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The integration of social media into political discourse is becoming the norm, facilitating citizen engagement and amplifying voices across the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). This study centered on a literature review on the role of social media in political participation within the region. Through exploration across three databases, 50 articles were identified, with 42% of these closely related to the research focus and categorized under five distinct themes. Findings reveal various perspectives on the impact of social media on political engagement, with scholars offering different interpretations on its influence. Furthermore, majority of research underscores the role of social media in mobilizing protests and revolutionary movements driven by heightened participation observed in some SSA countries. Social media platforms are increasingly perceived as avenues to express opinions on pertinent issues contesting unfavorable government actions. Thus, this study posits the emergence of a "New Democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa," propelled by the positive utilization of social media in political spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article thoroughly investigates Boko Haram's (BH) evolving stance towards Muslims, particularly in northern Nigeria, unveiling distinct phases of engagement. It asserts that BH's transformation into a covert entity, driven by state repression, triggered the adoption of exclusive membership methods, culminating in a trajectory of expansive violence that encompassed both systemic targets and eventually Muslims. These shifts materialised through three distinct periods: pre-2009, marked by BH's competition with fellow Muslim groups through sermons and public outreach to gain adherents; the 2009–2013 span, witnessing BH's covert shift with a selective membership approach and a recalibrated Muslim strategy, exploiting interfaith tensions for sympathy and mobilisation; and post-2013, witnessing an abrupt shift in BH's Muslim stance towards denunciation, open enmity, and heightened violent actions. This transformation resulted from BH's recognition of its soft mobilisation's failure, its estrangement from rival Muslim factions, and the participation of ordinary Muslims alongside government forces against the movement, collectively reshaping BH's dynamics and its interactions within the Muslim community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The general socio-political situation in the region is analyzed, the centrifugal and centripetal forces that determine the very nature of politics in the region through the prism of ethnic and civic forms of identity are considered. The emergence of new points of ethnopolitical and ethno-religious tension, chauvinistic tendencies, and anti-Semitic sentiments demonstrate a fairly high level of conflict potential and the severity of nationalist manifestations in the region. Such conflict behavior is most often provoked from the outside, including through the use of modern information resources, social networks, using manipulative technologies that have an impact on the masses. These processes indicate the existence of socio-cultural and religious grounds for the growth of discriminatory rhetoric and clashes. The study of these problems is an urgent scientific task in the context of transformation and transit of local identity features. The article also analyzes various forms and approaches of identity formation in the North Caucasus, highlights common and special factors, contradictions in the development of general civil attitudes. The national composition is considered, the role of regional actors in the political management and development of the region is highlighted separately. These issues carry elements of novelty and relevance. The work uses specialized political science techniques: the method of analyzing a specific situation - case-study, secondary analysis of sociological research data. Along with private scientific methods and approaches, general scientific methods and approaches are also used in the study: historical and philosophical methods and approaches (dialectics, the principle of historicism), the system integrative method, comparative studies. In conclusion, recommendations are presented aimed at solving the problems of forming the civil identity of the peoples of the North Caucasus, through the transition of ethnic forms of identity to all-Russian ones.

International efforts to find a political solution to the conflict in Syria began early on in the war. The Arab League was the first body to attempt to mediate, starting in late 2012, but these efforts faltered due to the refusal of the regime--emboldened by the political support of Russia and China-- to make a single concession, despite being on the back foot militarily. In 2015, new international efforts were launched to resolve the crisis. The U.S. and Russia reached an agreement over the formulation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2254, which became the basis of UN-led negotiations between the opposition and the regime, including discussions on constitutional reform that began in 2019. However, more than a decade into the conflict, a political solution still appears distant, and is now closely linked to the fate of the foreign forces present in the country. The regime is no longer solely responsible for obstructing a solution. The presence on the ground of its allies, Russia and Iran, adds additional obstacles. It is no longer possible to formulate a peace deal without addressing the security concerns and various interests of foreign forces in Syria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Malaysia Journal Syariah & Law is the property of Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia (USIM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The integration of social media into political discourse is becoming the norm, facilitating citizen engagement and amplifying voices across the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). This study centered on a literature review on the role of social media in political participation within the region. Through exploration across three databases, 50 articles were identified, with 42% of these closely related to the research focus and categorized under five distinct themes. Findings reveal various perspectives on the impact of social media on political engagement, with scholars offering different interpretations on its influence. Furthermore, majority of research underscores the role of social media in mobilizing protests and revolutionary movements driven by heightened participation observed in some SSA countries. Social media platforms are increasingly perceived as avenues to express opinions on pertinent issues contesting unfavorable government actions. Thus, this study posits the emergence of a “New Democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa,” propelled by the positive utilization of social media in political spheres.

