Search

The Green New Deal (GND) has emerged as a crucial progressive agenda for sustainability transition, but there have been few attempts to develop it into a concrete programme for government. This paper considers one such attempt – the GND proposals put forth by the British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn – and how it tackled three key challenges faced by the broader GND agenda: its reliance on the state, its relationship with capital, and its Western centrism. The paper argues that these challenges gave rise to tensions within Labour’s proposals: treating the state both as an instrument and as an object of change, ambivalence towards capitalism as an economic system and struggling to reconcile the competing forces of nationalism and internationalism. By examining these challenges and Labour's efforts to overcome them, this study provides valuable insights into the messy politics of enacting Green New Deal visions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political strategy in Indonesia, with its research method quantitative approach with snowball sampling technique with a sample size of 1,200 respondents from 38 provinces. margin of error of approximately 5 percent at a 95 percent confidence level with its data analysis technique descriptive statistics where data analysis is used to describe or summarize the main characteristics of strategic political leadership in Indonesia, its data analysis tool uses SPSS statistics version 26, with a time of 2 years, with its research results where scientific selection and training of workers, the role of civil society, political parties, the military, and do not know with an average of 86%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Podemos' initial left populist strategy and electoral success have been the subject of much academic debate. However, amid the party's rapidly declining numbers at the polls, scholarly attention towards the Spanish party has been on the wane. Based on a discussion of the existing literature and a mixture of qualitative methods, this paper attempts to capture the distinctive features of the early populist gamble and two internal elements that progressively short-circuited it. The first is related to the cultural elitism of Podemos' leadership, a phenomenon observed especially within the faction of Íñigo Errejón, former number 2 of the party. The intellectualist distinction of many of its members proved to be a repressive instance that jeopardised the populist practice. The second is instead the return to a radical left fold, which is instead to be attributed to Podemos' former leader Pablo Iglesias and his successor Ione Belarra. Party factionalism, strong leftist symbolism and the promotion of identity politics stand here among the most visible factors that negated the initial transversal approach. In different ways, those elements re-established the previous symbolic space that Podemos' populism had been trying to supersede and sabotage the possibility of securing a broad and durable popular identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article aims to explain Navalny’s team’s political strategy after his arrest, focusing on the activity before the State Duma elections. This is an important issue from the point of view of the impact of leadership on a political organization in a system evolving from a hybrid regime to an authoritarian regime. As confirmed by the author’s research, the organization adapts to new conditions without a leader. Still, it is predestined to disintegrate and reduce the effectiveness of implementing the updated political strategy.

The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) is an Islamic-based political party that has won the Depok City Regional Election (Pilkada) four times in a row since the first Pilkada was held in the city. The consistent change in leadership in Depok raises questions about PKS’s hegemonic practices to maintain and expand its influence among the people of Depok. This research aims to identify PKS Depok’s hegemonic practices according to Antonio Gramsci’s theory, which emphasizes creating ideological consensus, the role of intellectuals, and political leadership. The study uses qualitative methods, collecting data through interviews and literature review. It is conducted in Depok, focusing on the DPD PKS Depok and the 2020 Depok City regional Election as a case study. The study concludes that Idris-Imam, PKS-backed candidates for Mayor and Vice Mayor of Depok, won the election through the dissemination of the Rahmatan Lil Alamin Islamic ideology, the role of intellectuals such as ustad, and educational institutions, as well as the religious political leadership of Kiai Idris, the former Depok Mayor.

How can we best forge a theoretical practice that directly addresses the struggles of once-colonized countries, many of which face the collapse of both state and society in today’s era of economic reform? David Scott argues that recent cultural theories aimed at “deconstructing” Western representations of the non-West have been successful to a point, but that changing realities in these countries require a new approach. In Refashioning Futures, he proposes a strategic practice of criticism that brings the political more clearly into view in areas of the world where the very coherence of a secular-modern project can no longer be taken for granted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of distribution and consumption of intoxicating substances is considered a socially harmful phenomenon and Southeast Asia is a region particularly affected by drugs. In the face of this challenge, the heads of many states undertake radical actions, going beyond the legal framework, referred to as state vigilantism. Based on the example of three selected political leaders (Thaksin Shinawatra, Rodrigo Duterte and Joko Widodo), the author points out how radical strategies for fighting the drug problem contribute to increasing popularity, even though the problem has not been resolved since the early 1970s. Cross-comparison analysis of the three mentioned cases aims at identifying sources of effectiveness and attractiveness of populist methods that have not changed significantly for fifty years. Among them the author argues that vigilantism grows out of populism and takes the form of a spectacle containing such elements as dehumanising discourse, extrajudicial killings and the theme of the nation’s morality at risk.

