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Social media allow politicians to circumvent the gatekeeping role of news media by providing a platform on which they can communicate directly with and to their electorates. Still, politicians share news items on their online platforms to promote themselves, criticize their opponents or to inform their following. Doing so, they signal the relevance of those news items and the outlets that published them to their online audiences, serving as secondary gatekeepers in the flow of information. In this paper, we study the ideological link between politicians and the audiences of the outlets they share on social media. Combining comparative survey data (N = 22,145) with Facebook posts (N = 21,061) by 2,142 MPs in 15 European countries, we assess whether the ideological alignment with news outlets' audiences drives politicians' online news sharing. Findings confirm that the ideological alignment between a politician and a news outlet's audience predicts the politician's sharing of news by that outlet. Moreover, this connection is stronger for radical party politicians and in media systems that are characterized by higher levels of political parallelism. The results have important implications for partisan selective exposure to news and polarization in the digital information environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper comparatively investigates variations in journalistic role performances in politicized media systems. Poland and Hungary are included in the quantitative content analysis as illustrative cases of Central and Eastern European countries featuring democratic erosion, political polarization, and media systems with a high level of political parallelism. Our study identifies whether the fall of liberal and deliberative democracy and increasing political pressure on the media have been accompanied by modifications in the manifestation of journalistic roles and, if so, what those changes have been. We employ Mellado's (2015) concept of journalistic roles by focusing on democracy-related domains, namely journalistic voice and power relations, and four roles: interventionist, watchdog, loyal facilitator, and civic. We compare data from national newspapers from two periods, namely 2012 and 2020. Despite experiencing similar changes in political context, journalists in Poland and Hungary have differed in their performance of the watchdog and civic roles. However, they have been alike in relation to the steady rise of journalistic interventionism. Surprisingly, we found no evidence of the elevation of the loyal facilitator model in newspapers. This study indicates that systemic politicization and political pressure on the media go alongside with diminishing objectivity and detachment in professional role performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how populism in power influenced news media in Ecuador during leftist president Rafael Correa's presidency (2007–2017). Correa's administration triggered a bold media reform in Ecuador challenging traditional media and promising media democratization, but his government received sharp denunciations from press freedom and media organizations which considered Ecuador as a "not free" country, especially after the passing of a Communication Law in 2013 that regulated media extensively. Through content analysis of news and opinion pieces published in 2005, 2006, 2015, 2016, and 2018 by Ecuador's main legacy newspapers, El Comercio and El Universo, different legal and political contexts are examined. The main observations suggest an increase in polarization and improvements in journalistic professionalism, two results consistent and divergent to mainstream academic approaches and public discussions about populism. This contradictory situation may be explained by the emergence of a new political parallelism, absent before Correa came to power, which combines consistent stances based on the rejection of Correa's leadership, with an improvement in professional practices, especially when Correa was in power. These results, and novel approach adopting a detailed content analysis to explore the relationship between populism and journalism in a Latin American media system, may contribute to a better understanding of the influence of populism on news media. This study calls for more comparative and longitudinal analyses in different media systems and populist experiences, focused on the connection of professional practices and political positioning, with or without populist actors in power. Plain language summary: This article investigates how populism in power influenced journalism in Ecuador during leftist president Rafael Correa's incumbency (2007–2017) in a pioneering study using content analysis to observe what happened in the country after years of a populist presidency. One of the most complex cases of the so-called Latin American Pink Tide, also represented by the governments of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, Cristina Fernandez in Argentina, or Evo Morales in Bolivia, Correa's Ecuador revolutionized the media system, amidst Correa's attacks to the "corrupt press," promises of media democratization and sharp denunciations from most press freedom and media organizations. Through analysis of news and opinion pieces, this article presents findings of how polarization and professionalization performed in Ecuador's main legacy newspapers, El Universo and El Comercio, before, during, and after Correa's era. The main observations suggest an increase in polarization and improvements in professionalization, two results consistent and divergent to mainstream academic discussions. This contradictory situation may be explained by the emergence of a new political parallelism, which combines consistent stances based on the rejection of Correa's leadership, with an improvement in professional practices, especially when Correa was in power. These results, and novel approach toward the relations between populism and news media, may