The article considers the modern perception of the phenomenon of lobbyism, states the influence of interest groups on political processes in the countries of the European continent. The authors emphasize the relevance of the study of lobbyism, which is determined by the processes of political change and integration of the national and international economic space of the European Union and the Federal Republic of Germany. On the basis of secondary interpretation of sociological data the researchers reveal the problems of public assessment of lobbyism, its influence on political processes in the EU countries. Attention is emphasized on the importance of society's requirements to the transparency of interest groups and lobbying. The position of the respondents regarding the maintenance of a register of lobbyists at the level of Germany and the EU as a necessary tool of public control is seen as important. Based on the results of the research, a conclusion was made about the influence of interest groups on the lobbying process. The basis of modern interpretations of lobbying is not the theory of pluralism or corporatism, but the theory of network management. According to the respondents, industrial corporations and the leading sectors of the German and EU economy, rather than politicians and political parties, benefit more from lobbying in the Federal Republic of Germany. These surveys suggest a dominance of lobbyists from the economic sphere of the industrial sectors, which, according to the respondents, gain an economic advantage when working in markets. At the same time, it is the authorities that receive a positive effect from lobbying in terms of expert information support of political activity. The authors conclude that it is necessary to further study the influence of interest groups and lobbyists on political processes and further deepen the transparency of the lobbying process, more detailed disclosure of administrative and tax reporting in order to increase public confidence in politicians, business and government.

The study aims to discuss the theory of social contract in Islamic constitutionalism and its impact on the political process through analyzing the relationship between the people, the ruler, and constitutional institutions. The study focuses on the value of the theory of the social contract as an Islamic constitutional foundation that creates a balance in the relationship between governing authorities and the people. The study followed a descriptive-analytical approach and arrived at several findings, including that the theory of social contract in Islamic constitutionalism is based on constitutional foundations and principles that contribute to achieving a balance in the relationship between the people and the ruler and regulating governance appropriately. It also preserves the people's constitutional rights in the political process and the constitutional system that organizes the political process, in addition to surpassing the dominance of private groups over the public. The study particularly emphasized the importance of the mutual relationship between the ruler and the people, which forms the basis of the social contract between them, to achieve a balance between civil society groups, governing authorities, and the people. In conclusion, the study serves as a contribution to understanding the theory of the social contract in Islamic constitutionalism and its impact on the political process. It also provided insights into the relationship between the people, the ruler, and governing constitutional institutions. ملخص البحث هدفت الدراسة إلى مناقشة نظرية العقد الاجتماعي في الدستورية الإسلامية وأثرها في العملية السياسية، من خلال تحليل العلاقة بين الشعب والحاكم والمؤسسات الدستورية. ويتمحور الاهتمام في الدراسة حول قيمة نظرية العقد الاجتماعي كأساس دستوري إسلامي يخلق توازنًا في العلاقة بين االسلطات الحاكمة والشعب. وقد اتبعت الدراسة المنهج الوصفي التحليلي. وتوصلت إلى عدة نتائج منها: أن نظرية العقد الاجتماعي في الدستورية الإسلامية تقوم على أسس دستورية ومبادئ تسهم في تحقيق توازن العلاقة بين الشعب والحاكم، وتنظيم الحكم بشكل مناسب. كما أنها تحافظ على حقوق الشعب الدستورية في العملية السياسية، والنظام الدستوري المنظم للعملية السياسية، إضافة إلى أنها تتجاوز تفرد الجماعات الخاصة بالأمر من دون الناس. وقد تم التأكيد بشكل خاص على أهمية العلاقة المتبادلة بين الحاكم والشعب، والتي تعد أساسًا للعقد الاجتماعي بينهما، لتحقيق التوازن بين فئات المجتمع المدني والسلطات الحاكمة والشعب. وختامًا، فإن الدراسة تعد بمثابة إسهام في فهم نظرية العقد الاجتماعي في الدستورية الإسلامية وأثرها في العملية السياسية. كما أنها قدمت معطيات حول العلاقة بين الشعب والحاكم والمؤسسات الدستورية المنظمة للحكم.

