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Copyright of Algerian Historical Journal is the property of Algerian Historical Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract This research explores Malaysia’s post-independence interaction between the government, civil society, and Islam, the majority religion in the nation. Many predicted that Islam would cause social and economic deterioration when Malaya gained independence from the British in 1957. The constitution declares Islam to be the official state religion, but it also guarantees non-Muslims the right to practice their faith freely and without hindrance. Since then, the state has continued to be in charge of everything related to religion, and Malaysia has been praised for many years as a haven of moderate Islam. However, for a variety of reasons, hate inspired by religion has grown more common and well-liked in Malaysia over the past several years. This research highlights the causes of the rise in hate crimes and the fall of Malaysia’s once-moderate form of Islam. It suggests that rather than attributing the radicalization of Malaysian Muslims to localized issues at the regional and national levels, it should be assessed in light of contemporary geopolitics and its implications for the welfare of the Muslim world. The study suggests that some of the best strategies for combating extremism and avoiding radicalization include ensuring that individuals’ rights are upheld and implementing good government.

This research explores Malaysia's post-independence interaction between the government, civil society, and Islam, the majority religion in the nation. Many predicted that Islam would cause social and economic deterioration when Malaya gained independence from the British in 1957. The constitution declares Islam to be the official state religion, but it also guarantees non-Muslims the right to practice their faith freely and without hindrance. Since then, the state has continued to be in charge of everything related to religion, and Malaysia has been praised for many years as a haven of moderate Islam. However, for a variety of reasons, hate inspired by religion has grown more common and well-liked in Malaysia over the past several years. This research highlights the causes of the rise in hate crimes and the fall of Malaysia's once-moderate form of Islam. It suggests that rather than attributing the radicalization of Malaysian Muslims to localized issues at the regional and national levels, it should be assessed in light of contemporary geopolitics and its implications for the welfare of the Muslim world. The study suggests that some of the best strategies for combating extremism and avoiding radicalization include ensuring that individuals' rights are upheld and implementing good government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an ethnography developed with social movements derived from the eviction process of an old popular district in the city of São José dos Campos, São Paulo, Brazil, we analyze how an idea of neighborship is applied to the processes of struggle and their outcomes. In 2004, a land of over 1,000,000 m2, owned by a bankrupt industry, was occupied by an entire district of over 5,000 people. This "illegal" occupation had been going on for almost 8 years when a court decision ordered the land to be vacated. The case of the Pinheirinho dos Palmares neighborhood, as it was known, became an emblematic example of Brazilian housing policies, with its violent eviction drawing the entire country's attention. This article deals with the struggles that the evicted residents started and that resulted, at the end of almost 5 years, in the construction of a new district by the state, based on a new housing program. We are going to analyze how concerns about organizing the new neighborship from the old neighborhood relations were fundamental in the geographical and architectural production of the new district. The article seeks to intertwine the notions of resistance and neighborship, responsible for the new configuration of the district. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the framework of the presented article, the author analyzes the process of management transformation in the Omsk region in the 1990s as the formation of federalism in the Russian Federation. Later, the author of the article plans to carry out similar work in relation to the Altai Territory and the Tyumen region. Based on the available scientific developments and introducing into circulation a wide range of sources, the author of the work identifies the features of the development of federalism in the Omsk region within the framework of the system of socio-political and economic relations. Omsk region had serious industrial and agricultural potential, but also raw materials problems, exacerbated by the transition to market relations. The local leadership put forward the idea of regionalization of economic reform, which required the presence of a strong authoritarian business executive in power. But the active privatization carried out by external forces led to rapid bankruptcy, which did not suit the local leadership, and the population is not satisfied with the decline in living standards. In the Omsk region, this situation leads to increased support for left-wing parties. As part of the national administrative construction, the Azov German National District was created in the Omsk region. The idea of creating the territorial autonomy of the Siberian Tatars, triggered by the process of privatization of the oil industry, was stopped by transferring it to owners living outside the Omsk region.

