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Copyright of Journal of Academic Inquiries / Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi is the property of Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this study is to determine the status of the transitional period and its implications for the "reconciliation and amnesty" mechanisms found in nations with transitional laws. These mechanisms are typically included in the transitional phase that results from drastically and completely altering a country's political system. The state uses a variety of mechanisms and strategies to integrate equity during times of systemic transition or transformation. In our research, we examine extrajudicial mechanisms like "reconciliation," victim compensation programs, and amnesty linked to community reconciliation in comparison to the dominant mechanisms of transitional constitutional systems to arrive at a conclusion regarding the relative importance or value of each. We also attempt to highlight the advantages or disadvantages of including these provisions or system in that mechanism and offer conclusions and recommendations targeted at addressing or evaluating that inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amme Idaresi Dergisi is the property of Public Administration Institute for Turkey & the Middle East (TODAIE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction. This article considers the mass media as the «Fourth Power» in the political system of modern society with the aim of illuminating the place of mass media in the latter. The authors had attempted to achieve this goal in terms of structural-functional, institutional and other explanatory concepts. From a theoretical point of view, the media attract the attention of both political scientists and sociologists, philosophers, historians, journalists and public relations specialists. Research in this direction requires a multiparadigmal methodological approach, since all theoretical and empirical resources for such analysis are available in modern science. Methodology and sources. In the framework of these methodological positions (multiparadigmal methodological approach) “The Fourth Power” appears in various aspects, which also allows to study the latter as an institution of the political system of society, in which the media are not only an indicator of the development of civil society, but also indicate the degree of openness of the political elite and the ruling political class. As methodological sources, this article uses the works of such founders of the concept of “Fourth Power” as J. S. Mill, J. Bentam, J. Habermas, F. Siebert, T. Peterson, W. Schram, etc. Results and discussion. The article studies the possibilities of applying the basic provisions of general scientific and specialized approaches to the study of the concept of «Fourth Branch of Power» as an explanatory methodological approach in modern political and sociological researches. The authors made an attempt to theoretical interpretation of the basic categories and to highlight their conceptual analogues in modern science.Conclusion. The results of the work show that the mass media (“The Fourth Power”) definitely play an ever-increasing role in terms of control over public power and are one of the institutions of civil-political society. Although it is known that the use of the term “The Fourth Power” to denote this political role of the media may cause objections and be a reason for discussion.

Indonesia and the Philippines have shared similar history, geological condition, and economic structure. Located in Southeast Asia, both countries have rich reserves of metallic minerals. They have also experienced changes of political system in the post-WWII era, from an authoritarian regime to a democracy, and have both pursued a neoliberal economic policy since the 1980s.​ However, the shared commonalities have not led to a similar development path of the mining industry in the two countries. Our research was aimed to reveal the key factors that caused the divergence of the mining development in Indonesia and the Philippines, from three main aspects: the evolution of the political system, the economic and mining policies adopted by the two governments, and the role of the mining regulations. The main question asked was that "Why did the similar political systems and economic policy fail to create a convergent path for mining development in the two neighbors?" The research has proved the validity of our hypothesis: the distinct political objectives and economic circumstances have impacted the implementation of the Neoliberal economic policy in the two countries. To a less extent, the scale of the mining industry in their respective economies and the different features of their respective colonial past were partially responsible as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A positive relationship between assessments of procedural justice and attitudes toward the political system has been identified in many studies of various countries. To quantify this relationship, a meta‐analysis was conducted on 69 samples from 50,814 respondents, reported in 37 manuscripts between 1981 and 2021. We found positive correlations between assessments of procedural justice and attitudes toward politicians, political institutions, and the political system in people of different ages and in countries with different political regimes. These positive correlations exist in real and hypothetical situations with various levels of authority. However, two factors moderated the association between the assessment of procedural justice and political attitudes. First, procedural justice as a set of norms is more strongly related to attitudes toward the system than procedural justice as a generalized assessment is. Second, the assessment of procedural justice is more strongly associated with attitudes toward political institutions and the system than attitudes toward the procedures and decisions. Moreover, the percentage of heterogeneity in the obtained models is fairly high; categorical moderators explain 43% of the variance of the effects obtained. The results should therefore be interpreted with consideration of this substantial heterogeneity in the