The 2nd french Marine Protected Area was officially created in Mayotte in January 2010, thanks both to a swift procedure and to a strong determined policy. It clearly shows the will of France to manage a broad area in south-west of the Indian Ocean even if its means of action are still to settle. Beyond environemental protection, the park is seen as a useful tool for an island still considered as emergent. From fishing to tourism, many activities hope to take advantage from the dynamic set in motion.

Copyright of Revista de Investigación is the property of Universidad Pedagogica Experimental Libertador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this study is to comprehensively understand the role of mass media in the formation of political consciousness and socio-political guidelines of modern youth. The opportunities of electronic media to increase the degree of interactive participation of the younger generation in social and political life are revealed. The main risks and threats posed by networked information and communication technologies have been identified through systematic analysis. In the course of the study, the author substantiates that the political consciousness and behavior of modern youth is formed with the growing influence of the mobilization component of the global Network, i.e., “mediatization” and “internetization” of social life. It is argued that the problems of hygiene of media policy, media literacy and improving the information culture of young people remain relevant, given the new challenges of world politics. The propaganda of destructive models of socio-political activity, extremism and terrorism on social networks, as well as the lack of censorship of a significant part of the Internet information space, remains a social problem. It is justified that media educational technologies to increase media literacy and media culture of young citizens contribute to the implementation of their socio-political subjectivity and initiative. Legislative measures aimed at creating an effective and operational mechanism to suppress the dissemination of illegal and destructive information in social media are indicated.