During 1885, the South Russian organization of “People’s Will” by the leadership of B. D. Orzhikh created its own bombs set and provided their storage. These bombs were create for demoralization of the tsarist government. Because of objective reasons caused by recovery of weakened party, the southern revolutionaries did not have time to start the full realization of their plans about bombs using. In reality, the main work focused on the consolidation of revolutionary forces and propaganda activities until the liquidation of the group during 1886–1887. The group of B. D. Orzhikh really had only programs, plans and bombs, but not a terror as such; as a result, it is appropriate to study these components separately. This article will examine the history of the creation, storage and destruction of bombs of the South Russian organization in the period 1885–1886.

Parliamentary elections were held in Poland on the 15th of October, 2023 and they changed the balance of political forces. The ruling party «Law and Justice» (Prawo i Sprawiedli- wość – PiS) did not receive the necessary number of votes to form a government. The power is being transferred to the left-liberal coalition, consisting of the «Civic Coalition», the «Third Way» and the «New Left». In the article, the author made an attempt to investigate the factors that influenced the creation of a new balance of power in the Sejm. For this purpose, the course of the election campaign was studied and party documents, speeches by Polish politicians and experts were ana- lyzed. The author concludes that the main problem for the PiS was not so much its weak result in the elections, as the lack of opportunities to create a government coalition with any of the forces represented in the Sejm. At the same time, the opposition parties were able to mobilize their suppor- ters and rally to remove PiS from power. Their main claims to PiS are related to violations of de- mocracy and the rule of law, and the deterioration of Poland’s relations with the European Union. These claims were heard by the majority of voters against the background of the weakening of the position of the PiS due to economic difficulties. The power passes to the coalition, although coali- tions further work is likely to be accompanied by disagreements between its constituent parties.

The article is devoted to the civic position and political views of Alkaios, a fighter against tyranny, and his opponent Pittacus, the tyrant of Mytilene. The purpose of the study is to identify the presence or absence of political differences between Alkaios and Pittacus based on an analysis of all available sources. The author proves that the political views of Alkaios and Pittacus coincided and did not change throughout the entire period of their joint actions. According to the author, the situation changed due to the role of Pittacus in the victorious end of the first stage of the Sigean War. Conclusions: Pittak decided to seize power by changing allies. Having established tyranny, he did not radically reform the state system, supplementing the traditional regime with personal authoritarian power.

Copyright of Ictimaiyat is the property of Ictimaiyat and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we explore the relations of the Bolivian National Revolution (1952-1964) with the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc (including Cuba) seeking to understand the implications for the structuring of discourses and hegemonic and counter-hegemonic power blocs in the political struggle, and, thus, for the developmentalist approach to planning. Our aim is to shed light on little-studied aspects of the Bolivian National Revolution. Research included revising primary sources (archives of the Bolivian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bolivian and Unites Stats (us) newspapers, technical and scientific documentation from Bolivian, us, and ussr institutions) as well as secondary sources (Bolivian historiography and opinion essays). On this basis, we discuss how, in the process of developing relations with both hegemonic blocs, the US and the ussr, Bolivia ended up complying with the former at the expenses of the latter. We argue that the reasons for this option are not only political but also economic, particularly, the actual content of the ussr development offers. Our analysis reveals that the relations with the ussr bloc played a key role in the self-determination of historically subaltern actors, and subsequent processes / forms of development planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors show that the historical and political role of populism in Latin American countries is an extremely relevant, but at the same time complex research and practical topic, which has been causing sharp discussions in the expert community for more than a decade. This is due to the inconsistency and ambiguity of populism as a social phenomenon, its dynamic and variable nature, which constantly puts forward new research tasks to scientists. Latin America is the birthplace of modern populism. Here, as in no other region of the world, populism has long become an integral part of social landscape and a specific feature of political processes. Dozens of prominent populist figures headed governments in most states of the region, were the creators of leading political parties and movements, left an indelible mark on Latin American history. Up to this day, populists of different beliefs largely form a vector of socio-economic development of an entire region. All this determines relevance of the article, and its main goal is to explore the topic of Latin American populism, its ideological pedigree and perspectives on the basis of new knowledge and phenomena. The novelty of the work is the interpretation of ideology and practice of populism, based on the methods of historical research and comparative analysis, which makes it possible to identify features of populist regimes in Latin America. The main conclusion made by the authors is the assertion that it is impossible to use old populist methods to respond to new challenges that await the peoples of Latin America in the future.