correlations' sizes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Logos: A Journal, of Religion, Philosophy Comparative Cultural Studies & Art (08687692) is the property of Logos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athar alrafedain is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to one of the important issues of the development of the political space, political system, political life, and ideological and cultural structure of modern Afghan society. The article attempts to analyze and discuss various aspects of the current state of the political culture of Afghanistan. The main attention is paid to the attitude of citizens to politics and the political regime of the Taliban (organization banned in Russia). Afghanistan’s current political culture is based on the models and values of the Taliban government. They rely on traditionalist political models. The implementation of modern political processes, such as elections, is not far from being able to question the power of representatives. It can be argued that political culture is the link between people and political power. The main task of political culture is to include people in the political system of society and political activities. Political culture is a system of political knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, and values, as well as political activities of political subjects. For example, political culture manifests itself differently in different social groups and communities, political movements, and individuals. The study of the current state of the political culture of Afghanistan allows us to conclude that today the level of conflict is quite high, the mood of the Afghan society is at a disorganized level. A controversial political culture prevails in Afghan society. This conflict can be seen in social differences, institutional weakness, society’s distrust of functioning authority, and cultural differences.

Political systems employ a variety of resources to acquire legitimacy and support from society. Any changes in the political system and sources of legitimacy can fundamentally alter the social world and the sign system, and even lay the foundations for identity conflict. Since the collapse of the Pahlavi dynasty and the establishment of the Islamic Republic government, Iran has experienced such a trend. Therefore, the Pahlavi dynasty and the Islamic Republic government can be considered the most important periods of civilization and identity conflict in contemporary Iran. The present study aims to apply semiotics to examine the naming process as one of the elements of the sign system in the legitimacy of the Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic of Iran governments. The findings show that the changes in the naming process during the Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic governments represent a shift in the source of legitimacy from ancient Iran to the Islamic period, which has been reflected in the names of individuals, places, coins, and commemorative medals. The change of political system has also intensified the identity and ideology conflicts in the sign systems of Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the current and important, most problematic and painful issues and problems faced by the political system of Ukraine during important and complex transformational processes at the current stage. The role of political values, which should change in the majority of the population during the transition from an authoritarian-totalitarian society to a democratic one, is considered. Emphasis is placed on the main problems of today, such as the lack of consolidated power, the alienation of power from the citizen and comprehensive corruption. It is emphasized that an important aspect is the involvement of the widest possible sections of the population, especially the youth, in active participation in the processes of political transformation. A historical retrospective of the political transformation of Ukraine is provided. It is emphasized that the transition to a state of a modern, democratic type is possible only under the condition of the implementation of a systemic strategy of reforms, which links the movement towards a social market economy, civil society, and the rule of law into a coherent complex with the purposeful formation of social state institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of The L N Gumilyov Eurasian National University Political Science Regional Studies Oriental Studies Turkology Series is the property of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studies in Politics & Society / Polityka & Społeczeństwo is the property of University of Rzeszow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study reflects the relationship between the political elite, as an important structural part of the political system, and the formation of legal norms in different countries. The study identifies the main aspects of political elites, reveals the generalized influence of elites on political systems and their development, and analyzes the peculiarities of the formation of legal order in the context of various political systems. The relationship between the political system and the legal order is key to ensuring the stability and development of society. Only through the joint efforts of political and legal institutions can the effective functioning of the legal order and the solution of pressing social problems be ensured. The purpose of the article is to provide a structured analysis of the impact of global trends on the development of political elites, and to determine the consequences of these transformations. The study results show that current world trends, such as globalization, digitalization, democratization of society, wars and conflicts, natural disasters, and demographic changes, have a significant and ambiguous impact on political elites as an integral part of political systems. Modernity with its both positive and negative phenomena makes us rethink such philosophical concepts as ethics and morality in the context of political elites. As we know, more than half of the world's population live in countries where national elections will be held in 2024; this is the first time such a landmark event will take place and it will have a major impact