Modern science doesn’t sufficiently disclose the essence and content of strategy (political strategy), even though the term and its derivatives actively circulate in theoretical and political discourse. This highlights the necessity to establish terminological clarity regarding the understanding of strategy. This article reveals the genesis of strategy as a practical management activity and as a science, as well as shows its connection with the military sphere. For a long time, the development of strategy as a science was closely connected to military affairs. The political component in strategy appeared in the 19th century, and has been gradually expanding. To separate political strategy from military and give it an independent scientific status, various authors have attempted to develop such concepts as higher strategy, grand strategy, and state strategy. Throughout time two approaches to understanding strategy emerged: the first focuses mainly on goal-setting, and the second - on coordinating goals with the ways and resources required to achieve them. According to the author, strategy in politics means a purposeful and long-term action program implemented to achieve a designed result. Military strategy acts not only as the highest level of military art, but also as an integral component of state strategy. At the turn of the 2010s attempts were made to conceptualize political strategy, but they did not find further development. The generation of a full-fledged concept of political strategy seems to be heuristic and promising in both theoretical and practical domains.

The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the social representations of democracy, populism and the relationship between both concepts in a sample of citizens from different regions of Peru (n = 76). To this end, a qualitative research design was proposed, using in-depth interviews, which were analyzed from a discursive approach. The results show that democracy and populism are two closely related concepts in tension. On the one hand, the social representation of democracy is semantically poor, closely related to electoral behavior and is seen as a political system that, ideally, is positively valued. Populism, on the other hand, is seen as a political strategy based on the manipulation of citizens' needs in order to reach power using the democratic process of elections. The representation of populism in general is negative, and it is mentioned that it appears and acquires strength in the face of citizen dissatisfaction with democracy, when it cannot solve problems of poverty, corruption or exclusion. The representations of populism take up the constitutive components proposed by different authors on the topic (people, elites and democracy as a product of popular will), but the participants do not necessarily structure the relationships between these components as proposed in the academic literature. Finally, the results shows that respondents' experiences with democracy and populism in Peru act as important socializing forces that will frame how citizens relate to politics and the public.