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article reveals the features of national styles in negotiation for resolving political conflicts. It was proved, that the national style reveals the peculiarities of the behavior of the negotiators, who represent different states and cultures, as well as the type of thinking, values, and views. Therefore, the national style must be perceived as a type of behavior of the negotiator, who is a representative of the relevant national culture. After examining the specifics and features of both Western and Eastern national styles of conducting negotiations, it was found that their national style plays a significant role in the context of the formation of a personal style of conducting negotiations. Among the factors that influence the development of negotiation styles are both subjective and objective. According to the former, individual, psychological and communicative qualities, professional competence of the participants are included, and the latter include specific negotiation situations, goals and tasks of the parties, balance of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Activities of insurgent and terrorist groups generally end in military defeat, victory, or negotiated settlement. However, what if there is another option beyond these three choices that could help explain strategies among modern-day insurgencies or terrorist organizations? Specifically, what if groups officially and legitimately renounced violence and joined the political process they initially fought? The fear, many would argue, is a return to violence and conflict if the members are provoked while in office. Our study specifically addresses these concerns by asking: under which conditions do insurgent and terrorist groups reduce their use of violence? We investigate this question by performing a comparative case study on a collection of groups, empirically testing the hypothesis that upon entering the political process, insurgent or terrorist groups are more likely to reduce their use of violence. Essentially, we argue that violent groups that enter the political process are more likely to reduce violence than groups that do not enter the political process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can individual self-control problems affect policy variables? And if so, through what type of channels? Building on recent literature in political economy, we explore a specific channel that allows for links between individual addiction and state taxes. We develop a theoretical lobbying model to explain the role of addiction in the political process of cigarette taxation. Our model shows that equilibrium cigarette taxes are determined by the average addiction level in society, corruption, and their interaction. Our results suggest a potential impact of individual self-control issues in the process of government policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research subject matter is the foundations of the National concept of the state policy on information in the era of digitalization with an emphasis on cybersecurity. The study aim is to determine possible means to increase the level of information policy efficiency, considering the concept of technological society in the context of digitalization, research into international standards for ensuring cyber security, ideas of a national model of information policy for providing cyber security. The comparison was used to analyze and summarize the approaches to the implementation of digital transformation in public relations. Apart from that, the specific parameters of the activities of the National Agency on Corruption Prevention in terms of digitalization were singled out. Besides, the inductive and deductive methods allowed to distinguish approaches to the information policy model. The authors established that the components of state policy in the context of digitalization include the following components: 1) electronic governance; 2) cyber security. Moreover, the elements of the national model of information were singled out. The results of the research proved that the introduction of the latest information technologies in the activities of government entities creates the need to improve cyber defense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Staleta Praha is the property of Narodni Pamatkovy Ustav and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A scientific analysis of the political process in the Volyn region for thirty years of existence of independent Ukraine has been carried out in the article. Emphasis has been placed on institutional and non-institutional practices of political activity and participation of subjects of socio-political relations, which determined/determine the nature and direction of the political process in Volyn. The sequence of actions of the government and the opposition to dismantle the institutions of power of the Soviet era, the decommunization of the symbolic space of the settlements of the region, creation of civil society institutions and parties, paradigm shifts in the attitude of local authorities to churches and their denominations, participants in national liberation struggles, etc. have been revealed. Significant influence on the direction of the political process is determined by the electoral participation of citizens in elections to higher and local authorities and, accordingly, qualitative composition of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and local councils. Along with the analysis of the party representation from Volyn in the parliamentary corps of the Ukrainian parliament, there has been traced the dynamics of participation and preferences of certain political forces and parties in the elections to the regional council. The process of party-political structuring in the region has been periodized. The significant attention has been paid to the analysis of socio-political activity of Volyn residents during the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity. The author came to the conclusion that in general, the political process in Volyn reflects the direction of the political process in Ukraine with its simultaneous diversification in the following main areas:first, the abandonment of authoritarian-totalitarian institutional forms and the transition to democratic ones; secondly, the decommunization of public space and the modeling of historical memory, accompanied by the return of national (local) traditions, rituals and symbols; thirdly, enriching the „palette” of domestic experience in political activities and participation in regional practices.

Aims. Conceptualization of technopolitical sphere impact on recursive processes of public policy; defining key problems that inhibit public authorities from improving digital politics stability essential for developing public policy recursive potential.Methods. The work is based on institutional approach traditional for conducting interdisciplinary research about using informational and communicative technologies in politics and governance. Moreover, it is helpful for considering meaning of public institutes in the scope of conceptualization of technopolitical sphere stability and recursiveness as an attribute of public policy.Results. Recent approaches to understanding the essence of public policy define the efficiency of shaping political agenda, developing and making decisions as more and more dependent on expert knowledge and ways of political participation. Based on the recursiveness as a public policy attribute there is made a point of expert knowledge for building and keeping feedback linking between system elements as a key principle of public policy change as an «epistemic thing». Recursive processes progression depends on stability of technopolitical sphere that rests upon quality, direction and dynamics of institutional change, political inclusiveness. As for Russia, building technopolitical infrastructure necessary for recursive processes is in progress now and meet a wide range of political and governmental rigidity, legal framework insufficiency. In order to overcome it, public authorities shall pay attention to total improving the digital literacy, coordination, legal framework update and developing new institutes of digital intersectoral collaboration.Conclusion. In public policy and its actors recursiveness serves as a principle of systematic monitoring politics and governance which defines evolutional dynamics of these processes. Digital politics creates conditions for building recursive processes into the context of shaping political agenda, developing and making decisions. The research results highlight issues significant for contemporary political science in the context of technopolitical national development and can be enhanced with both theoretical and applied research.