on society. Practical significance of the study lies in clearer understanding of the dynamics of interaction between political elites and the legal orders they form, highlighting the ways to harmonize power and legal structures in the context of globalization and technological progress. However, trends such as wars, conflicts and disasters often lead to the strengthening of authoritarian power structures, increased military control and restrictions on civil liberties, which can lead to civil protests and the erosion of democratic standards. In general, current trends require the state to strike a balance between adapting to global challenges and preserving the foundations of democracy and the rule of law. The need for adaptive legal regulation and flexible political systems capable of responding to rapid change is key to ensuring stability and development in an increasingly unpredictable global context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of the research lies in the observation that, while Ukraine has established formal democratic institutions since its independence, many democratization issues remain unresolved. These formal structures lack effectiveness and support, with informal, often non-democratic political processes and secret agreements continuing to prevail. The study aims to conclude a theoretical study, conceptualization, and generalization of the problems of the existence of informal institutions, as well as a comprehensive analysis of practical technologies of informal institutionalization in modern Ukraine. The authors used such general scientific methods as analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, abstraction, the ascent from the abstract to the concrete. The authors considered such informal institutions that exist in the political reality of Ukraine, such as lobbying, corruption, populism, non-conventional forms of political participation of citizens, party agreements, clientelism, and political bargaining. The effective technologies for the informal institutionalization of modern Ukraine, including technologies for eliminating authoritarian practices, technologies of party structuring, technologies of political participation and technologies for the formation of democratic political consciousness have been proposed. These technologies are aimed at the political modernization of Ukraine, ensuring the institutional functioning of democracy at the proper level and minimizing the negative effects of informal institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal is the property of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arts Magazine is the property of Thamar University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present study analyzed political socialization in the Palestinian society. This study was organized into four modules in addition to the introduction, the study purpose and scope, its methodology, and finally, the study conclusion and recommendations. The first component explores the theoretical concept of political socialization, and its two types: direct and indirect political socialization. The second focused on the Institutions of political socializations. The third included the nature of the political parties, and the crisis of political participation for which society is responsible. The fourth highlighted the role of the Military Institution in deepening the crisis of political participation. The study concluded that through political socialization, individual acquires a political culture that helps him/her create a relationship between him/herself and the political system in the society, and recommends, given the concept of political socialization the utmost importance in the teaching curriculum and the different media outlet in the Arab societies in general, and in the Palestinian society in particular taken into consideration the Palestinian division under the on-going Israeli occupation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background Hydrogen energy, a type of renewable energy if produced without fossil fuel, has a critical issue in that most of it is still produced from carbon footprint heavy industries such as the fossil fuel industry. It is imperative to produce hydrogen from renewable sources on a global level so that the carbon footprint can be curbed. South Korea, along with other global economies such as the US, the EU, Japan and China, has shown its resolution to build a hydrogen economy with green hydrogen produced only from renewable sources. Since 2017, South Korea has been actively shaping its political actions and policies to develop the necessary technology for this transition. This study focuses on South Korea's actions and policies, using a political system model to better understand the shift towards a green hydrogen economy. Results The analysis shows that budgeting for R&D projects has had a significant impact on scientific breakthroughs, advancements, and product development in the field of green hydrogen in South Korea. These actions have also affected market performance, resulting in increased interest and investment in green hydrogen. Although there have been significant advancements in the field of green hydrogen in South Korea, the current state of technology remains in its early stages of development. Most of the breakthroughs have been in water-to-hydrogen and biomass-to-hydrogen technologies. However, these technologies show promise as the foundation of a thriving hydrogen economy in South Korea. The analysis also indicates a strong market demand for green hydrogen technology. To support these efforts, the political system has focused its financial support on water-to-hydrogen technology and projects at the TRL 1–3 stage. Conclusions The study concludes that ongoing financial and political support is necessary for areas showing outstanding performance to vitalize the hydrogen economy and facilitate the transition to a green hydrogen society in the future. Additionally, a robust legal framework is crucial to ensure steady growth of the green hydrogen economy, similar to those in other major hydrogen economies such as the US and Germany. This study serves as a case study of South Korea, showcasing the impact of political actions on the advancement of scientific technology.