contribute to a better understanding of the influence of populism on news media and to call for more comparative and longitudinal analyses in different media systems and populist experiences, focused on the connection of professional practices and political positioning, with or without influential populist actors in power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Matching national surveys with the dataset offered by the Worlds of Journalism Study network (2012–2016), this article presents an analysis of trust in the press covering 16 European countries and the United States. Drawing from the spatial proximity model of voter utility, this article focuses on the ideological proximity between journalists' and citizens' left-right positions as a determinant of trust in the press. We expect a positive relationship between these two variables. However, we also hypothesize that the strength of such relationship is mediated by the type of media model (according to Hallin and Mancini's classification) existing in the different countries. In particular, we expect a higher impact within those contexts where the level of political parallelism is higher. The statistical results are as expected. This article highlights that news media trust research should focus more thoroughly on the interaction and interrelation of news media, audience, and politics. The article brings also implications about the concept of political parallelism in journalism and how it is received by readers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to explain the current situation of the Turkish media system through the media systems approach as a case study with special attention to the concept of media capture. We propose that the Turkish media system’s shift is heavily influenced by media capture. We associate four of Hallin and Mancini’s media systems concepts related to the effects of media capture in the Turkish media system shift: rise of political parallelism, erosion of journalistic professionalism (ethics), controlling role of the state, and government-friendly ownership concentration. In explaining the shift from a pluralist polarised to captured media in Turkey, we acknowledge the potential for new, independent, and alternative media to emerge. The article also comments that the potential reason for this shift from a captured liberal to a captured media in Turkey is the climate of fear that has allowed successive governments in Turkey to attempt media capture. In general, this article attempts to provide insight into the current relationship between media and politics in Turkey.

Since its publication in 2004, Hallin and Mancini’s model has become a pioneer in understanding the dynamics of media systems in different national contexts. Many studies related to politics that identify the patterns, trends, and variations used by communication systems in different countries and historical moments follow this seminal study to evaluate the formation of public opinion and the quality of democracy. For this article, we obtained 3,455 articles published in Web of Science within the Social Sciences Citation Index using the open-source software Science Mapping Analysis Tool, which we chose as a bibliometric technique for its feasibility in providing a conceptual structure through the spatial representation and disciplinary interrelation with fields like specialization, studies, and authors. By analyzing the co-occurrence of keywords, we drew scientific maps that enable the analysis of their conceptual and social evolution over consecutive periods. The results provide up-to-date information on the state of the model and its relevance in the field of communication and policy today, its strengths, limitations and potential areas of development. The findings identify less studied areas in the field, drawing inspiration from the Mancini model. This opens up a guide for future research by identifying themes and questions through bibliometric analysis.

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Media Research / Zeszyty Prasoznawcze is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The spread of (hyper)partisan alternative media has sparked renewed scholarly interest in their political role, but the relation between these outlets and political parties has only recently received scholarly attention. This study explores this relationship using a novel design that directly compares the news agendas and source balances of two Danish alternative media to those of two national dailies, and to the political agendas of two political parties the alternative media have ties to. In total, 576 news articles and 1012 social media posts were analyzed. The study identifies four ways in which the alternative media favor the political parties but finds that the favoritism is markedly more pronounced in one of them. The case study contributes with the general theoretical insight that within the group of partisan alternative media it might be fruitful to distinguish between party-political and ideological partisanship and that alternative media can be more or less party-politically or ideologically partisan. The study concludes with a recommendation that future studies empirically investigate whether such distinctions are also relevant in other media systems as this is important for understanding the political roles different alternative media can play in the media and political systems they enter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, political communication research has scrutinized the characteristics of media systems beyond the developed world. To understand new façades in media/political connections, this article examines how the notion of parallelism unfolds in the O Estado de S. Paulo (OESP) editorials--one of the most influential Brazilian newspapers. We investigate (a) the arguments raised, (b) the policies suggested, and (c) the news companies' evaluation of the political performance of the Lula, Temer, and Bolsonaro administrations regarding pension reform approval. A content analysis of 341 editorials revealed that the OESP adopts a parallelism that strays from the literature's traditional definition. For the newspaper at stake, the contrasting ideologies underpinning the three governments matter less than their willingness--and political strength--to approve liberal economic reforms. The article reinforces its claim for de-Westernizing media research by empirically demonstrating singular dimensions of media parallelism that have not been fully explored to date. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seeking to assess the current state of international broadcasters (IBs) within the framework of public diplomacy, this paper assesses the relevance of state-sponsored IBs within the contemporary public diplomacy. This paper focuses on the IBs of two neighboring countries, Indonesia and Australia, and political authorities' dynamic support for their services. Data were obtained through desk reviews of IB policies, in-depth interviews, and online observation of the websites of Siaran Luar Negeri (SLN, Indonesia's IB) and ABC Radio Australia (RA, Australia's IB). This paper finds that both countries have continued to use IBs for their public diplomacy, yet 'political parallelism' determines the position and sustainability of each. SLN has had limited political support and faced a series of managerial crises, while RA has enjoyed the fruitful support of the Australian authorities and has been heavily involved in public diplomacy in the Asia–Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we argue that the degree of political stability is a critical element in the evolution of media systems. In our view, it is the causal mechanism allowing for the political parallelism of media systems. We argue that political stability has three main effects on media systems: it consolidates the operating principles and mechanisms of the public sphere; it gives clear and self-assumed political identities to media actors; and it allows for the establishment of predictable, long-term professional relationships within the media system as well as between journalists and their sources. To test this hypothesis, we compare Bahia and the Federal District, two Brazilian subnational units that differ essentially by the degree of political stability they experienced between 2003 and 2018. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

My main objective in this article is to examine the importance of political parallelism in Iceland through establishing the extent to which political parallelism is perceived to char-acterise political communication in Iceland by politicians and voters. Political parallelism is one of the defining elements of Hallin and Mancini's typology of media systems. Based on candidate surveys from five elections and a voter survey, indexes of perceived political parallelism are configured for politicians and voters. The analysis suggests a high degree of perceived political parallelism and that the perceptions are reflected in partisan ideological views of individual media outlets. The same – or at least similar – perceptions about political parallelism in the media system seem to penetrate the system irrespective of age and at the national, local, and individual level of politics. However, voters and candidates of social democratic and liberal internationally oriented parties perceive a significantly lower degree of parallelism than others.

During lockdown, as a consequence of the coronavirus crisis in 2020, the majority of Spanish people (70% of social media users) were exposed to a social media consumer space: news without journalistic filters, with a multitude of fake data and a systematic existence of misinformation that has had a close relationship with the perception of credibility. 1,000 surveys were conducted between March 30 and April 30, in Spain. This work describes the consumption patterns of political parties in social networking sites, describing the facts that determine to what extent Spanish people trust the news they receive. The amount of information consumed online, age and the party identification with Vox and Ciudadanos are the most relevant communicative, structural or political variables that explain the increase or decrease in the credibility of the information that Spaniards receive through these channels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media, and in recent years social media, are a space for political confrontation that generate a framework for the interpretation of democracy and affections. Their consumption directly affects citizens attitudes, reinforcing previous beliefs and building both a cognitive and emotional framing. From this viewpoint, emotions are constructed and circulate socially within the framework of political communication. The objective of this article is to investigate the extent to which and the conditions under which media and social media determine citizens' emotions towards the different political actors in Spain. To this aim, a analysis has been carried out using the Post-Election Survey for the November 2019 General Elections. As main results, it is shown that citizens who consume political information in Spain through any type of media present a more active emotional profile, with a greater presence of negative emotions than positive ones and, with a greater intensity of aversion on the internet. Moreover, the different supports have their own characteristics, highlighting the activation of enthusiasm towards left-wing parties on television and a generalization of negative emotions towards all formations and candidates on social media, especially on Twitter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the news media landscape has been characterized by two distinct patterns: a decline in newspaper circulation, and a persistent degree of ideological slant in newspapers' position. We explore a possible nexus between these two phenomena by means of a model that extends some recent developments in the empirical spatial theory of