In the run‐up to the next general election both main parties are giving high priority to increasing the growth rate. But does past experience suggest this is a sensible strategy? The historical evidence does not support the idea that this is a winning stance, and it places reliance on a concept which is both deeply problematic as measure of economic well‐being and little understood by the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the run‐up to the next general election both main parties are giving high priority to increasing the growth rate. But does past experience suggest this is a sensible strategy? The historical evidence does not support the idea that this is a winning stance, and it places reliance on a concept which is both deeply problematic as measure of economic well‐being and little understood by the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The communicative effects of disintermediation caused by social media promote the expansion of personalist and emotional political discourses that reach the audience directly and evade the traditional journalistic filter. This phenomenon leads to new political communication tactics, but also exposes citizens to potentially fraudulent, contaminated or polarised content. In this context, framed in post-truth, the term 'fake news' gains relevance as a way of referring to disinformation and as a political and performative argument that can be weaponised. This research aims to analyse such use in the discourse of the former president Donald Trump during his presidential term (2017-2021), focussing on Twitter as the main platform in his political communication strategy online. To analyse this, we resort to a methodological triangulation of content, discourse, and sentiment analysis, with the latter combining both lexicon and artificial intelligence (AI) techniques through machine learning on the basis of deep learning and natural language processing, which is applied to his messages published with the term 'fake news' (N = 768). The analysis of the sample, provided here in an open dataset, employs self-developed software that allows each unit of analysis to be filtered and coded around its predominant themes, sentiments, and words. The main results confirm that Trump's attribution of 'fake news' focusses on three main topics: the media (53%), politics (40%) and his cabinet (33%). It also shows how the former president resorts to a personalist agenda, focussed on the defence of his proposals and his team (80%) by delegitimizing his opponents and the press, with a negative tone (72%) loaded with derogatory terms, confirming a weaponised strategy of the term 'fake news' as a political argument of disinformation and disintermediation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of História Unisinos is the property of Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Populist language permeates political debate. While much has been said on the shape and colours of populism, less is known on its strategic use. This article offers a diachronic overview (1948–2020) of Italian deputies' strategic use of populist language, by applying a novel dictionary to a new dataset on Italian parliamentary debates. Our analysis shows that populism has no single political colour, as left- and right-wing parties use it to a similar extent. Differently, populist claim-making is used more by parties with demarcationist ideological positions, as it is likely to reinforce the persuasiveness of their in-group/out-group thinking. Finally, it is used less by ruling parties, as their governing status asks them to adopt a more inclusive style of communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thearticledealswiththeneedtofurtherimprovement ofthefunctioningofthepoliticalsystemofmodernUkrainiansociety. The relevance of this task is determined by the severity of manifestations of opposition from higher authorities. Today, there is a rather complex and contradictory system of relations between the institution of the head of state and the supreme bodies of all branches of power in Ukraine. The most acute contradictions have developed in the executive branch, which are manifested primarily in the relations between the Office of the President of Ukraine and the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. The author substantiates the objectively existing need to develop new theoretical foundations and define practical tasks for modernizing the political system of modern Ukrainian society. At the same time, the author prioritizes measures to harmonize the foundations of a particular form of government with the most effective practices of organization. The author emphasizes that there are a number of contradictions inherent in the regulatory framework, which significantly complicate the organization of interaction between the supreme bodies of all branches of government. It is emphasized that the process of further development of the political system of Ukrainian society requires a thorough restructuring of the regulatory framework for the organization and functioning of the leading political institutions of modern Ukrainian society. First of all, improvement of the regulatory framework for interaction between the branches of power in Ukraine should be aimed at overcoming the manifestations of power dualism enshrined in the powers of all supreme bodies of state power.The author substantiates the tasks of regulatory support for the main directions of optimization of the political system of Ukrainian society through a more complete implementation of one of the classical forms of government.

The social capital in a general election is understudied compared to the economic capital. This study discusses the social capital of the Nasional Demokrat (Nasdem) party in the 2019 legislative election. Nasdem was in the top three rows of political party seats in the legislative election and won the most votes in the city of Makassar. This study used primary data collected from various related stakeholders: Nasdem’s agent/organizer, Nasdem's legislative candidate, community leader, general election commissioner, and residents/voters. Content analysis based on in-depth interviews found the significant relation of social capital with Nasdem's strategy in winning the 2019 legislative election in Makassar. Therefore, social capital could be a theoretical and practical discussion in a general election, especially for the political party. More specifically, social capital in Nasdem strategy refers to bonding and bridging social capital, which was in the form of disaster care programs, free ambulance, family and friendship relations, and sons of the regions discourse. The study contributes to evidence of social capital implementation to political party strategy for winning the general election.

Women have an important role in politics, where their representation becomes a role model for other women. PAN and PKB are the two parties that won quite a large number of votes in the 2019 elections. However, the percentage of elected women legislators from these two parties does not represent the fulfillment of the 30% quota. This paper analyzes the strategy for selecting women members of PAN and PKB in the 2019 elections, using qualitative research methods. Through interviews and literature searches in the form of books and journals as well as other supporting references, this research yielded several important results. The results of this study indicate that there is a use of resources and funding by women legislators as part of the campaign. As for the differences in the strategy for electing women legislators between the two parties, that PAN women are more on the use of personal social networks and not through ‘Aisyiyah and PUAN. This is different from the PKB, in which elected women legislators use social and political capital from their involvement in Fatayat NU and women of the nation. The supporting factors for the election of both were due to the socio-political capital possessed and the figure of a female legislature member. While the inhibiting factors come from the patriarchal perspective of society as well as competition with male and female legislative candidates, both from the same party and not.