The Constitution subsumes all citizens, regardless of their affiliation, under "national affiliation". According to international law, every person is guaranteed their individual right to freely express their national affiliation (of a nation or a minority), and the Macedonian Constitution also contains such a solution. Starting from the Constitution, all laws and by-laws should be harmonized with the Constitution, which should clearly and unequivocally determine the affiliation of the Macedonian people and the affiliation of parts of other nations. Ethnicity is a phenomenon that penetrates the domain of research interests of several scientific disciplines. One of them is social psychology. Her research results are of special importance for sociology because they represent additions to her own research and a basis for setting new assumptions. When it comes to ethnicity, it reappeared in the form of political mobilization in the second half of the 20th century. All analyzes of the causes of this phenomenon speak of the emergence of ethnicity as a response to disadvantaged cultural groups within large nations and federations and of ethnicity as a reaction to the inability of the political leadership of nationstates to provide sufficient space for the cultural development of smaller cultures. Inevitably, questions about the development of policies to prevent ethnic conflicts followed. The question of whether and how cultural groups should be recognized in politics is back on the agenda. As Professor Atanasov (2017) states, multiculturalism as a concept appeared in the general public of the USA at the beginning of the 80s of the 20th century, bringing demands for greater diversity in universities and greater participation in state institutions. Multiculturalism as a movement sought to preserve the differences between ethnic and cultural communities without blending them into the majority and to enable equal respect for different cultures, and as a policy it required the recognition of cultural groups and their articulation in the public sphere, as well as the prevention of discrimination that the members of the smaller cultural groups were exhibited. This paper elaborates and analyzes multiculturalism and ethnicity, and gives an overview of the pluralistic environment of party pluralism in the Republic of North Macedonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista MAD is the property of Revista MAD and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the main aspects of the interaction of legal and political systems to create conditions for the stable development of the state, strengtheni ng and maintenance of law and order. The effectiveness of the political system is ensured by the coherence of the actions of all components of the system, which, in turn, is achieved with the help of legal means. The legal system, embodying the normative basis, affects social relations and ensures their stability; and the political system, in turn, is connected with a special sphere of people's activity - politics, which reflects the sphere of relations between classes, social groups, collectives, and citizens regar ding state power. The formation of the modern legal system of Ukraine in accordance with international, in particular with European legal standards is a complex and multifunctional process, and therefore requires a deep scientific analysis of the legal reality and the development of conceptual foundations of its functioning and development. The current period of development of the Ukrainian legal system (which in its genesis and legal features is similar to the legal system of the Romano-Germanic type) is connected both with the improvement of the main features of continental law and with the formation of effective ways of bringing it closer to European international legal systems. In the current situation, the need to create a single legal space, within which it would be possible to quickly achieve effective cooperation between states that have different economic and legal systems, is becoming urgent. Having considered the existing legal systems, we can already conclude that Ukraine undoubtedly belongs to the family of the continental legal system. However, in our country, private law, for example, is extremely underdeveloped. For a long time, the main attention was paid mainly to the development of public law. It is likely that the great difficulties of implementing a soci ally oriented market economy and entrepreneurship in our country are connected with this. The low legal awareness of the population of Ukraine in the field of private law also stands in the way of the integration of our state into the world economic space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to revealing the essence, content and options for practical implementation of the phenomenon of hereditary authoritarianism in the political practice of countries with an authoritarian form of government. The relevance of the mentioned topic is explained by the current cardinal geopolitical changes, which are associated with the strengthening of the influence of countries with a non-democratic form of government on modern world politics. In particular, the author of the article notes that hereditary authoritarianism, by its very nature, comes from the very nature of authoritarian political regimes and is the result of their transformation. Here, in the understanding of hereditary authoritarianism, the key category is the inheritance of personified political power from an authoritarian ruler to his successor. The article also proves that hereditary authoritarianism is not an evolutionary form of state development, as it does not ensure quality continuity of power. However, at the same time, we cannot consider hereditary authoritarianism as a spontaneous stage of state development, since it is a logical consequence of socio-political processes