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International & Comparative Education is the property of International & Comparative Education Editorial, Beijing Normal University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of University of Sharjah Journal for Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of University of Sharjah - Scientific Publishing Unit and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social investment means investment not only into market economy but in society development. Green color is often used to mark such investment. In social investing both the character of investment project and the method of attaining result are important, the latter does not imply only investment and project profitability. As a result social investment is characterized by lower profit-making capacity. It builds the economic foundation for relatively cheap transition of economy to a new material base in the field of advanced power engineering and in respect to the environment. Social investing is also characterized by morality, therefore it turns into a specific opposition to traditional market investing, which, in spite of low profit-making capacity of social investing, does not motivate saving owners to increase private consumption. The authors show that social investing can be used as a tool of political struggle in today’s world. Under the pretext of obligatory investing into attaining universal human goals industrialized countries try to retain their leading position in the world.

The activity of the Vyatka left opposition that arose during the internal party discussion in the fall of 1923 and the spring of 1924 is studied. The work is based on archival documents from the Central State Archive of Kirov Region, as well as on materials from the Vyatka Pravda party newspaper. The platform of the local opposition opposed the formation of factions but insisted on clarifying what factionalism is supposed to mean. The Left Opposition united the party community of the provincial city and adjacent working areas. Most party members initially expressed full confidence in the partys Central Committee. An analysis of archival material shows that the Vyatka opposition tried to establish a broad discussion of problems in internal party life. In the provincial center there was a party discussion club that organized heated discussions. The focus on clarifying the concepts of factions and groups reflected the desire of opposition supporters to avoid being accused of betraying the party and the cause of the revolution. Remarkably, until early January 1924 the left opposition had absolute support among party members in Vyatka. The article analyzes the Central Committees suppression of the local opposition in January - February 1924, and in particular the skillful techniques of Aron Solts and his supporters. At the final stage of the struggle, a group of conciliators arose among the members of the opposition, and contributed to the victory of the Central Committee line. The article clarifies reasons and circumstances of the defeat of the opposition, none of whose representatives openly stood in opposition to the majority of the Central Committee or called on ordinary members to protest. The authors demonstrate that the local left opposition was a situational unification of diverse forces, dissatisfied with the bureaucratization of the party, the growing dictatorship of the Central Committee, the newcomers, as well as the dominance of appointees from the Party and the Soviets. During the discussion in the organizations of the Party, the need for developing internal party democracy and a free discussion of the problems emerged, showing that there was a potential alternative to Stalinism. The main feature of the left opposition was that it formed and temporarily won the predominantly non-proletarian Vyatka, where before the 1917 revolution the zemstvo and city democratic self-government has gained roots; this is interpreted as a preservation of the demand for freedom and democracy in local society.

This paper analyzes Marcos Espinel’s life between 1835 and 1846. By studying his life, it is possible to understand the multiple forms of political participation of the Ecuadorian political leaders, their intellectual formation, and the changes in their political positions in the context of the nascent 19th-century republicanism. The paper has been divided into two parts. The first one considers printed activity within the political circle of José Félix Valdivieso in which Espinel was involved. This was used to support his project to re-annex Ecuador to New Granada and to promote the vote in 1839. In the second part, the paper studies Espinel’s contributions to the second administration of Juan José Flores, and Espinel’s political support of the provisional government of Vicente Ramón Roca.

Some of the issues raised in the book entitled Pachakuti: el retorno de la nación [2014] about the symbolic transformations introduced by the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) government (2006-2019) concerning the construction of a personality cult, the adoption and use of certain national symbols, and the change of the state mode, are analysed in light of the events leading to fall of President Evo Morales in November 2019 and the establishment of a transitional government in Bolivia.

