining insights from Augustine's City of God as well as Aristotle's Politics and basing his ideas on his own experience of nearly constant conflict, Hocsem develops the idea that class antagonisms and human frailty make violence—especially political violence—inevitable. He takes this approach within a polity ruled by a prince-bishop, though one he would not have thought of as "religious". Hocsem's solutions are thus avowedly political. His pessimism about such questions leads to an emphasis on mitigating violence through the institution of proper socio-political structures. This reading of Hocsem and his politicizing of the question of violence opens new possibilities for scholars, further calling into question any easy relationship between the modern categories of "religion" and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ideal of unfettered data circulation has fallen into crisis. As of today, a growing number of actors are introducing measures to ensure a greater degree of control over the global data pipeline. Combining critical data studies and political theory, this article conceptualises the current technopolitical conjuncture as one of 'planetary data turbulence' in which divergences regarding the production and circulation of data have become the norm. The concept of data turbulence emerges from studies on data friction, but this article contends that the current state of affairs requires expanding the emphasis on technosciences and materiality in these works. Drawing on Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, the article shows that attending to antagonism and discourse makes it possible to account for the eminently political forces shaping the circulation of data. The strengths of this framework are illustrated by looking at the articulation of digital sovereignty in different geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite increasing interest in recent years, disability remains a neglected area of study within mainstream political science. Beginning with a brief overview of the ways that disability studies scholars have defined disability, I address the issues that have arisen in trying to measure disability as well as the limits and possibilities that follow from thinking of people with disabilities as a minority group with defined political beliefs and interests. To the extent that much of the work on disability in political science looks to the research on gender, race, ethnicity, and class as a touchstone, I consider the lessons that might be drawn from this work both as it relates to disability as a social category and regarding efforts to conceive of disability and ability in more structural and ideological terms. Turning to the literature on disability in political theory, I examine the ways that disability has been deployed to reveal the ableist assumptions that pervade canonical and more contemporary texts. I conclude by highlighting avenues for future research, including whether it is possible—or, indeed, desirable—to move beyond the civil rights and identity-based frameworks that have so defined disability politics and organizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bringing together political theorists of empire with critical scholars of international relations who have interrogated the methodological nationalism (indeed the fetish of the nation-state) of their disciplines, this special issue examines the multifaceted dimensions (including political, ideological, and psycho-affective) of a radical international thought. Going beyond articulations of anti-colonial struggle at the national level, the issue charts radical theories and praxes of insurgency and revolutionary violence and brings an internationalist framework to bear on historical moments like the Spanish Civil War, the rise of anti-imperial development alternatives, and the Civil Rights Movement in the United States, and others. In doing so, the issue spotlights thinkers who are rarely read in a global register, such as Martin Luther King Jr., James Baldwin, Jalāl Āl-e Ahmad, Ghassan Kanafani, and Eqbal Ahmad, among others. Furthermore, the introduction argues, the essays track these understudied articulations of radical international thought in the context of the traveling projects of imperial domination to which they responded. These radical figures' political thought and action, in turn, inspired further imperial responses, such as political assassinations in the Third World, counterrevolutionary tactics, and other modes of violence in the service of empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kari Palonen’s work has remained an inspiration for conceptual and intellectual historians as well as for political theorists over the years. His career and contributions make him an ideal interlocutor for a conversation on the joint practice of conceptual history and the study of political thought. This interview, conducted by Rosario López and José María Rosales, took place as one of the sessions of the online seminar On the Joint Practice of Conceptual History and the Study of Political Thought, organized by Concepta: Research Seminars in Conceptual History and Political Thought on 8 and 9 January 2024.

This article intends to take seriously some difficulties inherent in the legal regulation of violent, offensive or harmful speech acts on the Internet. In particular, assuming that cyberspace can be thought of as a primitive order whose sanctions have a predominantly reputational nature, it will focus on the reflections on legal primitivism developed by Hans Kelsen starting from the study Society and Nature: A Sociological Inquiry (1943). As part of the discussion, it will clearly emerge how, historically, in the context of primitive systems, forms of strict liability have often been resorted to. In analogy with those historical experiences and in the absence of more mature forms of regulation, today the possibility of attributing offensive users’ speech acts to large active service providers seems equally confirmed.