Spain became one of the most affected countries both in terms of the number of cases and deaths from COVID-19, and in terms of the damage caused to the economy, which had not fully recovered from the 2008 crisis. The pandemic crisis is now being tackled by a coalition government comprised of the center-left Spanish Socialist Labor Party (PSOE) and the left-wing Unidas Podemos, with external support from small regional forces. It is opposed by the rightwing bloc of parties, which includes recently shifting to the right Partido Popular (PP), the right-wing Vox and the center-right Ciudadanos, rapidly losing political weight. The key question today is whether the government, which is forced to turn to other parties for help, will be able to fulfill its responsibilities until the elections scheduled for the end of 2023. Last November marked two years since the last elections. The purpose of this article thereto is to determine the main features of the modern political process in Spain and take stock of the government’s actions, analyze expectations of society and predict further development of internal politics of Spain during the pandemic and in the post-pandemic reality. The author used a wide range of methods: the analysis and synthesis of information, the statistical method, as well as the system analysis; the author also relies on research by domestic and foreign Hispanists, opinion polls, government and party documents. The author concludes that the political process in Spain today is subject to negative influence of a strong confrontation between the coalition government and the opposition, and the Spanish society is split on a number of issues.

The main goal of this essay is to provide an in-depth analysis of the trajectory of the Colourful Revolution (CR) in North Macedonia as a social movement. From a more general perspective, the paper engages with the growing interest in the literature that explores the correlation between social movements and democratisation processes, especially in societies that fall into the category of hybrid regimes. The Colourful Revolution is a good example of a protest movement that has created effective regime change. It presented a complex social movement encompassing many fragmented social and political groups gathered around the idea of a common adversary. Additionally, the Colourful Revolution has one particularity: it is a social movement that has undergone a full developmental circle - formation through utilization of political opportunity frameworks, a period of activity and success and dissolution. Drawing on literature of the political process, opportunity frameworks and cycles of social movements, the paper argues that social movements such as the Colourful Revolution are not just temporary and unstable structures but are also highly dependent on the existence of a common target of the social activism in question. The removal from power of political actors that have been the reason for mobilisation of a complex and diverse network of social and political activism resulted in an absence of an adhesive factor holding together all the parts of this complex system. The absence initiated gradual discord and dissolution of different factions within the social movement (CR in this case) and reveals its true nature - temporary, ideologically diverse, conflictual, and even undemocratic in some respects.

The article analyzes the role of ethno-confessional factor in the social and political life of two Eastern Mediterranean Arab countries - Lebanon and Syria. It is emphasized that ethnic and confessional diversity in combination with cultural and civilizational specifics predetermines the peculiarities of political processes in the countries and their foreign policy orientations. The authors note the tendency of wide involvement of various ethnic and confessional groups in political processes. The authors come to the conclusion about significance of ethnic and confessional factors in the development of traditional societies in the Middle Eastern countries, including Syria and Lebanon. The ethno-confessional factor can both consolidate and mobilize society, as well as increase the potential for conflict and complicate the settlement process in multi-ethnic and multi-confessional countries of the region.

Review of the book from Linda Courtenay Boterill and Alan Fenna, Interrogating Public Policy Theory. A Political Values Perspective, New Horizons in Public Policy series, Edward Edgar Publishing Limited, 2019, 198 pp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Palestinian arena has suffered serious upheaval in recent years. The leadership in Ramallah has lost much of its legitimacy, and Hamas is not accepted by the public as a preferred alternative to the PLO and the Palestinian Authority. The path of political negotiations under Abu Mazen has failed, and the path of armed resistance led by Hamas caused much destruction and division within the Palestinian people. The PA has been declared a failure, with its leadership seen as holding onto power at all costs. Hamas, which is aware of its limitations as an alternative, demands to be part of any future leadership. The result is an unprecedented crisis that places the Palestinian national movement in a state of ideological and organizational confusion. This article analyzes the current internal Palestinian reality and explains what led the Palestinian national movement to this nadir and what has changed in its approach to the conflict. What Palestinian leadership stands to emerge next? And are we approaching the end of the agreement-oriented era that has existed since the Oslo Accords? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This paper seeks to outline the type of economic analysis which we perceive to be involved in the ideas on the ‘third way’. In the UK, the emergence and then election of “new Labour” has been closely associated with the development of the notion of the “third way”. We sketch out what we see as the analysis of a market economy which underpins the ideas of the “third way”, which is followed by some remarks on the role of the State which is also involved. We seek to illustrate our analysis by reference to the policy statements of the new Labour government in the UK.