voting to the reader's choice with respect to newspapers. We assume that ideological proximity to a newspaper affects the choice made by a consumer to read it. Newspapers will then compete among themselves to maximize their respective readerships by finding an optimal placement in the ideological space. However, newspapers can also decide to target readers of a specific type. As we will show, this is a crucial step to take into consideration. We empirically apply our model to the Italian case. We show that Italian newspapers appear largely to behave as theoretically expected. However, the "ideological force" behind this conclusion must be sought in newspapers' competition with respect to that subset of readers which can be identified as regular ones. This result highlights a possible mechanism driving a persistent newspaper ideological slant in time of lower newspaper circulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politicians seem to be increasingly criticising the traditional news media for being biased. While scholars usually argue that politicians make such claims out of strategic concerns – they try to undermine the credibility of the potentially harmful media – it might as well be that they actually believe there is a bias in traditional news coverage. Though this so-called hostile media effect – the idea that news content is biased against one's own ideas or party – is often studied with citizens, it has rarely been examined among politicians. However, in this paper it is studied, drawing on a unique survey in which 183 Belgian politicians were asked to what extent they perceived different media outlets to produce (un)favourable coverage about their party. The exploration shows that politicians, in general, have the tendency to perceive the news media as slightly biased against their party. Importantly, media hostility perceptions are more outspoken among politicians from right-wing parties and among politicians in high-level functions. Interestingly, politicians' perceptions of partisan bias differ across outlets; especially the outlets that are used by non-party voters are considered to be biased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media systems where political parallelism co-exists with political clientelism have contradictory influences on journalistic practices. Journalists are encouraged to actively defend a cause and influence public opinion while expected to remain subservient to their political masters. The media studies literature has analyzed the impact of political parallelism and clientelism separately, without reflecting on the tensions that emerge when they operate together. The article examines journalism under instrumentalized political parallelism and argues that it plays out in a field defined by both horizontal and vertical conflicts. We add an elite-grassroots analytical perspective to the inter-elite tensions associated with a polarized public sphere. Political parallelism in non-democratic contexts seemingly leaves little room for journalistic agency, as the politically powerful tend to instrumentalize media outlets. However, by looking closely at the case of Lebanon, we argue that journalists are still able to act independently of and contrary to the elite's intentions. The empirical analysis shows how journalists navigate vis-à-vis the politicians by playing the relations game, exploiting internal contradictions in the system and connecting with popular grievances. The article contributes new knowledge about journalists' resilience to instrumentalization in a context of media/politics connections that is commonly found outside the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political agency of youth has been the subject of much theoretical debate within the domains of political science, youth studies, conflict studies and development studies. This paper adopts a media studies perspective to contestations about the political agency of Zimbabwean youth. Motivation for doing so derives from the recognition that modern politics is predominantly a mass-mediated politics. Relatedly, the subject of youth and politics has received extensive media coverage in Zimbabwean media. Using the critical political economy approach and qualitative frame analysis, the paper explores two purposively sampled case studies that illustrate the contestations about the political agency of Zimbabwean youth. Findings reveal that media framings of youth agency sidestep the substantive policy and public interest issues that animate and motivate young politicians. Such normatively deficient framing is attributable to the political parallelism and media polarisation that characterises Zimbabwean political discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Media Studies / Studia Medioznawcze is the property of Media Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes election coverage of the two main candidates (Jair Bolsonaro and Fernando Haddad) by the two largest television networks (TV Globo and TV Record) during the 2018 presidential election in Brazil. The study is based on a content analysis of 27 days of coverage by the newscasts Jornal Nacional and Jornal da Record, in the first and second rounds. The main hypothesis is that news coverage by the two networks would uncover evidence of a new form of political parallelism in Brazil, characterized by a stronger alignment between TV Record and candidate Jair Bolsonaro. The results present evidence of a pro- Bolsonaro bias in Jornal da Record, even though the differences between the two TV networks are not significant in the second round of the election. Concludes that the 2018 presidential election expresses a deeper hegemonic crisis, characterized by important shifts in the role historically played by TV Globo in Brazilian politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of whether and how political parallelism could play a role in the agendadynamics between media and politics is relevant. Yet, this issue has been exploredonly rarely and the findings are unclear. Using Italy as an illustration, this studyinvestigates the interactions between parallel media and the political agenda between2006 and 2011. Based on the analysis of a longitudinal dataset, this investigation aimsto assess whether and to what extent parallel media coverage may have affected thepolitical agenda concerning two policy issues: (i) reform of the labor market and (ii) theaccess of regular migrants to Italian citizenship. Specifically, the media's attention tothese two policy issues will be analyzed based on the parliamentary questions (PQs)addressed by members of Parliament (MPs). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the media systems in transitional countries of the Middle East and North Africa, political parallelism has become a widespread feature that has both promoted and undermined the transition to democracy. Political parallelism refers to structural ties between media organizations and political actors that often result in biased reporting. This article examines how political parallelism is shaping Libya's newly liberated media system. Based on an analysis of ownership structures, financial sources, and political affiliations of all media outlets currently operating in this fractured country, we show that the structures of the Libyan media system indeed reflect the anatomy of political conflict. At the same time, the analysis sheds light on a large number of local radio stations that do not follow the pattern of political parallelism, but instead refrain consciously from taking political sides. We conclude that this kind of media, if invigorated and developed, could help overcome Libyan polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has revealed a prominent 'political parallelism' phenomenon in the coverage of Islam and Muslims. The studies have evidenced that the coverage of Islam and Muslims is widely influenced by the ideological leanings of the newspapers. This paper is set to explore whether the ideological differences of the Australian newspapers are reflected in the coverage of Islam and Muslims during January 1, 2016, to March 31, 2017. Employing Van Dijk's (1998) ideological square and lexicalization approaches within the CDA paradigm, this study examined editorials from two leading Australian newspapers. The findings have validated the existence of the 'political parallelism' discourse in the editorial contents of the selected newspapers representing Islam and Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical studies investigating political parallelism in news coverage mostly look at the frequency and evaluation of party actors, though political parallelism is not only tied to parties but also to broader political ideologies. By contrast, this study examines country differences in political parallelism focusing on the alignment of media's issue interpretations with political ideologies. Based on a content analysis of 7256 statements in 961 articles about the Euro crisis in German and Spanish online newspapers, issue frames were identified in a data-driven approach before examining how the argumentative structure of these frames referred to ideologies. Results show that ideology-guided framing is present in nearly half of all articles. But Spanish media more often used frames corresponding to their political alignment than their German counterparts indicating stronger political parallelism in the Mediterranean Model. Thus, the results support the revision of the Hallin/Mancini Model of media systems proposed by Brüggemann et al. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos em Comunicação is the property of Labcom / Universidade da Beira Interior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Media biases may caused by various factors. One of them is called political parallelism. Political parallelism weakens the roles of media in democratic process by becoming overly one-sided leading to low quality of news news quality. The aim of this article is to investigate the presence and effect of media political parallelism on election news during the 2014 legislative and presidential elections in Indonesia, using content analysis on news items from four print media outlets. The findings show that media with certain political parallelism display high favorability in coverage of its own affiliations.

This article investigates whether agenda-setting relations between newspapers and political parties are influenced by political parallelism. Our case is the Netherlands, a country characterized by high levels of journalistic professionalization and independent media. We focus on newspaper coverage and oral parliamentary questions and use time series analysis to inspect influence both of parliament on newspapers and of newspapers on parliament. The results show that parties respond only to issues raised in newspapers their voters read, and that newspapers only respond to the agenda of parties their readers vote for. This demonstrates that even in mediatized, professionalized media contexts, parallelism is still of importance to understand the relationship between media and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public service broadcasting is the terrain par excellence within today’s media systems on which political power and media logic interact and overlap. This study will argue that public service broadcasting politicization arising in certain democratic regimes cannot be effectively explained if attention is uncritically paid to the same theoretical grounds upon which media scholars rely to study the corresponding phenomenon in the West. By relying on content and legal analysis of the proceedings concerning five terrestrial channels by the Broadcasting Complaint Commission of South Africa between 1994 and 2014, and on three interviews with civil society representatives, the article will discuss the concept of entrenched politicization as a more proper analytical tool to assess subtler forms of media politicization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]