The collection of scientific articles under review contains materials of the All-Russian scientific conference held at the Department of Russian History of the Faculty of Social Sciences of the Herzen State Pedagogical University of Russia in St Petersburg and dedicated to the problems of the Russian Revolution of 1917. The collection contains 19 articles, including one documentary publication. Among the authors of the collection, there are well-known scientists and aspiring young researchers from St Petersburg and a number of other Russian cities as well as one foreign participant (from Poland). The articles examine various aspects of revolutionary transformations, mainly on the basis of Petrograd materials, mostly in the period between spring 1917 and early autumn 1917. Based on a significant number of published and archival sources, the articles of the collection consider little-known facts from the history of the Russian Revolution and propose new approaches to the interpretation of the situation in Russia in 1917.

The article is based on the analysis of the periodical materials, memoirs of contemporaries, published statistics and archival documents. It is devoted to the history of the election campaign to the State Duma of the third convocation which took place in the Samara province. This problem is of particular importance for the history of the socio-political development of the region. The elections to the Third Duma were held in quite different social and political conditions than to the First and Second Dumas. Simultaneously with the dissolution of the Duma of the second convocation, a new Regulation on Elections was published, which significantly changed the ratio of electors from different social groups in electoral assemblies. The author analyzes the influence of the electoral law of June 3, 1907 on the electoral process and, in particular, on the alignment of political forces. He traces the changes in the procedure for holding electoral meetings in the peasant, land-owning and urban curia, which were mainly associated with the division of electoral congresses into branches. Special attention is paid to how these changes weakened the influence on the elections of some social groups and strengthened others. The author examines the attitude of the electorate and individual public and political figures to the election campaign to the Third State Duma, characterizes the role of various party organizations in the election campaign and the course of the elections, and analyzes the results of the elections in the Samara province. Сontains brief information on the political orientation, social and class characteristics of the deputies elected in the Samara region. The author acquaints the scientific world with previously unknown information about the conduct of elections in the Samara Region.

Epidemics throughout human history have been an integral part of the struggle of man with the negative impact of the environment, but also a factor that changed the course of development of civilization. The consequences were far-reaching, but with the progress of society and science as a whole and the gradual creation of immunity, the effect of epidemics was less and less threatening to the survival of the human species. The complexity of human society in the conditions of a pandemic necessarily violates traditional values and relations between individuals, social and political groups. The devastating impact caused by the pandemic was used by political groups and individuals to achieve personal goals, but their own prejudices, abusing the mass media. With the mass appearance of misinformation (infodemia), the fight against the suppression of the pandemic is directly endangered, but also the confusion that has gripped the population. The social and political problems we faced before the pandemic now await us in their extreme form, because the resources to solve them are almost exhausted.

A historical-critical analysis of the latest book by the British historian of Ukrainian origin Mark Boitsun is carried out, devoted to the study of the experience of solving the national question in Ukraine in the context of socio-political processes, in particular, the labor movement. Chronological boundaries of work - from the 80s of the XIX century to the end of the first stage of the Ukrainian Revolution - the Hetman’s coup on April 29, 1918 (the author intends to continue to study an important, topical issue). There are positive features of achieving the result - the reproduction of a realistic picture of events - primarily through the creative use of historiographical achievements of previous generations in organic combination with recent scientific publications. Attention is drawn to some points, assessments, conclusions, generalizations that raise certain doubts, even disagreements and objections. In general, the monograph makes a positive impression, necessitates discussions on interesting issues on which the attention of domestic historians was not focused. A constructive “side view” helps to outline the prospects for studying an inexhaustible topic. Undoubtedly, M. Boitsun’s book will contribute to the formulation and solution of new aspects of historical experience and scientific progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article is devoted to the activities of corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences V. S. Troitskiy stayed against the launch of the Gorky nuclear power plant for heat supply. V. S. Troitskiy’s arguments against starting this object are indicated. The reasons for the significance of his actions against GAST for the development of informal politicized organizations in Gorky are revealed. The influence of V. S. Troitskiy on the position of the scientific community on significant socio-political issues is indicated