In my article in this journal entitled 'Narratives and counter-narratives of political strategy: revisiting Australia's carbon pollution reduction scheme', I offered an alternative interpretation of the failure of the Rudd government's Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme, one in which the government's strategy of pursuing bipartisan agreement was not a miscalculation, but rather a reasonable course of action based on institutional norms and precedent. Here, I respond to two replies to that original article. I attempt to set my argument in the context of the current (2022) political environment, in which Labor has returned to government with a narrow majority, flanked by an increasingly popular Green Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article purports to explore the significance of the Japanese case within the context of contemporary populism studies. By appraising the state of political discourse about populism both in select Japanese media and in theoretical and empirical work by political scientists in Japan and in the West concerned with the subject matter, the author seeks to summarize the state of the respective research by arguing that there are three possible ways of providing for a conceptual re-evaluation of the notion of ‘Japanese populism’, while underscoring that there are both similarities and divergences in terms of empirical manifestations of the aforesaid populism, which is duly presented through three case studies of recently most prominent Japanese politicians conceived of as ‘populists’– Jun’ichiro Koizumi, Yuriko Koike, and Toru Hashimoto.

The article is devoted to the unification of the leading left parties of France: Socialist (SP), Communist (FCP), Europe Ecology – The Greens (EEG), France Unbowed (FU) – on the eve of the parliamentary elections on June 12 and 19, 2022, into a single alliance, called New Ecological and Social People’s Union (NESPU). It is analyzed to what extent the efforts made by the leaders of the leading left political forces corresponded to the aspirations of the left electorate. Particular attention is paid to the theoretical provisions of the program adopted by the NESPU, it was educed to what extent the strategy adopted by the Union corresponded to the individual programmes of the parties and what the coalition participants failed to agree on. The socio-cultural section of the NESPU electorate is considered separately. The results of the parliamentary elections for the NESPU are analyzed, the speeches of the deputies of the parties belonging to the Union in parliament on the most important issues of the financial policy of the government of E. Macron for 2023 are shown, and the fault lines between the participants of the NESPU are marked. Based on the results of the study, it was concluded that the newly created coalition of leftist political parties as a whole, despite the considerable differences in political courses, still manages to maintain unity, following the chosen strategy of free voting.

Gaining power by the Justice and Development Party with a democratic and pragmatic face was a new voice in Turkey's political environment which managed to reflect and represent the real issues of the society and be popular with the public. However, since 2013, the ruling Justice and Development Party has transformed from a popular quasi-democratic political party to an exclusionary populist party; In a way that most theorists of populism, many analysts of Turkish issues, as well as writers of prominent news media such as Guardian, Bloomberg, New York Times and Foreign Policy, called Erdogan and his party "populist". Accordingly, the current research, by using the theoretical framework of populism, especially the ideas of people like Kurt Wieland, Robert Barr, Kenneth Roberts, and Pappas, in the form of "populism as a political strategy", tries to answer this main question that what the causes of Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party's tendency towards populism were in the last decade; And how did Erdoğan utilize populism to achieve his desired goals? The findings show that, in the last decade, relying on populist tools and positions such as the foreign status of political actors, anti-establishment attraction, personal ties, unorganized mobilization, etc., Erdogan has artistically used populism as a "political project to build and maintain power" for himself and his party. The research approach is political sociology, qualitative research method, causal explanation type and data collection method, library, and also using virtual resources.