History is the basis for the national solidarity construction. Currently, the space of historical memory is moving into digital reality, social networks, and electronic archives. It creates a new culture of audience participation and entails rethinking of individual and collective memory of the past. The article analyzes interviews of famous intellectuals about the Soviet past posted on the YouTube platform, a kind of digital analogue of the famous "Soviet kitchens". The relevance of the study is explained by the enduring value of comparisons between the Soviet past and the Russian present, as well as the growing politicization of creative professions and the general digitalization of everyday life. The traditional perception that "a poet in Russia is more than a poet" is being filled with new details of the digital age. The empirical base of the study is a corpus of interviews (n=49) published on the YouTube channels of Yu. Dud2 , K. Sobchak, I. Shikhman, and D. Bykov in 2018-2021. The interviewees were not only opposition figures, but also those who support the government, as well as some apolitical representatives of the Russian culture. The authors of the article come to the conclusion that political statements of the creative and intellectual elite set the patterns of political reality perception and influence the growth of a critical or loyalist attitude towards the authorities and (de) activation of civic consciousness. In other words, the discursive activity of agents/actors/leaders of the spiritual and cultural sphere of Russia in the context of the digitalization of public space has an increasing influence on modern political processes.

The demands of the climate movement - for rapid and profound change - are based on scientific findings and the political commitments to the Paris Agreement. The activists are, therefore, factually "right". However, being right is not enough to justify or to accelerate the practical implementation of knowledge and decisions. We explain which social factors are at work, and how the climate movement can beneft if they incorporate these factors into actions for social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The author aims to analyze the phenomenon of information interference with national political processes in the conditions of the contemporary information society and the evolution of the Internet as a space of political communications. The article shows that the digital information intervention is relevant and at the same time, a complex multidimensional phenomenon of contemporary politics. In many respects, the potential of the digital interference phenomenon is closely related to the essential features of functioning and the transformation of the contemporary Internet, which has been actively used when changing political regimes in many countries. The problem of information security and sovereignty of the present state on the Internet is becoming one of the most urgent in the conditions of the rapid development of information and communication technologies. Methods and materials. The issues identified in the article are investigated using the methods of comparative, structural-functional and normative analysis, included observation, as well as the case-study method. The method of scientific forecasting and scripting techniques has allowed to form a scenario for the effective settlement of international conflicts in the field of information security. The empirical base of the study is reports of foreign experts, official materials of state authorities of the Russian Federation and foreign countries, reports of Freedom House international organization, official speeches and statements by the heads of state on the issues outlined in the work. Analysis. Countering external information expansion is becoming one of the most critical tasks of effective political governance at the state level to preserve the sovereignty of the national political communication space, including domestic segments of the Internet. The initiatives of states to form the sovereign national segments of the Internet space are, on the one hand, an attempt to protect their political systems from external influence and invasion, to ensure their own political stability, and on the other hand, they create risks for the democratic potential of the Internet. The article substantiates the thesis that the phenomenon of interference in elections in actual practice often becomes not so much an objective process as an instrument of information warfare, mass political propaganda and discrediting political opponents, a manipulative tool that can be actively used not only by authoritarian regimes with a low level of democratic development. Results. The study shows that differences in understanding and defining the essence of the Internet by various countries give rise to a significant potential for political conflicts on a global scale. This circumstance leads the author to the conclusion that it is necessary to form international institutions capable of preventing and regulating information conflicts in the Internet space, as well as reducing global political risks (including risks associated with potential interference in the electoral process of sovereign states). The implementation of this scenario will allow forming a collective responsibility in the functioning of the global Internet.