that take place in the country when the political system needs changes, but these changes take place under the influence of the political elite, not society. In the conditions of modern political systems, hereditary authoritarianism was implemented in Syria, Azerbaijan, and Turkmenistan. In particular, the emergence of hereditary authoritarianism in Syria is explained by the need to preserve in this country a complex power structure that combined intercommunal, clan and family relations based on interpersonal mutual obligations. In the conditions of Azerbaijan, hereditary authoritarianism exists in the form of a "hereditary republic", the foundation of which was laid by the first president of the country, G. Aliyev. As for hereditary authoritarianism in Turkmenistan, its feature is that a two-power system of state administration was formed in the country. In addition to the above-mentioned countries, the tendency of hereditary authoritarianism is also observed in the political practice of a number of post-Soviet countries, in particular in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Belarus. In conclusion, the author of the article, taking into account the fact that hereditary authoritarianism is a new concept in modern science, outlined directions for its further study and understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Church in the World / Crkva u Svijetu is the property of University of Split, Catholic Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Knowledge: International Journal is the property of Institute for Knowledge Management and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: Hydrogen energy, a type of renewable energy if produced without fossil fuel, has a critical issue in that most of it is still produced from carbon footprint heavy industries such as the fossil fuel industry. It is imperative to produce hydrogen from renewable sources on a global level so that the carbon footprint can be curbed. South Korea, along with other global economies such as the US, the EU, Japan and China, has shown its resolution to build a hydrogen economy with green hydrogen produced only from renewable sources. Since 2017, South Korea has been actively shaping its political actions and policies to develop the necessary technology for this transition. This study focuses on South Korea's actions and policies, using a political system model to better understand the shift towards a green hydrogen economy. Results: The analysis shows that budgeting for R&D projects has had a significant impact on scientific breakthroughs, advancements, and product development in the field of green hydrogen in South Korea. These actions have also affected market performance, resulting in increased interest and investment in green hydrogen. Although there have been significant advancements in the field of green hydrogen in South Korea, the current state of technology remains in its early stages of development. Most of the breakthroughs have been in water-to-hydrogen and biomass-to-hydrogen technologies. However, these technologies show promise as the foundation of a thriving hydrogen economy in South Korea. The analysis also indicates a strong market demand for green hydrogen technology. To support these efforts, the political system has focused its financial support on water-to-hydrogen technology and projects at the TRL 1–3 stage. Conclusions: The study concludes that ongoing financial and political support is necessary for areas showing outstanding performance to vitalize the hydrogen economy and facilitate the transition to a green hydrogen society in the future. Additionally, a robust legal framework is crucial to ensure steady growth of the green hydrogen economy, similar to those in other major hydrogen economies such as the US and Germany. This study serves as a case study of South Korea, showcasing the impact of political actions on the advancement of scientific technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Human Sciences Journal / Revue des Sciences Humaines is the property of Universite des Freres Mentouri Constantine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An overview of the Armenian media system is presented from the perspective of media professionals. Interference with the media system by the political system is analysed and the health of the Armenian media system is explored in the context of its transition from a Soviet republic towards a liberal model. The international situation contextualises analysis (resurgence of Russia–West enmity and globalisation) as does Armenia’s troubled relationship with its neighbours: with Turkey due to the 1915 genocide and with Azerbaijan because of the dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh. Relevant domestic affairs, such as the successful citizens’ mobilisation and the 2018 Velvet Revolution are also considered. The methodology used is based on in-depth interviews carried out in Yerevan (09/23) with 13 key informants; their answers are explored with content analysis using Hallin and Mancini’s dimensions. The study will serve to discuss how the media are used as tools of power and how the media system reproduces the political system (polarisation and individual ownership). We find that media is owned and/or controlled by political parties, and that the government controls public media but also part of the private sector through broadcasting licences and economic pressure. News media are not self-sustainable, thus, media economic dependence compromises its editorial independence, and very few media are independent. There is plurality, but highly polarised; there is no systematic censorship, but defamation fines reinforce journalists’ self-censorship; internet freedom is high but generates misinformation. Even so, there is professionalism, therefore there may yet be hope for the media if peace and the economy stabilise.