In his article, I examine the image of a political strategist, popular in Chinese historical cinema, the origin of which can be traced to historical chronicles and fiction. Analysis of their cinematographic representation allows to single out the characteristic features of this image, distinguishing it from the functionally close, yet not identical image of a noble minister. Further, I suggest that the literary and cinematic image of Zhuge Liang, the famous politician and strategist of the Three Kingdoms, serves as an archetype of a political and military advisor in general, and substantiate this hypothesis. Based on the analysis of sovereign-advisor relations, I make an assumption that the very image of an advisor, with their characteristic appearance, personality, and their relationship with their overlord, takes its origins in the self-presentation of shi— a social class of the Warring States period. The leading values in this class were intelligence, loyalty to the lord, and freedom. I suggest and support a hypothesis that there is a genetic connection between the image of an advisor and the teaching of Legalism. Counterbalancing and complement to this image in a costume series is the role of a noble minister, which has its ideological basis in the Confucian philosophy. Apart from that, I name some of the strategies of seizing and retaining power, as well as domestic and foreign policy strategies, frequently seen in TV shows. The analysis of political and administrative methods in many Chinese historical series indicates that foreign policy, as presented in these shows, allows for more manipulations, but also more variability. The internal political opposition, by contrast, is almost completely delegitimized, its goals are a priori recognized as immoral and self-serving, and, consequently, the only way left for the sovereign and their advisor is to directly suppress their internal opponents. The results of this study lead to a number of conclusions about the political culture of China as manifested in this type of TV products, and about the strategemic thinking underlying this culture. В статье рассматривается популярный в китайском историческом кинематографе образ политического стратега, ведущий свое происхождение от исторических хроник и художественной литературы, анализируются его воплощения на экране. Автор выделяет характерные черты этого образа, обособляющие его от близкого по функции, но не тождественного образа «благородного министра». Высказывается и обосновывается гипотеза о литературном и кинематографическом образе Чжугэ Ляна, прославленного политика и стратега периода Троецарствия, как об «архетипе» политического и военного советника вообще. Исследуются взаимные отношения в паре государь-советник. На основании проделанного анализа автор заключает, что сам образ советника, его внешность, характер, его отношения с господином, берут начало в самопрезентации социального слоя ши периода Борющихся Царств. Его ведущими ценностями являются интеллект, верность господину и свобода. Выдвигается и обосновывается гипотеза о генетической связи образа советника с учением легизма. Противовесом и дополнением этого образа в китайских костюмных сериалах автор считает амплуа «благородного министра», берущее свою идеологическую основу в конфуцианской философии. Кроме того, в статье предпринята попытка вычленить некоторые распространенные в теленовеллах стратегии захвата и удержания власти, а также внутри- и внешнеполитические стратегии. Проанализировав способы ведения политической борьбы и реализации административных планов во множестве китайских исторических сериалов, автор приходит к заключению о большей манипулятивности, но и большей вариативности методов внешнеполитического противостояния. Напротив, внутриполитическая оппозиция практически полностью делегитимирована, ее цели априорно признаются аморальными и своекорыстными, и, следовательно, для государя и его советника остается только путь прямого подавления своих внутренних оппонентов. В итоге настоящего исследования автор приходит к ряду выводов о политической культуре Китая, которая манифестирует себя в данной телепродукции, и о лежащем в основании этой культуры стратегемном мышлении китайцев.