The paper examines the conflict over the control of the integration of Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal (CT) that evolved into a constitutional crisis in October 2015 - and has extended for more than two years. It identifies issues that help understand how the Polish Democracy does not impede the erosion of constitutional democracy as the conflict has undermined the CT and the function of judicial review (JR). The article examines issues of legitimacy that emerge from the crisis; it also examines the extent to which the institutional settings condition the operation of the JR function; in particular, it looks at the role of executive actors (the Government and the President), and the role of the political/parliamentary party in bridging the separation of powers.

This study examines the political process of bureaucratic reform in Wonosobo regional government from 2011-2015. The article uses political and bureaucratic frameworks to describe the interplay of bureaucrats and politicians in the phases of bureaucratic reform. Data collection for this study employed document review and in-depth interviews with key informants. Results of the study show that the political process of bureaucratic reform mainly involved dialectical interactions between actors in the Wonosobo Regional Government and the Regional House of Representatives. The interplay of actors can then be explained through the actors’ configuration, issues that are confronted by the actors, conflicts of interest between actors, and influence tactics used by actors in managing issues and struggling for their interests. The experience of the Wonosobo regional government shows that bureaucratic reform does not only concern technical and administrative capacities in carrying out institutional arrangement, but it also involves political aspects namely visionary leadership, strong political will to conduct reform, and effective use of influential tactics to gain political supports for the reform.

The article is dedicated to the civilization basis of the political system of the Eurasian Economic Union founders, its genesis and realization on different historical stages. Special attention was paid to determining which cultural and civilizational characteristic influence on the political traditions’ similarity. The differences in political process of post-soviet countries are outlined with respect to the role of civilizational factors. In the last part one may find out about the influence of geopolitical and civilizational factors on integration process. Methodology is based on the historical and philosophical analysis via adaptation through the theory of local civilization. Generalization of local (national) civilization experience intrinsic to the founders of the Eurasian Economic Union and its impact assessment on the integration process is considered as a prime contribution. Furthermore, under the condition of strong demand for sovereignty the powerful national governance can be regarded as a formidable obstacle for deeper integration. In the long-term the formalization of ideological or civilizational basis is required and a variation of neoeurasianism is likely to play this role.

Studies of political systems and political processes in the post-Soviet states of the Central Asian region are based, as a rule, on institutional and neo-institutional concepts. Attempts to mechanically apply certain ready-made western description schemes and even the corresponding conceptual apparatus to the Central Asian material rarely lead to convincing results. Many important factors affecting the political development of the region remain beyond research. By the beginning of the 2010s institutionalization and pluralization of the political space outside state control also included the development of the necessary legislative framework. Such a framework implies the consolidation of the legal basis for the creation and effective functioning of public associations and organizations, and the formation of legitimate and viable representation institutions. Russian authors are much more familiar with the material of the political reality of the CAR, therefore they give more balanced and accurate assessments. The disadvantage of Russian studies is the fact that, methodologically, they follow the approaches developed by Western political science. This encourages one to concentrate on some aspects of the political development of the Central Asian states and to underestimate or even completely ignore other, no less, and sometimes much more significant ones. In recent years, this deficiency is gradually being replenished. The findings of the researchers are becoming more objective, which helps to overcome erroneous political decisions and strengthen interstate cooperation. Over time, such studies will have the results of the development of new systematic and well-reflected approaches, adequate to the subject of political science studies.