Post-colonial theories question the instruments of power and representation of subaltern subjects, as well as hegemonic western thought, revealing its political and ideological aspects which determined specific types of oppression for the subaltern groups. Historically, gender oppression relegates women to the condition of “subproletariat”; a limiting example of their subalternization was the denial of social spaces and even the right to take decisions on one’s own body. We present the contributions of the Argentine women’s movement at two moments relevant to their country’s democracy: the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo and the current women’s movement. In our hypothesis, women present themselves as the main protagonists in the social conflicts and represent an important fighting front that, in the Argentinian case, opens up the possibility of radicalization of democracy with continental and world-wide aspirations.

The paper aims to explore the relationship between informal institutions, institutional change and gender equality2 in the context of the political struggle that took place in the aftermath of the 25 January uprising in Egypt. The paper argues that although the 25 January revolution presented Egyptian feminists with an excellent opportunity to put gender equality on the political agenda and build gender equality issues into the fabric of the new institutional and governmental blueprints and structures, they have failed to do so for several reasons. First, because of the monopoly exercised by two powerful inherently conservative patriarchal institutions, namely the Muslim Brotherhood and the Military establishment, not only over the formal political institutions, but also over informal institutions. The paper uses a single case study approach analyzed from a feminist institutionalist perspective. It draws upon insights from existing literature and upon the author's personal experience as first-hand witness to these events, as well as semi-structured interviews with a number of prominent feminists representing different political and ideological schools. This method was chosen to gain deeper insights into the perceptions of feminists who were directly involved in the events of that 'critical juncture' either through formal political institutions, or informally through engagement in street politics, about the multiple intersecting and complex institutional barriers, constraining women's agency during that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the rise of several political protests at the end of the Nineties, social sciences and humanities have repeatedly focused on the militant use of video. Most of these studies consider activist media uses from the point of view of the product created, the video, and focus their analysis of media activism on assessing the conditions for the possibility of building an alternative space for expression. This article proposes to go beyond this reduction of the act of filming to the act of showing by proposing a political reading of the act of filming law enforcement by holding a smartphone at arm's length as it is one of the recurrent motives of the visual repertoire of contemporary protests in the urban space. My body of research is comprised of videos shot in the context of the yellow vests protests in France in 2018 and 2019. My approach is above all materialistic because it focuses less on the intentions or purposes behind the acts envisaged than on the pragmatic situation produced by using technical interfaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The main purpose of the publication is to recreate members of the Boyar duma and palace administration, to reconstruct the high-ranking structure of the top of the Sovereign court during the period of Boyar rulling on the basis of all published and archival documents. Methods and materials. The method of genealogical analysis and the method of prosopografical investigation are applied to the research of the duma and palace composition. The author uses information from various editions of genealogical books, Gosudarev rodoslovets of 1555, lists of noble families of the late 17th c., charge and ambassadorial books, acts on land, chronicles, supplementary books of monasteries. Analysis. The author reveals the features of the highest appointments, dynamics of appointments to the Boyar duma and palace administration during the political crisis of 1533–1547. Results. The author notes that new appointments in the Boyar duma and palace administration depended not only on the developed political environment, but also on the patrimonial order of inheritance of the highest ranks in a narrow circle of boyar clans notable and close to the throne. One more important conclusion received as a result of the research is that during the studied period powerful aristocrats possessed two ranks of boyars (okolnichy and dvoretsky) at the same time. The explanation of this can be found, perhaps, in the process of bureaucratization of management noted by M.M. Krom, which was expressed in isolation of government from the carrier of the supreme power and formation of the professional group of managers which concentrated the most significant administrative functions in their hands.