Religion influencing politics and politics impacting religion to achieve its own, very non-religious, goals are determining the reality of contemporary states and of global politics. Mutual relations between religion and nationalism have proven to be one of the most complex and unequivocal challenges shaping contemporary states in the areas of both their domestic and their foreign policies. This article is an attempt to compare two cases which are often wrongly perceived as twin models of links between religion and politics, namely Poland and Hungary. In both states, based either on actually present or on "constructed" Christian values, myths and symbols religious–national narratives have been developed by leading politicians (Jarosław Kaczyński in Poland and Viktor Orbán in Hungary) linked directly to the sacralization of ethnos (nation) and the ethnicization of religion. The conducted analysis has a theoretical character. The sacralization of nation and the ethnicization of religion occurring in Poland and Hungary are presented against quite different historical and cultural backgrounds and levels of religiosity/secularization in both countries. In order to explain this specificity, an analysis is performed upon a broader historical and cultural context and upon a specific understanding of religion and nationalism in Central and Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women have an important role in politics, where their representation becomes a role model for other women. PAN and PKB are the two parties that won quite a large number of votes in the 2019 elections. However, the percentage of elected women legislators from these two parties does not represent the fulfillment of the 30% quota. This paper analyzes the strategy for selecting women members of PAN and PKB in the 2019 elections, using qualitative research methods. Through interviews and literature searches in the form of books and journals as well as other supporting references, this research yielded several important results. The results of this study indicate that there is a use of resources and funding by women legislators as part of the campaign. As for the differences in the strategy for electing women legislators between the two parties, that PAN women are more on the use of personal social networks and not through 'Aisyiyah and PUAN. This is different from the PKB, in which elected women legislators use social and political capital from their involvement in Fatayat NU and women of the nation. The supporting factors for the election of both were due to the socio-political capital possessed and the figure of a female legislature member. While the inhibiting factors come from the patriarchal perspective of society as well as competition with male and female legislative candidates, both from the same party and not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the central problems in leftist thought in the twenty-first century has been the ability to unite its various parts in order to develop some form of wider convergence capable of challenging the post-cold war neoliberal capitalist order. Despite numerous rich critiques of the workings of neoliberal capitalism, political strategy has all too often been recued to a renewal of a dated twentieth-century statist project on the one hand and an ambiguous process of civil contestation on the other. This article builds on recent calls for convergence on the left, particularly between the grand traditions of Marxism and Anarchism, which have seen an unparalleled renaissance in innovative development in the last thirty years. It suggests that an open-ended framework of Gramsci’s ‘war of position’ provides an avenue for this convergence to build forms of political strategy. Whilst Gramscian hegemony has often been understood as one of the problematic concepts within leftist though and indeed one that has often led to divergence, it suggests that inclusive version of the term as applied by Stuart Hall and Raymond Williams remains one in which convergence can develop and thrive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1. Notion: Politics Politics; represents the ability (dexterity) to find optimal solutions for disputes in essence contradictory between individuals and groups, in the general social interest, thus ensuring the unhindered functioning of various social-state entities, where shocks and conflicts for themselves are avoided them 1.1 Definitions - Political science Science on life in the political community. Learning about the rules of civil-citizen life. The discipline which together with ethics and economics make up pragmatic philosophy. Political science studies the noblest social elements such as; good, right, justice, virtues, general utility. In the history of ideas, political science is also defined as "royal science". Etymology, issues related to the police, art of government with the state. 1.2 Political Systems - Gabriel Almond Despite the relative development of American political science, until the fifties of this century, there was no complete analysis and comparative research of the problems of contemporary political systems. In the past twenty years, new analytical instruments, procedures and tools for the study of political processes have been developed in political science, and a huge amount of empirical data has been collected, empirical buildup both about political systems in developed countries and so on and about the political issues of developing countries. It made it all possible to build a method of comparative analysis in the field of contemporary political systems. In American political science, the great credit for developing the comparative method in that area belongs to Gabriel Almond. In this story, we are talking about the Israelis efforts of Mr. Almoad. J. Coleman and B. Powell to build theoretical approach that would be suitable for comparing contemporary political system. The system is the word that in the sense of structure, method, set of rules, social order is used in many areas of life, economics, education, health, military… A set of elements, components, objects, subjects, ideas, which interconnect, interdepend and interact with them ... make up - system. Functioning of systems; -Vertical – Constitutional - Horizontal – Administrative 1.3 Political parties Party: Part of a whole. Prehistoric periods similar to political parties; sects, clans, cliques, currents, factions... The creation of modern states with their structure created the fragmentary partial social interest that in the process developed social and political diversities, thus created political parties. The union of free citizens who want to influence and change the social situation with political means, and not only, in the general national, regional, local, global interest, i.e. social change. 1.4 Electoral democracy – Parliamentarianism The multitude of ideas as the antipode of Monism, Monolithism, Monopoly... In the social and political sciences, with pluralism, the particularity, autonomy and distinctiveness of groups which are components of social and ideological development and of the directions and goals of social developments are accepted and emphasized. Political competition between political parties and other entities participating in elections. 1.5 Definitions for legitimacy The legitimacy in the broader sense marks the establishment and action of political power on the principles that are generally accepted within a political community. Members of a (political) community do not accept order only from their habit and customs, individual interest in its validity and reasoning. This situation constantly assumes the harmonization of the "nature" of political order and the principles of its establishment with the "way of a people" (Montesquieu). Legitimate is the order in which there are compliance between the political formula that justifies the title and the opinion of the people (the political subjectivism of the individual) on the nature of that order. The legitimate order constantly lies in the relationship assigned to the principles of law and justice and includes the state of "well-regulated order" (Role). This situation is contrary to the states of illegality, anarchy, insecurity and arbitrariness. The problem of legitimacy is an essential problem of political philosophy, it is “one of the most complex philosophical issues. Russo marked it as a whole of the "first principles" of politics and defined it as the central problem of political theory. 1.6 Notion: Legality Narrow meaning; legal-positivist/ hierarchy of legal norms. Broad meaning; legal-philosophical and political-philosophical / philosophical, ethical, political lessons, social facts, which influence the determination of legal provisions. Legality, legality represent the principle of modern legal systems and one of the basic ideas of legal and political philosophy. The narrow meaning of two forms; 1. As a request/obligation that the legal acts of the lesser power are compatible with the legal acts of the highest legal power (formal legality). 2. As an obligation of the administration bodies, the judiciary and other bodies with public authorizations which must work in accordance with the laws and other general acts supported by the law (material legislation). As a criminal offense can be considered only what was previously defined by law. 1.7 Ideologies & Indoctrinations The truth must be told to those who act the truth! We have a revolt (awareness) progress for environmental pollution, and absolutely nothing for mental, spiritual dirt! For every day, the human body and soul is "attacked", injured, but the injuries of the soul are much more serious than the injuries of the body! Forms of violence. Physical violence is defined as coercion, whereas violence (without violence) against the spirit is Obedience. The notion of ideology: Ideology is a system of ideas, beliefs and values through which the basic interest of a group (class, clan, lobby) is reflected, but not directly but indirectly, that is, as a rule, the interest is more or less reflected as the interest of the majority in society so that rationally it would be easier to impose it on other social groups as their own interest, for orientation and action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many regions of the world have begun to recognize the value of female leadership. However, very few models have emerged through which female leadership situates itself into a society as viable and necessary. The purpose of this study is to highlight strategies characterized by an ethic of gender equality to construct female leadership as legitimate in the larger cultural context. We propose Iceland provides a model case with many gains towards gender equality. In this qualitative study, we use interview data to gain perspectives on leadership processes that promote an ethic of gender equality. The data illustrate a restructuring of status hierarchies that have historically maintained inequality, while highlighting historical events that have influenced interactional contexts of female leadership in Iceland. We outline and explain the overarching leadership strategy themes: (1) role modeling, (2) inclusive discussion culture, and (3) legislated equality. These three themes appear to give female leadership legitimacy, and we suggest such research will allow us, as a global community, to develop more valid theories of status interventions that promote ethics of equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the first time in the Belarusian research literature, the activities of the French Socialist Party (FSP) to overcome the most severe ideological and political crisis that clearly manifested itself in the 2017 elections is examined. The author shows the results of the internal party struggle on the strategy of restoring the party’s position in the political life of the country. In the article the changes in the ideology are characterised and the degree of renewal of the party doctrine is determined, the features of the activity of the FSP in the role of the opposition party are established, the efforts of socialists to rally the left forces are shown, the specifics of the role of the FSP in political life and the left political camp of France are established. It is concluded that the FSP refused a deep revision of ideology and political strategy and kept the ideological and political identity of the left government party, its authorities managed to avoid transformation to a micro-party, but they were unable to restore the former role of the main party of the left political camp and one of the two leading parties in the country.