Kazakhstan witnessed the most substantial and powerful “political earthquake” in January 2022, in its thirty-year history as a Republic. Protests against the increase in the price of energy soon turned into violent riots, during which 225 people lost their lives. The causes of these events are certainly complex and profound. In order to eliminate part of the cause, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev first proposed and then implemented reforms that changed the constitutional and legal systems and, to a large extent, transformed the political system. In lieu of a super-presidential system, there have been endeavours to establish a presidential system featuring a robust parliament, which not only exercises legislative authority but also assumes a substantial oversight role. In addition, the method of electing people’s representatives in the assemblies was changed, a balance of power and responsibility was established, and better mechanisms for respecting human rights and freedoms were ensured. This paper describes and analyses both the reforms themselves and their reasons. At the same time, it challenges theses about the past and future character of the Kazakh political system. The theoretical framework is based on modern normative political concepts, including dialectical-critical discourse in the part of the research that refers to the views of individual authors on the history of Kazakhstani constitution-making. The methodological framework is based on the case study analysis. Conclusions support the thesis that reforms are oriented towards the long-term stabilisation of institutions and ensuring security.

Social problems in society, such as the care of the aged, hinder people’s full potential and often arise from societal neglect. In Ghana, a significant percentage of the elderly population requires assistance with daily activities, but poverty and political polarization can hamper their care. The church has played a crucial role in addressing social problems, including the neglect, poverty, and poor health faced by the elderly. However, the church’s ability to intervene is limited, and traditional beliefs often stigmatize the elderly as witches or wizards. The healthcare sector also faces challenges in providing care for the elderly, with high costs and low coverage of health insurance. The study thus emphasized the importance of understanding the difficulties experienced by the elderly through theories such as Disengagement Theory and Convoy Theory. The study employed interviews to gather data from a sample of 12 individuals who were directly involved in caring for the elderly or had knowledge of their issues. The data analysis focused on the lived experiences of the interviewees. The weak social system, including pension systems and health insurance schemes, were found to be contributors to the struggles faced by the elderly. The elderly face challenges such as frailty, illness, poverty, and neglect. The study suggests that policymakers should review existing health insurance policies to better support the elderly. The church’s role in promoting a more inclusive and supportive society for the elderly is crucial, but it faces challenges in the changing cultural landscape and the dominance of the nuclear family system.

This article discusses the process of recruiting and ways to implement their own social capital of representatives of the cultural and educational elite in the political space. In particular, based on the results of a study of the biographies of representatives of the cultural and educational elite present in government bodies on the example of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, the Government of the Russian Federation and the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg, the author demonstrated the process of deploying types of careers in the political space. Based on the research conducted by the author, examples of successful “transit” of one’s own cultural capital into the political field and back are presented. It has been shown that the recruitment of the cultural and educational elite implies a complex system of actions, suggesting how representatives of the cultural, scientific, and at the same time educational community are recruited into the political space.