Political struggle is rarely the subject of political research. It is so closely intertwined with the phenomenon of politics that it does not attract attention as an independent subject of research. The phenomenon of political struggle is always talked about, but what it is, its essence and content — goes by the wayside. The purpose of this article is to study the political struggle as a struggle for leadership and power. Political struggle in modern conditions is a complex sociopolitical phenomenon aimed at the transition of power to a certain political group (the conquest of power by a certain political class) in order to achieve certain political, economic, military and other interests. In his work, he highlights such forms of political struggle as parliamentary activity, revolutionary struggle, guerrilla movement. The concept of political struggle in the light of its analysis is broader in relation to the concept of conflict, as well as to the forms of its manifestation. Political struggle is a process that is not limited to the conflict, but includes the phases of formation of goals through propaganda and their implementation through the power status.

The aim of the present article is the study of the thought of Camilo Torres Restrepo through the consideration of the variables that have contributed to their development, in order to emphasize the extraordinary inheritance and validity of the camilismo. Following this line, we will proceed through the analysis of specific texts that will allow us to understand his reflection in religious, political, and social terms, in a combination that becomes praxis and that takes concrete form in the strong criticism of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and left-wing forces, in his pioneering role in Liberation Theology and forerunner of the social problems that have characterized the Colombian context, in the importance of education and the founding of the first Sociology Faculty in Latin America, in the continuous appeal to politics unity and the entry into the rows of the guerilla.

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Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Political frames influence how we define events and how we construct our subsequent behavior in accordance with this definition. The studying of political frames through the prism of manipulating the political consciousness of an individual has enormous scientific potential, as it opens new opportunities for improving people management technologies. However, the potential of this instrument is not sufficiently appreciated. Despite the fact that the use of frame manipulation is observed in many areas of public life, such its mechanisms as overcoming the inertia of the primary frame system, transposing meanings from one key to another, substitution of values and replacing old meanings with others are used without a technologically competent sequence of actions, and sometimes applied without any strategies. Consequently, conducting research, as a result of which will open new possibilities for manipulating frames, is a priority task not only in foreign, but also in national political science. Based on this, the article proposes the consideration of political transposition as one of the tools for manipulating political frames. Since political transposition is aimed at penetrating into a closed area of political consciousness of an individual in order to manipulate his perceptual framework and his primary frame system, the author explores the main types and mechanisms of this impact. The following forms of political transposition are studied: fiction (playing space, fantasy (political imagination), political myth), competition, ceremonial and technical readjustment (demonstration, replication and dramatization). The author pays special attention to the studying of the distinguishing features between political transposition and fabrication. The article concludes that the subject of manipulation, with the correct use of political transposition, is able to organize reality at its own discretion.

Building on contemporary debates over the past several decades in Marxist and post-Marxist theory regarding the relationship between capitalism and postcapitalism, this essay will explore the enduring relevance of Marx’s treatment of this issue in some of his most significant, though increasingly less contemporarily engaged with texts (as Capital [Vols. 1-3] and the Grundrisse take pride of place). Here, I look toward the middle and early period of Marx’s oeuvre to pull out the most important statements and insights regarding the relationship between capitalism and postcapitalism, focusing on The German Ideology, The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, and The Communist Manifesto in order to offer reflections on how Marx’s work, 200 years since his birth, offer the contemporary and future left guidance on “minding the gap” between capitalism and postcapitalism as we live, work, and struggle still deeply ensconced within the confines of the decadent capitalist mode of production. Combing close-reading of key relevant texts in Marx’s oeuvre with reflective commentary on how Marx’s work can speak to the contemporary conjuncture, this paper offers a synthetic commentary on how leftists, both scholars and activists, should approach the question of the relationship between radical praxis within capitalism and the character of potential postcapitalisms that may emerge. This essay is loosely organised around three crucial questions: (1) What can we learn from Marx’s discussions on the historical transition and the overall radical intellectual project of dialectical materialism that can assist us in understanding the transition from capitalism to a democratic, egalitarian postcapitalism (i.e., socialism/communism), specifically concerning complexity and time? (2) How does contemporary capitalism reproduce itself social-psychologically (i.e., ideologically) and what are the implications of that for a postcapitalist transformation? (3) What is/are the role(s) of revolutionaries in dealing with the first two questions?

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Copyright of Basic Education College Magazine For Educational & Humanities Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)