Mozambique has the trappings of a progressive African state: abundant gas and coal resources, expanding foreign direct investment, aid from international donors, a decade of political stability, and social welfare for her most vulnerable. However, Mozambique ranks among the least developed nations on the African continent (World Bank 2018; UNHDI 2018). This study investigated why resource-rich, democratic Mozambique is underdeveloped, aid-dependent and poor. Using survey questionnaires and semi-structured interviews, findings indicate three critical factors: Mozambique’s version of democracy, particularly the dominance of Frelimo; "Dead Aid" and state inefficiency, evidenced by weak forward and backward linkages within the economy, and escalating insecurity in Cabo Delgado. These red flags indicate deficits in Mozambique’s democratic process and shortfalls in her political economy. Affluence and democracy have become sundered during this recent history; this paper seeks causes. One main challenge to the existing deficit could be provided by the introduction of a Freedom of Information Act to strengthen radical media and civil society groups and open up Mozambique’s politics to ethical, progressive and democratic scrutiny. Urgency is required to alter the current regressive path Mozambique treads. The study’s limitation is its moderate sample size.

Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the new Central Asian independent states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan replaced the Soviet republics of Central (Sredniaia) Asia and Kazakhstan. By the time they gained independence, these countries had already developed specific mechanisms of governance: The Communist Party and state structures had relied, to a great extent, on certain regional clan principles of decision-making inherited from their distant past. The new states immediately declared that they would strive to build Western-style political systems. They elected their presidents and parliaments, set up judicial systems, yet the political elites proved unable to realize the democratic standards of the West they supported in words. Over the course of three decades, heads of state, who dominated and still remain the dominant figures in their countries and are responsible for domestic and foreign policies have replaced each other without any real competition. None of the regional states can boast of competitive presidential elections. On the other hand, even though their political development may have external similarities, there are still numerous differences rooted in their very different past, cultures and mentalities. The regional clan division, swept under the carpet during the Soviet period, was revived as an important and highly influential feature. Kazakhstan was divided into zhuzes; Kyrgyzstan is in the midst of an ongoing regional confrontation between the South and the North; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan regional clans have gradually gained a lot of political weight. This means that the leaders of all Central Asian countries had no choice but to take into account the interests of groups and clans and the ties between different tribes, which inevitably affected the principles of governance and choice of officials. The personal characteristics of leaders who came to power after the Soviet Union had left the stage and their interpretations of the ongoing processes played a huge role in regional developments, the relationships between the regional states, the regional balance of power and the political situation. Today, all the above-mentioned countries with the exception of Tajikistan, have elected new presidents either amid domestic political turmoil or through a power transit within the same group. This means that in all Central Asian countries presidential elections are not seen as an instrument of change of power but, rather, as an instrument of remaining in power. The complicated economic situation, the non-regional actors that put pressure on the local political elites and, recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, which intensified the social and economic problems, did nothing positive for the political and economic stability in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We test the importance of responsiveness, performance and corruption to explain the evolution of political trust in Spain between 1997 and 2019. To this end, the study analyses two longitudinal datasets, namely, a repeated cross-sectional dataset from the Spanish samples of Eurobarometer and an individual-level panel survey conducted during a period of economic recovery in 2015. The study finds that perceptions about political corruption and responsiveness matter greatly in shaping political trust and to a lesser extent economic performance. Although the Great Recession is likely responsible for the sharp decline in trust towards political parties and the parliament between 2008 and 2012, the analysis suggests that trust in representative institutions remains low even after the Recession because of a series of devastating corruption incidents and a perceived lack of responsiveness of the political system. On the other hand, the study finds indications that trust in the judicial system might have been mainly affected by perceptions of corruption.

Did Israel miss the (last) chance for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? With the growing debate among the Israeli public about the viability of a two-state solution, and the lack of public knowledge about the Annapolis process and how close Israel may have been to “two states for two peoples,” INSS recently published a memorandum on the Annapolis process (2007-2008). The Annapolis process saw the convergence of optimum conditions for negotiations, with a golden opportunity to reach a settlement: calm after the years of the second intifada; trust between Prime Minister Olmert and President Mahmoud Abbas; an outline for negotiations drawn up in advance with the Palestinians and the United States; the involvement of professional elements on the specific issues; a supportive international system; and more. Nonetheless, the professional and practical talks did not bring about the sought agreement. The Biden administration, which hopes to promote the two-state option, could learn from the lessons of Annapolis, if it seeks to restart the political process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]