Since the fall of the communist bloc, the Russian Federation has constantly sought to reassert itself on the international political scene as a global actor, using a wide range of means and actions in this direction, some even exceeding the scope of legality and legitimacy of action. The Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict, which broke out in February 2022, is one of the most heated contemporary issues in International Relations that generated regional repercussions in political, economic and social terms, echoing in the entire international political system. As a consequence, this armed aggression generated fundamental changes in the Black Sea Region, especially from a social perspective, as it created a migratory wave of Ukrainian citizens who wanted nothing more than to flee the path of war. In this article, I want to investigate the immediate effects of the armed aggression of the Russian Federation on Ukraine from a social point of view – against the background of the huge migration wave in the European states – and politically – the coalition of the member countries of the European Union in providing support to the Ukrainian forces in order to survive in front of the Russian invading forces. Moreover, using the scenario method on the present data available on open source, I would like to explore the possible outcomes of the war and their implications from the social, economic, and political standpoints. This will allow me to foresee how the “new normal” would look like for the nations and which measures they need to adopt for a sustainable future.

The presented contribution deals with the impact of technological progress on the transformation of society and its potential perspectives for the individual development of individuals. Due to the demographic indicators that have identified that the population is aging not only in the territory of the Slovak Republic, but also in Europe, in our contribution we focus on the target group of senior citizens, as their number is increasing in the world. Population aging appears to be a global demographic trend. It is the result of a combination of factors such as advances in medical care, better access to health care, changes in socio-economic structures and lifestyles. With the increasing presence of technology in all areas of life, seniors face new opportunities, but also challenges when it comes to adapting and using these technologies. This contribution focuses on identifying the possibilities that technological progress offers for the development of seniors in the field of education, health, social contact, but also active involvement in society. At the same time, it also analyses the obstacles and limitations that seniors encounter when using new technologies and proposes measures and strategies to support their effective and inclusive involvement in the digital era, while we should not forget our social responsibility.

This contribution explores the role of political institutions in shaping railway policies in Italy between the war years and the early years of the Italian Republic. During this transitional period, Italy was faced with the need to rebuild and modernise its railway system after the devastating effects of the Second World War. The policies implemented reflected a commitment to upgrading existing infrastructure and building new railway lines in order to improve the connectivity and mobility of people and goods on a national and international scale. Railway policies adopted have contributed significantly to Italy’s socio-economic development, providing an important impetus for the modernisation and growth of the national railway system. However, much work remains to be done to address current and future challenges and to ensure that rail transport continues to play a central role in the country’s future sustainable development.

The paper discusses, from a social constructivist theoretical perspective, the manner in which Romania’s African Strategy, Romania–Africa: A Partnership for Future through Peace, Development and Education, envisions civil society’s role. The paper tries to identity the political, theoretical and ideological underpinnings of the document’s view of civil society, by analyzing not only its content, but its position within the wider context of Romania’s foreign policy. The ambiguous or rather limited role that civil society is expected to play is explained as a result of the two rather conflicting views of international politics which the document tries, albeit unsuccessfully to reconcile: an understanding of international politics, focused on the distribution of power and centered on the privileged role states play in international politics, stemming from a historical sense of vulnerability exacerbated by the War in Ukraine, which cannot be reconciled with a view of international relations focused on the role of international institutions and Romania’s historical support for decolonization. In addition to the interaction between these perspectives, both views, however, prescribe a subordinate role for civil society.

This contribution aimed to examine the critical issues related to the export of cybersurveillance technologies by some European Union companies to Myanmar, a country with a history of instability and geopolitical tensions that have been exacerbated since the military coup of 2021. Non-governmental organizations operating in the country, in addition to humanitarian and development assistance, play a crucial role in the evolution of civil society, and, also thanks to some of them, it has been possible to find out some irregularities in the export of dual-use goods that may cause social impacts and infringe on the freedoms of Burmese civil society. Through a qualitative analysis of the literature, the main EU regulations, and related NGOs documents, the research uncovered some regulatory loopholes that allowed such exports while examining the practices of some European companies in Burma. The work carried out confirmed the need for stricter regulation: in this sense, the European Commission’s recent Delegated Regulation 2023/66 aims to ensure more effective control over this type of export by preventing the misuse of surveillance technology and promoting greater accountability of companies operating in authoritarian contexts.