Brexit phenomenon and Donald Trump's victory in the U.S. presidential election in 2016 simultaneously sent a signal of the populism movement spreading throughout the world. In Indonesia indeed, Jakarta gubernatorial election stimulated the heat of Indonesian political atmosphere after the Qur'an blasphemy scandal of the incumbent Governor 'Ahok' that eventually triggered the biggest demonstration in Indonesian Islamic history namely the 212 Demonstration. This research aims to describe the news coverage of the 212 Demonstration from news agencies belong to the Greatpowers, such as VOA, Sputnik, Xinhua, Deutsche Welle, and BBC by using the documentation method and content analysis. This research found that the Greatpowers' news agencies framed the 212 Demonstration as an extraordinary event and political strategy of anti-government politicians to gain a short-term benefit. Surprisingly, there was not any Greatpower's media that framed the Islamic populism event of the 212 Demonstration as purely religious movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do unions that represent similar constituencies and fight for comparable goals come to embrace radically different relationships to the state and party politics? Drawing on Collier and Collier's (1991) concept of the dual dilemma, that is, whether to collaborate with the state and risk co-optation or reject such collaborations and risk being sidelined, I analyze teachers' unions political strategy in São Paulo (APEOESP) and Oaxaca (Local 22). In São Paulo, strategy centers on taking state power by building political parties that fight for working-class interests. In Oaxaca, the rise of the democratic teachers' movement was a rejection of state power and an attempt to build autonomy from political parties. I argue that teachers chose these contrasting strategies during the late-1970s and early 1980s, due to their experiences of the legacies of labor incorporation under authoritarian regimes. The internal political practices established during this transitional period, when reform movements took control of the unions in both countries, continue to shape teachers' strategies to the present. These findings suggest that union strategies regarding how to interact with the state are deeply shaped by previous state-labor relations and that unionists' responses to the dilemma about whether to take or reject state power will directly shape their interpretations of ongoing political challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]