The conflict in Ukraine has already changed the picture of the regional security and some changes may be permanent. The shifting power structures created by the war and the illicit market opportunities will continue to increase criminal activity. This article assesses the impact of the conflict in Ukraine and its implications for organized crime and security-related issues for neighbouring countries, with a focus on Romania. These include organized crime and illicit trafficking (including trafficking in persons, drugs, arms, illicit tobacco, and other goods), cybercrimes and fraud. The paper uses a multidisciplinary approach, which includes both intelligence analysis and operational actions, with a benefit role in the prevention, detection and tackling of serious and organized crime affecting the European Union and its citizens. This study used a mixed-methods approach. The literature review along with a content analysis and statistical analysis of organized crime was conducted using a combination of online databases, as well as academic journals and conference papers. The research findings show that the impact of the conflict in Ukraine and its implications for organized crime and security-related issues will have long-term consequences for European Union countries.

The aura of power and prestige surrounding the ministerial positions, situated at the apex of the government, is much valued by the parties and political actors (Verzichelli, 2008). The paper explores the political recruitment of Romanian ministers affiliated with the National Liberal Party (PNL) in the governments related to the 2020-2024 electoral cycle. It delves into the processes and factors shaping the recruitment, selection, and careers of ministers within the party, shedding light on the intricate dynamics of political recruitment in the Romanian context. The research examines how elements such as opportunity structure, political ambitions, party positions, and the former local, national, or parliamentary offices held by the political actors (ªtefan, 2016) influence ministerial appointments. Since most of the PNL ministers were already members of parliament at their ministerial appointment and about three-quarters had obtained two parliamentary mandates, a previous parliamentary career appears to be one of the beaten paths toward the ministerial chair. Being cabinet members in previous electoral cycles was another possible reason for the party’s designation of certain individuals in ministerial positions as more than half of the liberal ministers had prior experience in cabinets. By analysing the career trajectories and tenures of PNL ministers, this study contributes to understanding the complexities involved in the political recruitment of executive members within the party that was continuously in government, along the Cîtu, Ciucã, and Colacu cabinets, in the 2020–2024 legislature.

A liberal-democratic society (from a political theory perspective) is self-governing in the sense that people, through their directly elected representatives, exercise sovereignty and decision-making authority. Through this process, elected officials should have the power and the responsibility to decide all policy matters. In the real world, however, this is not so easy since public policy is made by bureaucrats and not by elected officials. With the birth of the Welfare State, in fact, the question of how much control representatives elected by citizens should exercise over the Public Administration (PA) has become a topic of relevance. The presence of permanent officials in relevant administrative roles corrects some of the major shortcomings of democratic governance and contributes significantly to the success and stability of liberal democratic States. It is therefore necessary to begin a reflection that can give relevance to the normative dimension of the executive power with a deontological analysis on the role of the civil servant/public official. This paper aims to underline the importance of PA in a liberal-democratic political system and explain which are the limits of democratic legitimacy for public officials fulfilling their functions. In addition to this, an alternative approach will be proposed. A vocational model of accountability based on the neutrality of the public function and on a set of liberal values (efficiency, liberty and equality) as a healthy corrective to populism and illiberal democracies and an alternative to the democratic legitimacy.

This paper analyses the relationship between the deterioration of the rule of law and the negative consequences on socio-economic development in the contemporary world. To scrutinize this correlation, quantitative-comparative analysis and secondary data review methods will be used. This aims to determine the extent to which the rule of law has a determining role or not in the development of states and societies. These results can serve as data for the basis of qualitative and sustainable public policies. The research aims to compare and contrast countries such as the United States of America, Singapore and Romania and determine the correlation between the deterioration of the rule of law, with a specific focus towards measurable elements such as the absence of corruption, and the consequences over economic development and prosperity. The country case studies have been identified purposefully to reflect different geographical areas, different historical pasts, and various levels of economic development. Despite the differences, the research aims to solely analyse the correlation between the rule of law and economic status.

The magnitude of the influx of Ukrainian refugees, generated by the intensification of Russia’s aggression in Ukraine in 2022, caught the European Union and especially the Eastern European member states by surprise. The main objective of this article is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the emergency response provided by Romania, including the governmental measures adopted by Romanian authorities in collaboration with UNHCR and IOM, supported by civil society through volunteering. This study focuses specifically on examining and observing the evolution of Romania’s mechanisms of emergency response and assistance, as well as the legislative changes that occurred as a result of the significant influx of Ukrainian refugees on Romanian territory in the first four months following the escalation of the war (February – May 2022). To achieve this objective, official documents provided by the Romanian Government, the Strategic Coordination Group – Humanitarian Assistance, and reports provided by UNHCR and IOM will be analysed, with the primary method being content analysis. The case of Romania is a relevant study because prior to 2022, unlike other EU Eastern member states, it was not on the transit route of refugees and till today is not a full member of the Schengen area, thus through the analysis of the Romanian response, it can be determined whether Romania represents an example of best practices in emergency assistance regarding refugee management.

The peculiarities of the promotion of the narrative of Ukrainian biological weapons by Russian propaganda during the Russian-Ukrainian war are investigated. The impact of such propaganda on public opinion is deconstructed. Measures to counter such propaganda by non-state research organizations and non-state mass media are outlined. It was determined that in the modern world, propaganda turns the real world into a fictional world. As a form of communication, propaganda seeks to direct the reaction and/or behaviour of the subject. An important factor is that with the help of information that is promoted through certain technologies, an opinion that is important to the government is represented. Especially when this government is at war. And when the consumer of information receives a lot of information, he can not only understand the reality in which he is, but can also lose it. Therefore, at least two opposing points of view can form an information space, divide it and counterattack each other. As a result, confrontation between people will be established. In the war with Ukraine, Russia created a multi-level information space, in each of which Ukraine is accused of spreading Nazism, suppressing Russian speakers, spreading biological weapons, etc. A unique aspect of contemporary Russian propaganda is its creation of numerous narratives on diverse subjects, each consistently highlighting the presence of an enemy. And this is Ukraine. Undoubtedly, the goal of such a strategy is to justify a military invasion of the territory of Ukraine, and not only in 2022, but also in 2014. Propaganda narratives must also be thwarted by a multi-layered countermeasure, an important element of which is NGOs.

Romania’s investment in culture is very low compared to the budget allocated by other neighbouring European countries to the cultural sector. Against this background, museums in Romania are constantly seeking additional sources of funding for various cultural projects as part of their efforts to catch up with European trends and strengthen the museum’s image as a social agent, facilitating social inclusion and diversity. In this sense, a significant source of extra-budgetary funding for museums is mainly national and European-funded projects. These follow several general principles, such as sustainability, diversity, and social inclusion. Other sources of funding, such as funding from large companies that have an inclusive culture for diverse groups of people, such as people with disabilities, are also important for museums. Currently, museums are implementing several projects on different funding axes, such as research projects (e.g., Interreg), adult education (Erasmus +), volunteering, solidarity projects (European Solidarity Corps, ESC), and cultural diversity (Creative Europe program). This article will be based on a dual approach, namely a comprehensive literature review and an analysis of AFCN funding sources from 2019–2023 and the Creative Europe funding axis. This research is extremely relevant because museums in Romania are increasingly active in project management and the absorption of non-reimbursable funds.

The contribution provides an overview of the European path towards artificial intelligence as a 21st century innovation. European institutions have played a significant role in the development and adoption of AI, addressing challenges and opportunities along the way. Over the years, the European Union (EU) has promoted initiatives and strategies to foster research, development and responsible use of AI as part of policies aimed at innovation and competitiveness. The European path towards AI is characterised by a commitment to foster collaboration between public and private sectors, to ensure ethical and regulatory standards, and to create a favourable ecosystem for the growth and deployment of AI across Europe. This approach reflects an awareness of the strategic importance of AI for Europe’s economy, society and global competitiveness in the 21st century.

In a world increasingly focused on inclusivity, addressing the challenges faced by gender nonconforming and transgender individuals is crucial. Identity documents are meant to represent us, but the current approaches of administrative systems in registering gender do not reflect the existing diverse identities. This not only has policy and legal implications but it also clashes with modern conceptions of human rights and inherent dignity. This paper explores approaches to more inclusive gender identification practices for IDs. Drawing on the framework provided by Wipfler (2016), it examines three strategies: 1) definitional expansion; 2) categorical expansion, and 3) abolition. The definitional expansion approach would expand the understanding of what a man and a woman are, therefore encompassing a wider population. While it would offer more legal protection and affirmation for transgender or gender non-conforming individuals, it reinforces the presumption that registering gender is a necessity and it would still marginalize non-binary people. Categorical expansion refers to adding other sex categories beyond the traditional binary. Some societies have already started implementing this step. Although advantageous, it continues to expect individuals to conform to pre-determined categories that they may not identify with. Abolition advocates for the complete elimination of sex categories in identification, aiming to dismantle discriminatory practices. While this would promote inclusivity, a major drawback is the inability to address existing sexbased discrimination. Thus, this is a promising approach in the long-term, but idealistic in the short-term due to current societal dynamics. A more pragmatic approach combines categorical and definitional expansions of gender.

The goal of the European Union to consolidate the digital sovereignty of the region by 2030, within the framework of the Digital Decade of Europe policy program, imposes the responsibility of Member States to contribute through the development of technical and human e-governance infrastructure, being necessary to prepare the body of public servants in public administration to support and use new technologies, both in front-office and back– office relationships. Considering the essential role that human capital plays in national digital development and the achievement of the union’s objectives, this research aims to explore the impact of Romanian National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP) on the development of digital skills among public servants through the Advanced Digital Skills Training Program for 30,000 executive public servants and 2,500 managerial public servants. This program is managed by the National Agency for Civil Servants (NACS), a central public administration institution responsible for the management of the public service and public servants in Romania. National Agency for Public Servants is also the beneficiary and responsible for the implementation of the specific investment from the NRRP. The study aims to investigate the types of training used to identify and propose blended approaches of formal and informal digital education that enhance the initial training, testing, and certification services offered by the NACS program.

Territorial reforms took place in several countries of Western Europe beginning with 1950 and of the Central and Eastern Europe after 1990. The theoretical premises of these reforms were those that larger local authorities will be more efficient in delivering public services to citizens, tailor made for local needs. Unfortunately, the reality proved a little much more complex; the reforms determined different administrative and economic outputs, so the ’economies of scale’ and ‘democracy’ arguments remained without a definitive answer and the debates are still dividing specialists and political leaders. The paper analyses those territorial reforms and their relevance in the context of Romanian current debates and realities. The findings from the case of other countries are compared with data of the Romanian municipalities (by municipality understanding any local administrative unit), and implication on the optimal municipal size, cost-efficiency improvements, impact on local democracy and political participation are discussed. The conclusion is that any territorial reform should be done looking to all the possible outputs (in terms of size, but also of the density of population, availability and costs of public services, decentralization and local democracy, participation in political life, protection of the ethnic minorities, etc.) and how these will affect citizens. More than that, the data regarding Romanian municipalities shows there is no evident correlation between some financial indicators and population size. This means that an up-scaling will have the impact of reducing the number of municipalities but will not change the performance of that local authorities.

My analytical study aims at mapping feminist ideas in their temporal and political context, following a series of fundamental landmarks focusing on the aftermath of the economic crisis of 2008–2010 when the anti-austerity mobilizations led to a general socio-economic critique. My assumption is that year 2015 and the refugee crisis marked a repositioning of feminism at the European level and, in the particular case of the Romanian one, an additional opening towards social inequalities, poverty/feminization of poverty, class, and ethnicity. In this paper, in addition to clarifying the methodological perspective, I analyse what I call the second ‘foundational’ period of Romanian feminism – between 2018 and present. It is a redivivus – the second ‘foundational’ period of feminism in relation with the tendencies of democratic deconsolidation in Central and Eastern European as well as with the imperative of facing the political insurgency of illiberalism. In this new political context, which had as its decisive moment the constitutional referendum of 2018 regarding same-sex marriages, Romanian feminism preserved its diversity built in the previous period but was forced to consolidate itself, becoming, thus, one of the most assertive oppositional paradigms to illiberalism and democratic backsliding. My assumption is that, departing from the traditional Stein Rokkan’s taxonomy of political cleavages, we have entered a new phase: the cleavage between different democratization strategies (Buttorf and Dion, 2017: 102).

Tourism has the ability to generate numerous economic and employment opportunities but, alongside these, it appears necessary to also investigate the negative externalities connected to this phenomenon. In fact, tourism tends to profoundly modify a territory and the quality of life of those who reside there, sometimes positively. From this perspective, sustainable tourism is a form of tourism aimed at reducing the environmental, social and economic impact caused by tourist activities, to encourage the protection of the natural and cultural resources of the destination places. Through the review of the literature and the analysis of a case study, the contribution investigates the need to encourage models of participation and involvement of local communities as a tool to protect themselves and their territory, since tourism shared by the local community is more sustainable, ethical and responsible.

This paper tackles the question of how women leaders in executive positions have tackled the debut of the COVID-19 pandemic (March-July 2020). For granularity I will restrict the analysis to two particular cases, Serbia (ex-Prime Minister Ana Brnabic) and Germany (ex-Chancellor Angela Merkel), but the conclusions can be tested in future crisis situations. Drawing on analyses of the measures implemented and the political discourses/interviews of the two leaders related to the pandemic I will describe and evaluate their decision-making strategies. Subsequently I will analyse how the context/ specificity of the significantly different socio-political characteristics of the two states interfere with the leader’s decision and meaning making process. In order to do this, I will also use and analyse data provided by the Varieties of Democracy Institute. The final results show different approaches for Brnabic (failed to successfully fulfil the roles expected of leaders in crisis situations, according to crisis management literature) and Merkel (resembles the leader “prototype” in times of crisis). However, among other factors, I take into consideration that the state of the regime in Serbia (tendencies of democratic backsliding) can be held accountable for Brnabic’s poor performance as a leader in crisis.

According to Daniel Bell „The nation state has become too small for the big problems of life, and too big for the small problems,“ (D. Bell, 1987) yet, in a Global Era, by means of access to information and economic globalization, people are facing, in their ordinary lives, small and big problems, and it seems that no one is capable to provide an adequate response to them. At National-state level, in many of the developed countries, it seems that Democracy is backsliding as the phenomenon of Constitutional Retrogression is spreading. At a global level, the global governance institutions such as the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, and alike ones, seem to act on a basis of calculation between benefits and costs. They are captured by economic interests that undermine the needed confidence that bound citizens and politicians and weaken the moral and social values that should be shared by people. One of the results is the increase of populist movements, which could be understood as a response to those threats. In this article, we will address those issues, intending to demonstrate that new mechanisms of political participation are needed to avoid the threats that we are facing.

Right-wing populist-nationalist parties in Europe have been challenging the established liberal order for an extended period, and the year 2024 poses numerous challenges. With the growing gap between traditional political parties and social strata, there is an urgent need for a deeper understanding of the discourse employed by right-wing populist-nationalist parties as they attempt to address this rupture. In Romania, recent polls indicate that the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) holds the third position, positioning it as the primary opposition party, as the top two parties, PSD and PNL, have formed a coalition since 2021. Originating during the 2018 referendum debate on redefining the family, AUR has grown, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic, employing a discourse that incorporates nationalist, religious, and traditional family elements. This paper seeks to analyse the discursive elements employed by the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) party, utilizing a Gramscian approach. In a year marked by European, local, general, and presidential elections, understanding how this party is shaping a new common sense to counter the existing hegemony is crucial, as the common sense plays and important role in the functioning of democracy. The paper identifies the alternative narratives proposed by AUR and examines how symbols and references to traditions are incorporated into their discourse. Common sense, as Gramsci describes it, is not a homogenous set of ideas, but rather a multitude of ideas that are constantly changing. The task of this paper is to identify the elements that form the discourses of AUR and how they form an alternative common sense.

The paper traces the history of the journal Il Ponte, founded by Piero Calamandrei in April 1945, in order to capture the ideal roots of this audacious publishing initiative. The Author focuses on the liberal-socialist vocation of the journal and on the ideals of European federalism that led Calamandrei to oppose the Atlantic Pact. Lastly, he delves into the commitment of the Florentine jurist in support of the Constitution, democracy and the Welfare State.

Te paper reconstructs the profound intellectual connection between Piero Calamandrei and the brothers Carlo and Nello Rosselli, which began in the 1920s with the foundation of the Circolo di Cultura in Florence, and prosecuted through the collaboration with the underground newspaper Non Mollare, until the establishment of the Partito d’Azione that inherited the legacy of the Giustizia e Libertà movement founded by Carlo Rosselli in 1929. Particular attention is paid to the commemorative plaques dedicated by Calamandrei to the Rosselli brothers and to the ideas of liberal socialism, actively cultivated by the Florentine jurist in the Constituent Assembly.

Piero Calamandrei has contributed in many different ways to the Italian scholarship, debate and reform in the area of law and religion and Church and State. This text is focused on the two key questions of 1) State sovereignty, especially vis-à-vis the sovereignty of the Catholic Church, and 2) freedoms and rights in the face of diversity of religious membership. Calamandrei’s approach will be first described and then analysed in the light of developments in Italian law and policy in the last 70 years.

The paper focuses on the lectures given by Piero Calamandrei in 1952 at the University of Mexico, which were collected in the famous volume Processo e democrazia published by Cedam in 1954. The volume, translated in China in 2005, has aroused lively interest among Chinese scholars. The Author expresses his appreciation for the scholarly tradition stemming from Calamandrei and, in particular, he emphasises the profile of judiciary’s autonomy and independence, which distinguishes liberal and democratic systems from authoritarian ones. Lastly, the Author dwells on the relationship between judges and lawyers, which should take place in a climate of active and mutual trust.

Te paper reconstructs the genesis of the ‘Centro di iniziativa giuridica Piero Calamandrei’ Foundation, from the initiative of the Radical Party to its progressive autonomy. After outlining the characteristic features of its statutory purposes, the Author highlights the main actions of the Foundation, among which the very recent publication in open access of the ten hard-to-find volumes of Calamandrei’s Opere giuridiche, edited by Mauro Cappelletti, stands out.

The paper focuses on the multi-faceted personality and work of Piero Calamandrei – an outstanding protagonist in the sphere of law, academia, institutions and culture – highlighting how many provisions of the Constitution are indebted to his proposals. In particular, Calamandrei contributed to the drafting of norms on civil rights, the constitutionalisation of social rights, and the protection of the autonomy and independence of the judiciary, an aspect to which the Author pays specific attention along with the principle of the separation of powers, which constitutes the ‘beating heart’ of the relations between politics and the judiciary.

The aim of this paper is to reconstruct the main features and historical-political reasons behind the presidentialism proposal advanced by Piero Calamandrei in the Constituent Assembly. The Author illustrates this proposal not only within the context of the Florentine jurist’s thought, but also within the broader field of institutional reforms and the Italian political system, highlighting the factors that undermine the stability of the executive.

The paper concerns the contribution given by Calamandrei with the Mexican conferences to the transformative constitutionalism that spread in Latin America. In particular, it dwells on the role of the judge as an engine of social transformation. After a brief introduction on the role of the judge in pre-1944 works, the Author emphasizes the liberal-socialist culture as the matrix of the social justice promised in the Republican Constitution. Secondly, the Author focuses on the inaugural conference of the 1950 International Congress, in which Calamandrei invites us to read the trial in the light of the constitutional principles of the welfare state. The Mexican conferences, in which the judge becomes an engine of social transformation, are then analysed. The paper concludes with an analysis of the legacy of the Mexican conferences in Latin America: the ‘transformative constitutionalism’.

The works of Piero Calamandrei, professor of procedural law, had a wide circulation and extraordinary influence in Latin America, and, generally, in the Spanish speaking world, thanks to the translations and editions by Santiago Sentís Melendo. However, this cannot be claimed for the ‘other’ Calamandrei, the constituent and professor of constitutional law, who has only recently and partially gained access to that cultural sphere.

The paper focuses on the Risorgimento roots of Piero Calamandrei’s thought, on his firm and open opposition to Fascism from the very beginning, and on his relationship with the Resistance. Through the pages of his Diary, the atmosphere of heavy oppression endured by many anti-fascist intellectuals is reconstructed. For Calamandrei, the liberation struggle became a historical moment of reconciliation not only with the ‘homeland’ vilified by Fascism, but also with the generation of which his son Franco was part, who had made a fundamental contribution to the Resistance.

Finally, in 2024, a unique tool for consulting the Calamandrei archives sees the light of day, thanks to the digitization of the fonds held at institutions and foundations located in Florence, Rome, Trento and Montepulciano. For the time being, the correspondences, but the project Kaleodoscope of papers, launched in 2009, continues on the entire documentary heritage, allowing valuable cross-fertilization to scholars and full accessibility to the public.

Drawing on an evocative letter her grandfather wrote her in the mid-1950s, the Author dwells on the dangers of a looming new Cold War, which makes Calamandrei’s concerns in the aftermath of the Hiroshima bombing, as well as his vote against the Atlantic Pact in the Italian Chamber of Deputies in 1949, highly topical. Despite his isolation, he strenuously defended a position of neutrality and weaved a dialogue, a network of communication among peoples, fostering their interdependence. His journeys to Mexico and particularly to China – a source of several publications on the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Italy and the People’s Republic of China – fairly witness it.